Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2210468
Dana Masad
ABSTRACT The term “Military Ethical Washing” 1 is used to describe ways in which military ethics clears military organizations from moral responsibility for their actions in a post-national liberal militarism era. Film and television, now even more than in the past, serve as agents of ethics in general, and of military ethics in particular. Using the terms of the “Just War Theory,” the study shows how through processes of De-Politicization and Dis-militarization enhanced by fictional audio-visual narrative representations, narrative films and television dramas express the ethical-liberal turning point of our times, while at the same time using it to ratify national militarism. The process of “Military Ethical Washing” is illustrated in the paper in the Israeli context through cinematic and televised representations of internal targeted assassinations that took place during the constitutive national period of the struggle for Israel’s independence – a case study having critical potential for discussing current military practices and ethical issues being dealt with by the Israeli military, but also relevant to other cases.
{"title":"“Military Ethic Washing” - De-Politicization and Dis-Militarization in Representations of Internal Targeted Killings in Israeli Narrative Films and Television Drama","authors":"Dana Masad","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2210468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2210468","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The term “Military Ethical Washing” 1 is used to describe ways in which military ethics clears military organizations from moral responsibility for their actions in a post-national liberal militarism era. Film and television, now even more than in the past, serve as agents of ethics in general, and of military ethics in particular. Using the terms of the “Just War Theory,” the study shows how through processes of De-Politicization and Dis-militarization enhanced by fictional audio-visual narrative representations, narrative films and television dramas express the ethical-liberal turning point of our times, while at the same time using it to ratify national militarism. The process of “Military Ethical Washing” is illustrated in the paper in the Israeli context through cinematic and televised representations of internal targeted assassinations that took place during the constitutive national period of the struggle for Israel’s independence – a case study having critical potential for discussing current military practices and ethical issues being dealt with by the Israeli military, but also relevant to other cases.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"235 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123073375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2210472
Tsuriel Rashi, R. Schleifer
ABSTRACT The start of the twenty-first century saw many changes in the way war was being conducted. Alongside war at sea, in the air, and on land, there is now psychological warfare (referred to as psywar), which has proven to be an extremely powerful military dimension. The power of psychological warfare is a result of the revolution in information and communication in the first years of the current century: the Internet, instant global communications, smartphones, and social media. All these channels have become arenas for warfare and powerful influencers on leaders, militaries, and entire populations. Historically, democracies have been reticent about employing psychological warfare for a number of reasons, but in recent years, they have been unable to ignore its existence and have increasingly been making use of it. However, in contrast with other forms of warfare for which there are international ethical rules, there is no ethical regulation of psychological warfare. This article assesses the challenges and dilemmas facing democratic countries in their use of psychological warfare and for the first time offers proposals for ethical rules toward that end by way of an Israeli test case: the long-term use of psychological warfare by the Israel Defense Forces.
{"title":"The Ethics of Psychological Warfare – Lessons from Israel","authors":"Tsuriel Rashi, R. Schleifer","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2210472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2210472","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The start of the twenty-first century saw many changes in the way war was being conducted. Alongside war at sea, in the air, and on land, there is now psychological warfare (referred to as psywar), which has proven to be an extremely powerful military dimension. The power of psychological warfare is a result of the revolution in information and communication in the first years of the current century: the Internet, instant global communications, smartphones, and social media. All these channels have become arenas for warfare and powerful influencers on leaders, militaries, and entire populations. Historically, democracies have been reticent about employing psychological warfare for a number of reasons, but in recent years, they have been unable to ignore its existence and have increasingly been making use of it. However, in contrast with other forms of warfare for which there are international ethical rules, there is no ethical regulation of psychological warfare. This article assesses the challenges and dilemmas facing democratic countries in their use of psychological warfare and for the first time offers proposals for ethical rules toward that end by way of an Israeli test case: the long-term use of psychological warfare by the Israel Defense Forces.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116963758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2210469
Akiva Bigman, Udi Lebel
ABSTRACT Modern case studies are presented to show how the idea of war in Western societies is legitimized through an ethical script by which war and warfare result in few losses to both sides. A Post-War Ethical Discourse model is used to describe the prevalent postwar condition of casualty aversion, by which modern leaderships attempt to convince the public of the need to justify the idea of military empowerment and to legitimize the idea of war, through technological revolutions and doctrines aimed at assuring that the next war will be more precise and more ethical, distancing soldiers from the battle field and thereby resulting in less casualties to both sides. The paper illustrates this condition by analyzing events that took place after World War 1, World War 2 and the Vietnam War, as well as an Israeli case study.
{"title":"‘Dying Was Never a Preference’ – Post-War Ethical Discourse (PWED): Casualty Aversion and the War Legitimizing Projects","authors":"Akiva Bigman, Udi Lebel","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2210469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2210469","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Modern case studies are presented to show how the idea of war in Western societies is legitimized through an ethical script by which war and warfare result in few losses to both sides. A Post-War Ethical Discourse model is used to describe the prevalent postwar condition of casualty aversion, by which modern leaderships attempt to convince the public of the need to justify the idea of military empowerment and to legitimize the idea of war, through technological revolutions and doctrines aimed at assuring that the next war will be more precise and more ethical, distancing soldiers from the battle field and thereby resulting in less casualties to both sides. The paper illustrates this condition by analyzing events that took place after World War 1, World War 2 and the Vietnam War, as well as an Israeli case study.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114253890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2210467
Tzippi Gushpantz
ABSTRACT Involvement of senior commanders in bribery and sex scandals and deviations from ethical values and norms in operational units raises questions regarding the effectiveness of the learning mechanisms of ethics education in military colleges. The digression of those who are supposed to be role models from the professional and ethical point of view led to a series of studies on the subject. The review reveals that despite the establishment of an educational framework, there is still a lack of a clear strategy for the management of ethics education. The studies are mainly based on memorization and compliance with rules, and the methods do not properly develop critical thinking, nor do they impart applied knowledge on how to design an ethical organizational culture. The existing evaluation processes do not measure the effectiveness of the ethical programs on changing the ethical climate in the units. Addressing the gap between what is declared and what is done in practice requires a paradigm shift in ethics education and the initiation of an extensive strategic move to examine basic assumptions, goals and learning mechanisms. An outline for operative steps presented at the end of the article may help to lead the change.
{"title":"Between Ethics [Education] and Practices","authors":"Tzippi Gushpantz","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2210467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2210467","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Involvement of senior commanders in bribery and sex scandals and deviations from ethical values and norms in operational units raises questions regarding the effectiveness of the learning mechanisms of ethics education in military colleges. The digression of those who are supposed to be role models from the professional and ethical point of view led to a series of studies on the subject. The review reveals that despite the establishment of an educational framework, there is still a lack of a clear strategy for the management of ethics education. The studies are mainly based on memorization and compliance with rules, and the methods do not properly develop critical thinking, nor do they impart applied knowledge on how to design an ethical organizational culture. The existing evaluation processes do not measure the effectiveness of the ethical programs on changing the ethical climate in the units. Addressing the gap between what is declared and what is done in practice requires a paradigm shift in ethics education and the initiation of an extensive strategic move to examine basic assumptions, goals and learning mechanisms. An outline for operative steps presented at the end of the article may help to lead the change.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124596123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2210471
S. Ben-Asher, Israel Sorek, Eldad Shidlovsky
ABSTRACT Standardization is a mechanism used to create uniformity and express the equal status of citizens facing governmental institutions. However, when standardization in various life aspects ignores fundamental differences between groups and individuals, it might increase inequality, compromise justice, and create explicit or implicit discrimination. This study exposes the mistake of identifying standardization with equality by looking at a specific and complex human situation. The linkage between standards and justice will be examined through three angles: philosophical, economic, and social. As a case study we will examine the case of Bedouin IDF widows. This group of women suffers from the uniformity of rights granted to widows of IDF (Israeli Defense Forces) soldiers, since the benefits included within these rights are not suitable to their lifestyle. We will demonstrate how culture-insensitive standards distort distributive justice and prevent certain groups, usually marginal and excluded ones, from accessing the resources and benefits to which they are entitled. We will claim that only a policy that considers personal, social, and cultural needs will enable true democratic equality, as opposed to technical, bureaucratic uniformity; and that only considering the two sides of the standardization coin will lead to genuine equity, which recognizes diversity and acknowledges its social value.
{"title":"Standardization of National Bereavement Rights Compromises Minorities’ Civic Equality","authors":"S. Ben-Asher, Israel Sorek, Eldad Shidlovsky","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2210471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2210471","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Standardization is a mechanism used to create uniformity and express the equal status of citizens facing governmental institutions. However, when standardization in various life aspects ignores fundamental differences between groups and individuals, it might increase inequality, compromise justice, and create explicit or implicit discrimination. This study exposes the mistake of identifying standardization with equality by looking at a specific and complex human situation. The linkage between standards and justice will be examined through three angles: philosophical, economic, and social. As a case study we will examine the case of Bedouin IDF widows. This group of women suffers from the uniformity of rights granted to widows of IDF (Israeli Defense Forces) soldiers, since the benefits included within these rights are not suitable to their lifestyle. We will demonstrate how culture-insensitive standards distort distributive justice and prevent certain groups, usually marginal and excluded ones, from accessing the resources and benefits to which they are entitled. We will claim that only a policy that considers personal, social, and cultural needs will enable true democratic equality, as opposed to technical, bureaucratic uniformity; and that only considering the two sides of the standardization coin will lead to genuine equity, which recognizes diversity and acknowledges its social value.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125789841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2178422
Bünyamin Fuat Yıldız, A. Alola, Wing-Keung Wong
{"title":"Socioeconomic Development Aspects of Democratic Governance across Selected Countries","authors":"Bünyamin Fuat Yıldız, A. Alola, Wing-Keung Wong","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2178422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2178422","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131164805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-17DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2023.2164924
J. Ojo, S. Oyewole, Folahanmi Aina
ABSTRACT Nigeria has confronted several security conundrums in recent years, including armed banditry, which poses a severe threat to the north-west and the entire nation. North-west Nigeria has been hit by an unprecedented wave of kidnappings, maiming, killings, population displacements, cattle rustling, and disruption of socio-economic activities due to the rise of armed bandits in the region. These events have created a climate of uncertainty that has become a cause for concern for the government and the citizenry. Relying on secondary sources of data, this article examines the causes, manifestations, and dimensions of armed banditry in north-west Nigeria, and its security implications. It provides a survey of both the visible and less-visible actors in the conflict. The article argues that armed banditry in the north-west and other parts of Nigeria transcends pastoralist insurgency, as evident in the dominant narratives, considering the multiplicity of complexly connected causal factors, actors, manifestations, and dimensions that are present in the threats posed by this development. The article also shows the negative impacts of armed banditry on human and national security in the region.
{"title":"Forces of Terror: Armed Banditry and Insecurity in North-west Nigeria","authors":"J. Ojo, S. Oyewole, Folahanmi Aina","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2023.2164924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2023.2164924","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Nigeria has confronted several security conundrums in recent years, including armed banditry, which poses a severe threat to the north-west and the entire nation. North-west Nigeria has been hit by an unprecedented wave of kidnappings, maiming, killings, population displacements, cattle rustling, and disruption of socio-economic activities due to the rise of armed bandits in the region. These events have created a climate of uncertainty that has become a cause for concern for the government and the citizenry. Relying on secondary sources of data, this article examines the causes, manifestations, and dimensions of armed banditry in north-west Nigeria, and its security implications. It provides a survey of both the visible and less-visible actors in the conflict. The article argues that armed banditry in the north-west and other parts of Nigeria transcends pastoralist insurgency, as evident in the dominant narratives, considering the multiplicity of complexly connected causal factors, actors, manifestations, and dimensions that are present in the threats posed by this development. The article also shows the negative impacts of armed banditry on human and national security in the region.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130487006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-28DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2136651
C. Macaulay
ABSTRACT While previous studies of natural resources and territorial conflict have explored the role that specific resources play in conflict, few have examined the topic of natural resources more broadly and in great depth. This paper generates hypotheses regarding natural resource type, theorizing that the particular characteristic of resource renewability impacts conflict behavior over associated territory. Further, the role of economic development is considered. Utilizing the latest version of the Issue Correlates of War and Correlates of War datasets, these hypotheses are empirically tested. The results demonstrate the importance of renewability and the consistency of findings regarding resources and low-level conflict. Natural resources are found to, in general, discourage more severe forms of conflict, with important caveats. Less developed states are found to play an important role in driving more severe forms of conflict, as are disputes over sea related and oil resources. The paper concludes by outlining the implications for policymakers and scholars studying the topic of territorial conflict.
{"title":"Natural Resource Renewability, Development, and Territorial Conflict","authors":"C. Macaulay","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2136651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2136651","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While previous studies of natural resources and territorial conflict have explored the role that specific resources play in conflict, few have examined the topic of natural resources more broadly and in great depth. This paper generates hypotheses regarding natural resource type, theorizing that the particular characteristic of resource renewability impacts conflict behavior over associated territory. Further, the role of economic development is considered. Utilizing the latest version of the Issue Correlates of War and Correlates of War datasets, these hypotheses are empirically tested. The results demonstrate the importance of renewability and the consistency of findings regarding resources and low-level conflict. Natural resources are found to, in general, discourage more severe forms of conflict, with important caveats. Less developed states are found to play an important role in driving more severe forms of conflict, as are disputes over sea related and oil resources. The paper concludes by outlining the implications for policymakers and scholars studying the topic of territorial conflict.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127987738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2085092
Erik Plänitz
ABSTRACT One of the most devastating floods in Accra was succeeded by days of severe riots. Vandalizing citizens of the marginalized and informal community Old Fadama were stopped with tear gas fired by security forces. Previous attempts to explain disorder that are mainly based on the existence of objective inequality fall short to understand these events. Furthermore, theories on social movements in Africa largely fail to explain motivation and mobilization dynamics of spontaneous, small-scale communal disorder. This article studies these dynamics and examines how and why inequality in disaster response can spark communal disorder. Based on new survey data and geo-referenced Afrobarometer information, the paper argues that communal organization and moral obligations are key factors for the onset of political action and outplay the presence of perceived inequality. Disorder in Accra broke out in the neighborhood with a higher degree of communal organization and personal readiness, but fewer feelings of disaster-related inequality.
{"title":"The Individuals Take on Political Action – The Role of Perceived Inequality and Mobilization in the Onset of Post-disaster Disorder in Accra","authors":"Erik Plänitz","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2085092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2085092","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One of the most devastating floods in Accra was succeeded by days of severe riots. Vandalizing citizens of the marginalized and informal community Old Fadama were stopped with tear gas fired by security forces. Previous attempts to explain disorder that are mainly based on the existence of objective inequality fall short to understand these events. Furthermore, theories on social movements in Africa largely fail to explain motivation and mobilization dynamics of spontaneous, small-scale communal disorder. This article studies these dynamics and examines how and why inequality in disaster response can spark communal disorder. Based on new survey data and geo-referenced Afrobarometer information, the paper argues that communal organization and moral obligations are key factors for the onset of political action and outplay the presence of perceived inequality. Disorder in Accra broke out in the neighborhood with a higher degree of communal organization and personal readiness, but fewer feelings of disaster-related inequality.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132990435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-12DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2111303
J. Doomen
ABSTRACT The meaning of “laïcité” has gradually changed from the principle that the state should abstain from interfering in citizens’ lives with respect to religious matters to the idea that citizens themselves have an obligation to desist from publicly manifesting themselves religiously. French citizens were first forbidden to display religious symbols or apparel in public schools; this restriction was subsequently extended to the public space. Most citizens are not affected by the restrictions, but they are a disproportional burden for Muslim women who consider wearing a full veil a religious obligation. Ironically, the obligation imposed on every citizen to accept the “choice of society” is based on values that may be qualified as religious. Laïcité is, then, an inconsistent idea, apparently banning religions from the public space while imposing alternative religious ideas. It cannot serve as the basis for disallowing wearing a full veil in public.
{"title":"Laïcité: Ousting Some Religious Elements while Introducing Others","authors":"J. Doomen","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2111303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2111303","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The meaning of “laïcité” has gradually changed from the principle that the state should abstain from interfering in citizens’ lives with respect to religious matters to the idea that citizens themselves have an obligation to desist from publicly manifesting themselves religiously. French citizens were first forbidden to display religious symbols or apparel in public schools; this restriction was subsequently extended to the public space. Most citizens are not affected by the restrictions, but they are a disproportional burden for Muslim women who consider wearing a full veil a religious obligation. Ironically, the obligation imposed on every citizen to accept the “choice of society” is based on values that may be qualified as religious. Laïcité is, then, an inconsistent idea, apparently banning religions from the public space while imposing alternative religious ideas. It cannot serve as the basis for disallowing wearing a full veil in public.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131898229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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