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Academic Free Speech: Making a Federal Case Of It 学术言论自由:联邦案件
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016360
Loretta Capeheart
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引用次数: 3
Social Media in Academe: The Case of David Guth at the University of Kansas 学术界的社交媒体:堪萨斯大学David Guth的案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016361
Adrienne E. Hacker Daniels
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引用次数: 1
Contingent Faculty and Academic Freedom in the Twenty-First Century 21世纪的随机教员与学术自由
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016362
S. Smith
As we celebrate the centennial of the AAUP’s 1915 Declaration on Academic Freedom and Tenure, those core principles are still essential, but the changing administrative regime of higher education institutions has put them at risk. The dramatic increase in the number and percentage of contingent faculty positions— those on annual or term contracts rather than tenured or tenure-track appointment—undermines academic freedom in teaching, research, and public service. Where academic freedom was once fought and secured against specific charges or external pressures from particular ideological forces, the threat is now more insidious and structural from within the academy as well as outside interests. It is beyond the scope of this article to detail the forces and circumstances that have led to cuts in public funding for public universities and the growing reliance on private funds with motives and priorities that have often compromised the mission, priorities, and core academic values of the scholarly enterprise of both public and private institutions. The increasingly ubiquitous market-driven education policy and its consequences have been argued quite well by others. The point I wish to address is the seismic shift to contingent faculty and the stagnant or reduced number of tenure and tenure-track faculty. The argument is always economic exigence rather than any claim that it improves the quality of education. Administrators resist approving tenure track lines to save money by hiring contingent faculty with lower salaries and reduced benefits. At the same time, this alleged policy of scrimping has done nothing to slow the growth of the number of administrators and their salaries, an obvious point without mentioning the salaries and contracts of athletic coaches. Only faculty salaries and positions seem to be fodder in the losing battle to hold down the cost of tuition and fees for our students. Contingent appointments have comprised a majority of all faculty positions for more than a decade. While adjuncts, lecturers, instructors, post-docs, and visiting faculty members are valuable, even essential, they are not particularly valued by
在我们庆祝美国学术联合会1915年发表的《学术自由和终身教职宣言》100周年之际,这些核心原则仍然至关重要,但高等教育机构行政体制的变化使它们面临风险。临时教师职位的数量和比例的急剧增加——那些签订年度或定期合同而不是终身聘用或终身聘用的人——破坏了教学、研究和公共服务方面的学术自由。学术自由曾经是与特定的指控或来自特定意识形态力量的外部压力作斗争并得到保障的,而现在的威胁则是来自学术界内部和外部利益的更加阴险和结构性的威胁。导致公立大学削减公共资金以及越来越依赖私人资金的力量和环境超出了本文的范围,私人资金的动机和优先事项往往损害了公立和私立机构的学术事业的使命、优先事项和核心学术价值。越来越普遍的以市场为导向的教育政策及其后果已经被其他人论证得相当充分。我想说的是,向临时教师的巨大转变,以及终身教职和终身教职教师数量的停滞或减少。争论的焦点总是经济上的急迫性,而不是声称它能提高教育质量。管理人员拒绝批准终身教职,以节省开支,雇佣工资较低、福利减少的临时教员。与此同时,这种所谓的节衣缩食政策并没有减缓管理人员及其工资的增长,这一点很明显,不包括体育教练的工资和合同。似乎只有教员的工资和职位,才是我们为压低学生学费和杂费而进行的失败战役的饲料。十多年来,临时任命占所有教员职位的大部分。虽然兼职教师、讲师、讲师、博士后和客座教授都是有价值的,甚至是必不可少的,但他们并没有被特别重视
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引用次数: 7
“Civility” as a Threat to Academic Freedom “文明”对学术自由的威胁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016359
D. Cloud
Critical intellectuals are unfortunately accustomed to intentional, institutional censorship and precarious academic labor as threats to the freedom to research, teach, and speak their minds. However, alongside these material forces of exclusion and silencing, we must consider ideological conditions as threats to academic freedom. As a case in point, “civility” is what rhetorical scholar Michael McGee describes as an “ideograph”: a shorthand word or phrase that captures and organizes community around prevailing ideological commitments. “Civility”—the basis of universal, rule-governed cooperation—is a widely takenfor-granted good in capitalist society. However, the call for civility masks the presence of contending interests and inequality. Those who call attention to antagonism definitionally violate the rules of civility and are subject to legitimated sanction. The ideology of civility is thus a significant threat to academic freedom. In what follows, I support this argument first with a historical and etymological discussion of the term “civility.” Then I will discuss the increasing deployment of this term to discipline critical intellectuals, particularly Steven Salaita. I conclude with a discussion of resistance to this ideological frame and the oppressive actions that it justifies.
不幸的是,批判的知识分子习惯于有意的、制度性的审查制度和不稳定的学术劳动,这是对研究、教学和表达思想自由的威胁。然而,除了这些排斥和压制的物质力量外,我们必须考虑到意识形态状况对学术自由的威胁。作为一个恰当的例子,“文明”是修辞学家迈克尔·麦基所描述的“意指文字”:一个速记词或短语,它捕捉并组织了围绕主流意识形态承诺的社区。“文明”——普遍的、有规则的合作的基础——在资本主义社会被广泛接受,被认为是理所当然的好事。然而,对文明的呼吁掩盖了利益冲突和不平等的存在。那些引起注意对抗的人明确违反了文明规则,并受到合法的制裁。因此,文明的意识形态是对学术自由的重大威胁。在接下来的文章中,我首先通过对“文明”一词的历史和词源讨论来支持这一论点。然后我会讨论越来越多地使用这个术语来约束批判知识分子,尤其是Steven Salaita。最后,我将讨论对这种意识形态框架的抵制,以及它所证明的压迫行为。
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引用次数: 21
A Question of Sex: Feminism, Rhetoric, and Differences That Matter 《性的问题:女权主义、修辞和重要的差异
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1019214
Jason Del Gandio
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引用次数: 2
Freedom of Speech in US Supreme Court Justices’ Opinions: Political Speech Protection as Applied by the Roberts Court 美国最高法院法官意见中的言论自由:罗伯茨法院对政治言论的保护
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1021506
Ellada Gamreklidze
This study seeks to reveal whether certain patterns can be traced in the current US Supreme Court decisions pertaining to First Amendment protection of speech. It reviews how the Roberts Court applied the philosophy of effective self-governance and its principles in its speech-related decisions and looks at what opinions were provided by the majority, and concurring and dissenting Justices. The study shows that the Roberts Court seems to be especially prone to arguing its holdings in terms of political speech values and especially protective of political speech as applied to the cases concerning campaign funding.
这项研究试图揭示是否某些模式可以追溯到当前美国最高法院有关第一修正案保护言论的决定。它回顾了罗伯茨最高法院如何在其与言论有关的判决中应用有效自治的哲学及其原则,并考察了多数法官、赞成和反对法官提供了哪些意见。研究表明,罗伯茨法院似乎特别倾向于在涉及竞选资金的案件中,从政治言论价值的角度来论证其判决,特别是保护政治言论。
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引用次数: 0
Academic Freedom and a Tale of Two Dismissals 学术自由和两个解雇的故事
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016357
John K. Wilson
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引用次数: 1
Conceptualizing Academic Freedom After the Salaita Affair 萨莱塔事件后学术自由的概念
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016358
Matthew Abraham
What is the concept of academic freedom, what are the justifications for its existence, and to whom does it belong? These are important questions to ask in determining what, if any, special protections accrue for those performing academic work. Academic freedom is “the freedom to pursue the academic profession according to the standards of that profession” according to Robert Post and Matthew Finkin in their book The Common Good. The standards of the profession are developed, maintained, and policed by other disciplinary practitioners, who are best situated to evaluate the scholarly activities that conform to disciplinary criteria and merit academic freedom protections. The justification of this freedom for academics resides in the importance of the academic task for the betterment of society and the promotion of the common good. The uniqueness of the academic task, as this argument goes, requires special privileges; academic freedom is among them. That academic freedom is for academics goes without saying, of course, but what is its nature, its parameters, and what exactly does it guarantee and to whom? The little discussion of academic freedom within American case law seems to recognize it more as an institutional than individual right, as recent rulings on affirmative actions policies illustrate. In other words, the academic institution may decide who may teach, what will be taught and who will be admitted for study. This conception of academic freedom seems to place academic freedom in the hands of administrators instead of faculty. One may argue that academic freedom is as elusive as ever, with conceptions of it ranging from a professional guild privilege, to identifying it as an ingredient in producing societal revolution. How has a professional concept, seemingly reserved for academics, become so contested and ill-defined and misunderstood, even among academics themselves? In his Versions of Academic Freedom: From Professionalism to Revolution, Stanley Fish identifies five “schools of academic freedom,” which are meant to represent
什么是学术自由的概念,它存在的理由是什么,它属于谁?在确定对从事学术工作的人有什么特别保护时,这些都是需要问的重要问题。根据罗伯特·波斯特(Robert Post)和马修·芬金(Matthew Finkin)在《共同利益》(the Common Good)一书中的说法,学术自由是“根据该职业的标准从事学术职业的自由”。专业标准是由其他学科从业者制定、维护和监督的,他们最适合评估符合学科标准和值得学术自由保护的学术活动。学者享有这种自由的理由在于学术任务对于改善社会和促进共同利益的重要性。这种观点认为,学术任务的独特性需要特殊的特权;学术自由就是其中之一。当然,学术自由是学者的,这是不言而喻的,但它的本质是什么,它的参数是什么,它到底保证什么,向谁保证?美国判例法中关于学术自由的少量讨论似乎更多地将其视为一种制度权利,而非个人权利,正如最近有关平权行动政策的裁决所表明的那样。换句话说,学术机构可以决定谁可以教,教什么,谁可以被录取。这种学术自由的概念似乎将学术自由置于管理者而不是教师的手中。有人可能会争辩说,学术自由一如既往地难以捉摸,其概念从专业协会特权到将其视为产生社会革命的一个因素。一个看似为学术界保留的专业概念是如何变得如此有争议、定义不清和误解的,甚至在学术界内部也是如此?在《不同版本的学术自由:从专业主义到革命》一书中,斯坦利·费什(Stanley Fish)指出了五种“学术自由流派”
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引用次数: 4
Policy Liberalism, Public Opinion, and Strength of Journalist’s Privilege in the American States 政策自由主义、公众舆论与美国记者特权的力量
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1019285
Casey Carmody, D. Pritchard
Laws protecting newsgathering vary among US states, yet comparative studies of state press law are rare. Focusing on journalist’s privilege, this study hypothesized that policy liberalism and public support for journalistic confidentiality would predict the strength of a state’s journalist’s privilege. The hypotheses involving policy liberalism and public opinion were supported. The study’s findings suggest that states with higher levels of policy liberalism tend to create journalistic confidentiality protections, which may serve as a mechanism for government accountability. This finding also supports previous research suggesting that policy liberalism plays an important role in state newsgathering laws.
美国各州保护新闻采编的法律各不相同,但对各州新闻法的比较研究却很少。本研究以记者特权为重点,假设政策自由主义和公众对新闻保密的支持可以预测一个国家记者特权的强度。涉及政策自由主义和公众舆论的假设得到支持。研究结果表明,政策自由主义程度较高的州倾向于建立新闻保密保护,这可能是政府问责的一种机制。这一发现也支持了先前的研究,即政策自由主义在国家新闻采采法中起着重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Perilous State of Academic Freedom in the Twenty-First Century 21世纪学术自由的危险状态
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2015.1016355
Steve Macek
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引用次数: 6
期刊
First Amendment Studies
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