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Can Addressing Integrity Concerns about Mail Balloting Increase Turnout? Results from a Large-Scale Field Experiment in the 2020 Presidential Election 解决邮件投票的诚信问题能否提高投票率?2020年总统选举的大规模实地实验结果
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.31
Daniel R. Biggers, Elizabeth Mitchell Elder, Seth J. Hill, Thad Kousser, Gabriel S. Lenz, Mackenzie Lockhart
Abstract The 2020 presidential election brought expanded vote-by-mail opportunities, a rise in attacks on this process’s integrity, and the implementation of novel programs such as California’s Where’s My Ballot? system to ensure confidence in mail balloting. Can heightening awareness of this ballot-tracking system and other election protections alleviate fraud concerns and raise turnout? We assess whether messages reinforcing election integrity increased participation in the 2020 election through a large-scale voter mobilization field experiment. California registrants were mailed a letter that described either existing safeguards to prevent vote-by-mail fraud or the ability to track one’s ballot and ensure that it was counted. Analysis of state voter records reveals that neither message increased turnout over a simple election reminder or even no contact, even among subgroups where larger effects might be expected. In the context of a high-profile, high-turnout presidential election, assurances about ballot and electoral integrity did not increase turnout.
摘要2020年的总统选举扩大了邮寄投票的机会,对这一过程完整性的攻击增加,并实施了加利福尼亚州的“我的选票在哪里?”?确保邮寄投票信心的系统。提高对这种选票跟踪系统和其他选举保护措施的认识能缓解人们对舞弊的担忧并提高投票率吗?我们通过大规模的选民动员实地实验,评估加强选举诚信的信息是否增加了对2020年选举的参与。加利福尼亚州的登记者收到了一封信,信中描述了防止邮寄投票欺诈的现有保障措施,或者跟踪选票并确保其被计算在内的能力。对州选民记录的分析显示,这两条信息都没有通过简单的选举提醒甚至没有联系来增加投票率,即使在可能产生更大影响的亚群体中也是如此。在高调、高投票率的总统选举背景下,对选票和选举完整性的保证并没有增加投票率。
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引用次数: 0
Ought It Audit? Information, Values, and Public Support for the Internal Revenue Service 它应该审计吗?美国国税局的信息、价值观和公众支持
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.26
Ian G. Anson, John V. Kane
Abstract In democracies, policy ambitions hinge upon governments’ ability to collect tax revenue from their citizens. Ongoing funding cuts at the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) undermine the US government’s ability to fulfill this function. Yet, despite its central importance, funding for IRS enforcement activities has received scant scholarly attention, limiting our understanding of the factors that underlie public attitudes on this issue. In this article, we report the results of preregistered experiments that test whether citizens’ attitudes regarding the IRS can be shaped by framing efforts. Specifically, we test both information-based and value-consistent frames that invoke partisans’ core ideological concerns. Results show that these frames significantly increase public support for the IRS, as well as citizens’ willingness to learn more and become politically active. Thus, to ensure state capacity, information about the consequences of IRS underfunding and appeals to partisans’ ideological concerns can be implemented to increase support for tax collection.
在民主国家,政策野心取决于政府向公民征收税收的能力。美国国税局(IRS)持续的资金削减削弱了美国政府履行这一职能的能力。然而,尽管它具有核心重要性,但为国税局执法活动提供资金却很少受到学术关注,这限制了我们对公众对这一问题态度的潜在因素的理解。在本文中,我们报告了预注册实验的结果,这些实验测试了公民对国税局的态度是否可以通过框架努力来塑造。具体来说,我们测试了基于信息和价值一致的框架,这些框架唤起了党派的核心意识形态关注。结果表明,这些框架显著增加了公众对国税局的支持,以及公民学习更多知识和积极参与政治的意愿。因此,为了确保国家能力,可以实施有关国税局资金不足后果的信息,并呼吁党派意识形态关注,以增加对税收的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Childcare, Work, and Household Labor During a Pandemic: Evidence on Parents’ Preferences in the United States 流行病期间的育儿、工作和家务劳动:美国父母偏好的证据
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.24
Annabelle Hutchinson, Sarah Khan, Hilary Matfess
By exacerbating a pre-existing crisis of childcare in the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic forced many parents to renegotiate household arrangements. What shapes parents’ preferences over different arrangements? In an online conjoint experiment, we assess how childcare availability, work status and earnings, and the intra-household division of labor shape heterosexual American parents’ preferences over different situations. We find that while mothers and fathers equally value outside options for childcare, the lack of such options – a significant feature of the pandemic – does not significantly change their evaluations of other features of household arrangements. Parents’ preferences over employment, earnings, and how to divide up household labor exhibit gendered patterns, which persist regardless of childcare availability. By illustrating the micro-foundations of household decision-making under constraints, our findings help to make sense of women’s retrenchment from the labor market during the pandemic: a pattern which may have long-term economic and political consequences.
COVID-19大流行加剧了美国已有的儿童保育危机,迫使许多父母重新协商家庭安排。是什么影响了父母对不同安排的偏好?在一项在线联合实验中,我们评估了托儿服务的可获得性、工作状态和收入以及家庭内部劳动分工如何影响异性恋美国父母在不同情况下的偏好。我们发现,虽然母亲和父亲同样重视照料儿童的外部选择,但缺乏这种选择——这是大流行病的一个重要特征——并没有显著改变他们对家庭安排其他特征的评价。父母对就业、收入和如何分配家务劳动的偏好表现出性别模式,无论是否有儿童保育,这种模式都会持续存在。通过说明制约下家庭决策的微观基础,我们的研究结果有助于理解大流行期间妇女退出劳动力市场的情况:这种模式可能会产生长期的经济和政治后果。
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引用次数: 1
The Civic Option? Using Experiments to Estimate the Effects of Consuming Information in Local Elections 公民选择?利用实验估计地方选举中信息消费的效果
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.19
Cheryl Boudreau, Christopher S. Elmendorf, Scott A. Mackenzie
Abstract Political parties and civic organizations disseminate information to improve citizen decision making in local elections. Do citizens choose to consume such information and, if so, how does it affect their decisions? We conduct a survey experiment during a real-world local election that randomly assigns 1) political party endorsements, 2) a voter guide, 3) no information, or 4) a choice among these options. Respondents assigned to receive party endorsements and a voter guide are more likely than respondents receiving no information to choose candidates who share their policy views. When given a choice, a majority opts to receive information (including many with low levels of political interest), with most respondents preferring a voter guide. Using an instrumental variable approach, we show that the effect of information on those who choose to receive it is substantial. These results offer hope that voter education efforts can succeed despite widespread political disinterest.
摘要政党和民间组织传播信息,以改善公民在地方选举中的决策。公民是否选择消费此类信息?如果是,这将如何影响他们的决策?我们在现实世界的地方选举中进行了一项调查实验,随机分配1)政党支持,2)选民指南,3)没有信息,或4)在这些选项中进行选择。被指派接受政党支持和选民指南的受访者比没有收到信息的受访者更有可能选择与他们政策观点相同的候选人。当有选择时,大多数人选择接收信息(包括许多政治兴趣较低的人),大多数受访者更喜欢选民指南。使用工具变量方法,我们表明信息对那些选择接受信息的人的影响是巨大的。这些结果为选民教育工作带来了希望,尽管人们普遍对政治不感兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Partisanship Unmasked? The Role of Politics and Social Norms in COVID-19 Mask-Wearing Behavior 党派之争揭露了吗?政治和社会规范在COVID-19口罩佩戴行为中的作用
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.20
John M. Carey, B. Nyhan, Joseph B. Phillips, Jason Reifler
Abstract Public health officials have faced resistance in their efforts to promote mask-wearing to counter the spread of COVID-19. One approach to promoting behavior change is to alert people to the fact that a behavior is common (a descriptive norm). However, partisan differences in pandemic mitigation behavior mean that Americans may be especially (in)sensitive to information about behavioral norms depending on the party affiliation of the group in question. In July–August 2020, we tested the effects of providing information to respondents about how many Americans, co-partisans, or out-partisans report wearing masks regularly on both mask-wearing intentions and on the perceived effectiveness of masks. Learning that a majority of Americans report wearing masks regularly increases mask-wearing intentions and perceived effectiveness, though the effects of this information are not distinguishable from other treatments.
公共卫生官员在推广戴口罩以应对COVID-19传播的努力中遇到了阻力。促进行为改变的一种方法是提醒人们行为是普遍的(描述性规范)。然而,大流行缓解行为的党派差异意味着美国人可能对有关行为规范的信息特别敏感,这取决于相关群体的党派关系。在2020年7月至8月期间,我们测试了向受访者提供有关有多少美国人、共同党派或党派外的人报告经常戴口罩的信息对戴口罩意图和口罩的感知有效性的影响。了解到大多数美国人报告经常戴口罩会增加戴口罩的意愿和感知效果,尽管这一信息的效果与其他治疗方法没有区别。
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引用次数: 1
Taking the Cloth: Social Norms and Elite Cues Increase Support for Masks among White Evangelical Americans 披荆斩棘:社会规范和精英暗示增加了美国白人福音派对口罩的支持
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.22
Claire L. Adida, Christina Cottiero, L. Falabella, Isabel Gotti, ShahBano Ijaz, G. Phillips, Michael F. Seese
Abstract During the COVID-19 pandemic, the CDC and the WHO have recommended face masks as key to reducing viral transmission. Yet, in the USA, as the first wave erupted in the Summer of 2020, one-fifth of individuals said they wore masks at most “some of the time”, and a majority said that people in their community wore masks at most “some of the time”. What strategies most effectively encourage compliance with this critical COVID-19 prevention measure? Relying on social identity theory, we experimentally assess two possible mechanisms of compliance, elite endorsement, and social norms, among a representative sample of white US-born Evangelicals, a group that has shown resistance to prevention measures. We find evidence for both mechanisms, but social norms play a remarkably important role – increasing support for mask-wearing by 6% with spillover effects on other prevention guidelines. Our findings confirm the role that appeals to norms and elite endorsements play in shaping individual behavior and offer lessons for public health messaging.
摘要在新冠肺炎大流行期间,美国疾病控制与预防中心和世界卫生组织建议将口罩作为减少病毒传播的关键。然而,在美国,随着2020年夏天第一波疫情的爆发,五分之一的人表示他们在“某些时候”最多戴口罩,大多数人表示他们所在社区的人在“某些时间”最多戴戴口罩。哪些策略最有效地鼓励遵守这一关键的新冠肺炎预防措施?基于社会认同理论,我们在美国出生的白人福音派代表性样本中,通过实验评估了两种可能的顺从机制,即精英认可和社会规范,这一群体对预防措施表现出了抵制。我们发现了这两种机制的证据,但社会规范发挥着非常重要的作用——对戴口罩的支持增加了6%,并对其他预防指南产生了溢出效应。我们的研究结果证实了呼吁规范和精英背书在塑造个人行为方面所起的作用,并为公共卫生信息传递提供了经验教训。
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引用次数: 1
“The Generalizability of Online Experiments Conducted During The COVID-19 Pandemic” – CORRIGENDUM “COVID-19大流行期间进行的在线实验的普遍性”-勘误表
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.23
K. Peyton, G. Huber, A. Coppock
In the course of running computational reproducibility checks for Peyton, Huber and Coppock (2021), the Yale ISPS Data Archive identified mistakes concerning the number of statistically significant differences reported for comparisons made between pre-COVID experiments and our replications. These mistakes arose because of errors in the code used to adjust p-values for multiple comparisons, leading to inconsistent reporting of the number of significant differences before and after adjustment. Correcting these mistakes affects Figures 2-3 and the first paragraph on p. 6 in the published article. All point estimates, standard errors, and substantive conclusions are unchanged. In Figure 1, we present the original version of Figure 2 from Peyton, Huber and Coppock (2021) in the top panel (1a) and the correction in the bottom panel (1b). Figure 2 likewise shows the original version of Figure 3 in the top panel (2a) and the correction in the bottom panel (2b). The text on p. 6 of Peyton, Huber and Coppock (2021) reads:
在对Peyton、Huber和Coppock(2021)进行计算再现性检查的过程中,耶鲁大学ISPS数据档案馆发现了关于新冠肺炎前实验和我们的复制之间的比较所报告的统计显著差异数量的错误。出现这些错误是因为用于调整多次比较的p值的代码中存在错误,导致调整前后显著差异数量的报告不一致。纠正这些错误会影响图2-3和已发表文章第6页的第一段。所有的点估计、标准误差和实质性结论都没有变化。在图1中,我们在顶部面板(1a)中展示了Peyton、Huber和Coppock(2021)对图2的原始版本,并在底部面板(1b)中进行了更正。图2同样在顶部面板(2a)中显示了图3的原始版本,在底部面板(2b)中显示校正。Peyton、Huber和Coppock(2021)第6页的文本如下:
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引用次数: 2
Moderator Placement in Survey Experiments: Racial Resentment and the “Welfare” versus “Assistance to the Poor” Question Wording Experiment 调查实验中的主持人安置:种族怨恨与“福利”与“扶贫”问题措辞实验
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.18
B. Albertson, S. Jessee
Abstract Researchers face difficult decisions about whether to ask potential moderators before or after a survey experiment. Competing concerns exist about priming respondents before the experiment and about introducing post-treatment bias. We replicate the classic “welfare” versus “assistance to the poor” survey experiment, randomly assigning respondents to be asked a battery of racial resentment questions either before or after the question wording experiment. We find little evidence that the question wording effect is different between those who are asked about racial resentment before versus after the experiment. Furthermore, we find little evidence that measured racial resentment is affected by this ordering or by the question wording treatment itself.
摘要研究人员面临着在调查实验之前还是之后询问潜在调节者的艰难决定。关于在实验前启动受访者和引入治疗后偏见,存在着相互竞争的担忧。我们复制了经典的“福利”与“援助穷人”调查实验,随机分配受访者在问题措辞实验之前或之后被问到一系列种族怨恨问题。我们几乎没有发现证据表明,在实验前后被问及种族仇恨的人之间,问题措辞的效果是不同的。此外,我们几乎没有发现任何证据表明,衡量种族仇恨受到这种命令或问题措辞处理本身的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Large-Scale Evidence for the Effectiveness of Partisan GOTV Robo Calls 党派GOTV机器人呼叫有效性的大规模证据
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.16
Daniel T. Kling, Thomas Stratmann
Abstract We document the effectiveness of automated (robo) calls for increasing voter participation in contrast to most published research which finds little or no effect from automated calls. We establish this finding in a large field experiment which mimics campaign behavior with a targeted, partisan get-out-the-vote campaign. Our findings show that across all treatments, automated calls led to three additional votes for every thousand subjects called during the 2014 midterm general election. Additionally, our experimental design allows for testing how the number of calls in a treatment, that is dosage, affects voter turnout. Here, results show that three extra calls increase the treatment effect to seven additional votes per thousand subjects called, but that too many additional calls decrease that effect to statistical insignificance in a six-call treatment.
我们记录了自动化(机器人)呼叫增加选民参与的有效性,与大多数已发表的研究相比,这些研究发现自动呼叫很少或没有影响。我们在一项大型现场实验中建立了这一发现,该实验模拟了一场有针对性的、党派化的动员投票活动的竞选行为。我们的研究结果表明,在2014年中期大选期间,在所有治疗方法中,自动电话每呼叫1000个受试者就会导致3个额外的投票。此外,我们的实验设计允许测试在治疗中呼叫的数量,即剂量,如何影响选民投票率。在这里,结果表明,三个额外的电话将治疗效果提高到每1000个被呼叫的受试者中有7个额外的投票,但是太多的额外电话将效果降低到六个电话治疗的统计不显著。
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引用次数: 0
Objectified and Dehumanized: Does Objectification Impact Perceptions of Women Political Candidates? 客观化与非人性化:客观化是否影响女性政治候选人的认知?
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/XPS.2022.15
Claire M. Gothreau, A. Alvarez, Amanda Friesen
Abstract Objectification and dehumanization are topics often discussed within the social psychology and feminist theory literature. Research on objectification has largely focused on the sexual objectification of women’s bodies, whereas the dehumanization literature has focused on dehumanization in the context of racial and ethnic groups. Extant political science research has only recently begun to engage with these concepts. In this manuscript, we build upon these literatures and apply these insights to questions relevant to politics. In particular, we argue that objectifying and dehumanizing portrayals of women impact how voters evaluate women politicians and how much they support gender parity in politics. Through a proposed experimental design, we test our hypothesis that the objectification of women as a group can decrease positive evaluations and likelihood of electoral support for women political candidates.
摘要客观化和非人性化是社会心理学和女权主义理论文献中经常讨论的话题。关于物化的研究主要集中在对女性身体的性物化,而非人性化文学则集中在种族和民族背景下的非人性化。现存的政治学研究直到最近才开始涉及这些概念。在这份手稿中,我们以这些文献为基础,将这些见解应用于与政治相关的问题。特别是,我们认为,对女性的客观化和非人性化描述会影响选民对女性政治家的评价,以及她们在多大程度上支持政治中的性别平等。通过一项拟议的实验设计,我们检验了我们的假设,即将女性作为一个群体客观化会降低对女性政治候选人的积极评价和选举支持的可能性。
{"title":"Objectified and Dehumanized: Does Objectification Impact Perceptions of Women Political Candidates?","authors":"Claire M. Gothreau, A. Alvarez, Amanda Friesen","doi":"10.1017/XPS.2022.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2022.15","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Objectification and dehumanization are topics often discussed within the social psychology and feminist theory literature. Research on objectification has largely focused on the sexual objectification of women’s bodies, whereas the dehumanization literature has focused on dehumanization in the context of racial and ethnic groups. Extant political science research has only recently begun to engage with these concepts. In this manuscript, we build upon these literatures and apply these insights to questions relevant to politics. In particular, we argue that objectifying and dehumanizing portrayals of women impact how voters evaluate women politicians and how much they support gender parity in politics. Through a proposed experimental design, we test our hypothesis that the objectification of women as a group can decrease positive evaluations and likelihood of electoral support for women political candidates.","PeriodicalId":37558,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Experimental Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48355358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Experimental Political Science
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