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Правове регулювання державної мовної політики у сфері захисту прав національних меншин
Pub Date : 2019-05-10 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2019.1(22).226-261
Д. С. Абрамова
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引用次数: 1
ІМПЕРІЯ ЯК ІСТОРИКО-ГЕОПОЛІТИЧНИЙ ФЕНОМЕН
Pub Date : 2019-05-10 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2019.1(22).45-65
Євгеній Бевзюк
There have been few researches recently in Ukraine investigating empires as a political phenomenon. The beginning of the XX century showed that empires were in the past, yet in the previous century, for the following empires collapsed: British, French, Prussian, Austro-Hungarian, Russian, Ottoman, Japanese. However, the issue of empires is not closed, has not been taken off the political agenda. The notion of empire was not yet investigated in the XIX century, and in the XX the scientists introduced such terms as imperial thinking, imperial ambitions, and imperial traditions. However, the content of the notion "empire" was not investigated or had a demonized meaning with a destructive sense. The research and analysis of empires had a serious theoretical significance for the objective perception of history, modernity, and development perspectives of international relations system. Although it must be emphasized that European countries actually claim to form their own organizational type of state. So, recently, quite often, researchers and politicians have expressed different assessments regarding the prospect of the development of forms of state-territorial organization of European countries. What is the future of the European Union? In decentralization and separation of states in the further integration of cultural and economic space? Is it possible for the united Europe to coexist within the confederacy or federal structure? Price issue concerns not only the EU, but also its territorial organization and, most importantly, the future format of the state. In this regard, the question arises: the prospects of the European alliance - the consolidation of the federation, the confederation of countries, and perhaps the future version of the renewed type of "soft" empire? We examined the separate principles and aspects of the imperial system. Empires existed in different ages, in different political and cultural environments. All empires were characterized by different models of colonization and space exploration. Different empires perceived their regions with their autochthonous population. However, in many respects the imperial dominant remained similar. This allows us to assume that the ethnic groups can perceive the imperial order at least if it is adapted to its ethno-social and ethnosciological peculiarities, and therefore, in our opinion, it will be incorrect to recall the empire-state only in the past.
最近在乌克兰很少有研究将帝国作为一种政治现象进行调查。20世纪初表明,帝国已经成为过去,然而在上个世纪,以下帝国崩溃了:英国、法国、普鲁士、奥匈帝国、俄罗斯、奥斯曼帝国、日本。然而,帝国的问题并没有结束,也没有从政治议程上删除。在19世纪,帝国的概念还没有被研究,在20世纪,科学家们引入了诸如帝国思想、帝国野心和帝国传统等术语。然而,“帝国”这个概念的内容并没有被研究,或者被妖魔化了,具有破坏性的意义。对帝国的研究和分析对于客观认识国际关系体系的历史、现代性和发展前景具有重要的理论意义。虽然必须强调的是,欧洲国家实际上主张形成自己的国家组织类型。因此,最近,研究人员和政治家经常对欧洲国家国家-领土组织形式发展的前景表达不同的评估。欧盟的未来是什么?在分权和国家分离中进一步整合文化和经济空间?统一的欧洲有可能在邦联或联邦结构中共存吗?价格问题不仅关系到欧盟,也关系到欧盟的领土组织,最重要的是关系到欧盟未来的国家形态。在这方面,问题出现了:欧洲联盟的前景-联邦的巩固,国家联盟,也许是未来版本的新型“软”帝国?我们考察了帝制的不同原则和方面。帝国存在于不同的时代,不同的政治和文化环境中。所有帝国的特点都是不同的殖民和太空探索模式。不同的帝国用他们的本土人口来看待他们的地区。然而,在许多方面,帝国统治仍然相似。这使我们可以假设,如果帝国秩序适应其民族社会和民族人类学的特点,那么民族群体至少可以感知帝国秩序,因此,在我们看来,仅仅回忆过去的帝国国家是不正确的。
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引用次数: 0
Річні національні програми як інструмент євроатлантичної інтеграції України
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).42-55
І. Я. Тодоров, Наталія Тодорова
The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the institutional consolidation and implementation of Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine by means of the National Annual Programs. Attention is drawn to the fact that the implementation of the Annual National Programs by Ukraine began in 2009 and it is a unique practice in NATO's bilateral relations. The President of Ukraine annually approves the National Annual Program (ANP) and measures to implement it. All Annual NATO-Ukraine National Programs have been in full compliance with standards of NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP). However, there remains a fundamental difference, in particular with regard to the responsibility of an applicant and the Alliance for implementation. Special attention is paid to the current ANP-2018, which not only determines the priorities for 2018, but also the medium-term goals to be achieved by 2020. Traditionally, the ANP is structurally similar to a typical MAP. Five sections are analysed: political and economic, defence/military, resource, security and legal issues. It is proved that in order to switch to the MAP it is necessary not only to mention the corresponding points in the ANP, but also to implement them thoroughly. The Alliance should see and assess the real political aspiration of the Ukrainian authorities and society for complete Euro-Atlantic integration. It is emphasized that the priority task in carrying out the ANP will remain to carry out the activities aimed at preserving international consensus in supporting Ukraine, to prolong sanctions pressure on the Russian Federation to end the armed aggression against Ukraine. It is especially worth noting that the ANP-2018 does not contain direct references to the need for the so-called "Minsk agreements". Cooperation between Ukraine and NATO in the area of strategic communications has become especially important. Thus, there is an objective co-relation between the real content of Ukraine's independence and the realization of its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
本文的目的是通过国家年度计划来展示乌克兰在欧洲-大西洋一体化方面的制度巩固和实施。值得注意的是,乌克兰从2009年开始实施年度国家计划,这是北约双边关系中独特的做法。乌克兰总统每年批准国家年度计划(ANP)及其实施措施。所有年度北约-乌克兰国家方案都完全符合北约成员国行动计划(MAP)的标准。但是,仍然存在着根本的差别,特别是在申请国和联盟的执行责任方面。特别关注当前的ANP-2018,它不仅确定了2018年的优先事项,还确定了到2020年要实现的中期目标。传统上,ANP在结构上类似于典型的MAP。分析了五个部分:政治和经济,国防/军事,资源,安全和法律问题。证明了为了转换到MAP,不仅需要在ANP中提到相应的点,而且需要彻底地实现它们。联盟应当看到并评估乌克兰当局和社会对欧洲-大西洋完全一体化的真正政治愿望。有人强调,执行《国家行动计划》的优先任务仍然是开展旨在维护支持乌克兰的国际协商一致意见的活动,延长对俄罗斯联邦的制裁压力,以结束对乌克兰的武装侵略。特别值得注意的是,ANP-2018没有直接提到需要所谓的“明斯克协议”。乌克兰与北约之间在战略通讯领域的合作已变得特别重要。因此,在乌克兰独立的真正内容与实现其欧洲-大西洋愿望之间存在着客观的相互关系。
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引用次数: 0
Європейська політика сусідства: моделі інтеграції (публікується англійською мовою)
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).123-153
Петро Токарь
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引用次数: 0
Теоретико-соціологічна рефлексія явища корупції у транскордонних процесах
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).210-229
Світлана Василівна П’ясецька-Устич
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引用次数: 0
Актуальні проблеми розвитку інституційного потенціалу глокалізації (у світлі діяльності єврорегіонів Центрально-Східної та Північної Європи)
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).169-209
Володимир Приходько
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引用次数: 2
Політика «м’якої сили» Угорщини на Закарпатті: цілі, суб’єкти, напрями
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).154-168
Юрій Мателешко
The policy of «soft power» of Hungary in Transcarpathia is systemic and purposeful. The main objectives of the «soft» influence of Budapest are: creating an attractive image of Hungary, strengthening the unity of the Hungarian nation, providing autonomy to Transcarpathia, using the loyal population as an electorate to support the ruling party, forming a reserve of labor and intellectual resources, etc. The main subjects of the «soft power» of Budapest are: public authorities (government and parliament) of Hungary, Hungarian diplomatic (consular) institutions, state and non-state funds, public organizations and parties, Hungarian educational institutions. The object of the «soft» policy of Hungary is the Hungarian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking population of Transcarpathia. The main directions of Hungary's «soft power» are: the dissemination of Hungarian citizenship, humanitarian (educational and cultural), economic (financial support), information (the dissemination of certain ideas and views). The result of the «soft power» of Budapest is the creation of the identity of the neighboring state in the separate region of Ukraine. Under certain foreign policy circumstances, this can have destructive consequences for our state. This problem has not yet been the subject of a separate scientific research in domestic science, although some of its aspects were considered in the media. Therefore, on the basis of theoretical approaches within the framework of the concept of soft power, the aims, directions and peculiarities of Hungary's use of "soft" effects in the Transcarpathian region are investigated.
匈牙利在喀尔巴阡山脉的“软实力”政策是系统的和有目的的。布达佩斯“软”影响的主要目标是:创造匈牙利的吸引力形象,加强匈牙利民族的团结,为外喀尔巴阡山脉提供自治,利用忠诚的人口作为选民支持执政党,形成劳动力和智力资源的储备,等等。布达佩斯“软实力”的主要对象是:匈牙利公共当局(政府和议会)、匈牙利外交(领事)机构、国家和非国家基金、公共组织和政党、匈牙利教育机构。匈牙利“软”政策的对象是外喀尔巴阡山脉讲匈牙利语和乌克兰语的人口。匈牙利“软实力”的主要方向是:传播匈牙利公民身份、人道主义(教育和文化)、经济(财政支持)、信息(传播某些思想和观点)。布达佩斯“软实力”的结果是在乌克兰的独立地区创造了邻国的身份。在某些外交政策环境下,这可能会对我们的国家造成破坏性后果。国内科学界还没有对这个问题进行单独的科学研究,尽管媒体已经考虑了它的某些方面。因此,在软实力概念框架内的理论方法的基础上,研究匈牙利在喀尔巴阡山脉外地区使用“软”效应的目的、方向和特点。
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引用次数: 0
Історіографічні аспекти транскордонного співробітництва України
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).7-41
Степан Віднянський, Іван Вовканич
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引用次数: 0
Сучасні концепції міжнародних відносин та безпекові фактори зовнішньої політики України
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).56-77
Іван Володимирович Артьомов
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引用次数: 0
Подолання кризових протиріч у впровадженні державно-управлінських інновацій: новітні підходи до формування методології
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.24144/2078-1431.2018.2(21).230-259
Ольга Руденко, Людмила Ющенко
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Геополітика України: історія і сучасність
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