Pub Date : 2023-08-16DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16884790609187
H. Larson, A. Toledo
Many public health initiatives encouraging positive health behaviours require patient cooperation in the face of perceived costs and health risks. Ongoing public health crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the organ shortage, underscore the necessity of incorporating an understanding of human cooperation and the motivators for cooperation into social and public health policy. We explore the costs, benefits and motivators regarding cooperation in the cases of vaccination and organ donation. We likewise explore policy incentives that have successfully encouraged cooperation with these positive health behaviours. We find that appeals to morality, reciprocity and reputation are important behavioural predictors of cooperation. However, we find that cooperation is a fragile state, vulnerable to the individual’s perceptions of the risks, as well as external social, cultural and political forces, such as social media-disseminated misinformation, which can sway attitudes to health behaviours, including cooperation. Drawing from the literature, we conclude by calling for a nuanced understanding of cooperation in a number of policy recommendations. Notably, we underscore: the volatile emotional levers affecting cooperation; the risks of overusing restrictive mandates; the consideration of short- and long-term consequences of social policies; and the need for locally and culturally tailored, as well as nationally relevant, policies.
{"title":"Nurturing, nudging and navigating the increasingly precarious nature of cooperation in public health: the cases of vaccination and organ donation","authors":"H. Larson, A. Toledo","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16884790609187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16884790609187","url":null,"abstract":"Many public health initiatives encouraging positive health behaviours require patient cooperation in the face of perceived costs and health risks. Ongoing public health crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the organ shortage, underscore the necessity of incorporating an understanding of human cooperation and the motivators for cooperation into social and public health policy. We explore the costs, benefits and motivators regarding cooperation in the cases of vaccination and organ donation. We likewise explore policy incentives that have successfully encouraged cooperation with these positive health behaviours. We find that appeals to morality, reciprocity and reputation are important behavioural predictors of cooperation. However, we find that cooperation is a fragile state, vulnerable to the individual’s perceptions of the risks, as well as external social, cultural and political forces, such as social media-disseminated misinformation, which can sway attitudes to health behaviours, including cooperation. Drawing from the literature, we conclude by calling for a nuanced understanding of cooperation in a number of policy recommendations. Notably, we underscore: the volatile emotional levers affecting cooperation; the risks of overusing restrictive mandates; the consideration of short- and long-term consequences of social policies; and the need for locally and culturally tailored, as well as nationally relevant, policies.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83819709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16829257689272
M. Dunford
China’s path is conceived as a transition from an economically underdeveloped and semi-colonised country of the Global South into a modern socialist country in a multipolar world where successive steps (modes of regulation) were shaped by China’s external environment (uneven and combined development) and a succession of contradictions and crises encountered along the way. Three phases are examined: a turbulent phase of socialist construction in a context of capital shortage and US embargoes; a phase of reform and opening up in an era of neoliberal globalisation, whose early roots lay in the early 1970s’ rapprochement with the US; and a New Era dating from 2017. In each phase, crises and contradictions saw waves of reform, involving successive joint transformations of economic structures and institutions, while each phase was anticipated in the years that preceded it, so opening up started in the early 1970s with the rapprochement with the US, and aspects of the New Era concern with innovation, green development, common prosperity and an equitable global order started to emerge earlier.
{"title":"China’s development path, 1949–2022","authors":"M. Dunford","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16829257689272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16829257689272","url":null,"abstract":"China’s path is conceived as a transition from an economically underdeveloped and semi-colonised country of the Global South into a modern socialist country in a multipolar world where successive steps (modes of regulation) were shaped by China’s external environment (uneven and combined development) and a succession of contradictions and crises encountered along the way. Three phases are examined: a turbulent phase of socialist construction in a context of capital shortage and US embargoes; a phase of reform and opening up in an era of neoliberal globalisation, whose early roots lay in the early 1970s’ rapprochement with the US; and a New Era dating from 2017. In each phase, crises and contradictions saw waves of reform, involving successive joint transformations of economic structures and institutions, while each phase was anticipated in the years that preceded it, so opening up started in the early 1970s with the rapprochement with the US, and aspects of the New Era concern with innovation, green development, common prosperity and an equitable global order started to emerge earlier.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73354191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16855995310237
Adam Fishwick
Research on labour and development has demonstrated the significance, both analytically and politically, of labour for understanding the political economy of development. Analyses of labour regimes highlight the central role of reorganised workplaces and changing labour processes in value chains across the global economy. Research in global labour studies illustrates the ways in which concepts and theorisations of labour struggles emanating from the Global North struggle to capture the dynamics of labour conflict in the Global South and their wider impacts. This article argues that the revival of autonomist ‘class composition’ approaches can advance a labour perspective on development by shedding light on the importance of labour’s defeats when mapping the contours of the political economy of development. This approach reveals how what E.P. Thompson called the ‘dead ends’ of labour history are essential to understanding the grounds upon which state and capital reorganise to contain workers’ demands and struggles, thereby setting new conditions for these struggles to re-emerge. Drawing on insights from the early work of Antonio Negri, the article will examine how processes of working-class composition and decomposition occurred within the trajectory of import-substitution industrialisation in Chile and Argentina, establishing new labour regimes in its early crises. The article demonstrates this through original archival research using industry journals and publications from the textile industry in Chile and metalworking industry in Argentina.
{"title":"Development and labour resistance: a class composition perspective on import-substitution industrialisation in Chile and Argentina","authors":"Adam Fishwick","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16855995310237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16855995310237","url":null,"abstract":"Research on labour and development has demonstrated the significance, both analytically and politically, of labour for understanding the political economy of development. Analyses of labour regimes highlight the central role of reorganised workplaces and changing labour processes in value chains across the global economy. Research in global labour studies illustrates the ways in which concepts and theorisations of labour struggles emanating from the Global North struggle to capture the dynamics of labour conflict in the Global South and their wider impacts. This article argues that the revival of autonomist ‘class composition’ approaches can advance a labour perspective on development by shedding light on the importance of labour’s defeats when mapping the contours of the political economy of development. This approach reveals how what E.P. Thompson called the ‘dead ends’ of labour history are essential to understanding the grounds upon which state and capital reorganise to contain workers’ demands and struggles, thereby setting new conditions for these struggles to re-emerge. Drawing on insights from the early work of Antonio Negri, the article will examine how processes of working-class composition and decomposition occurred within the trajectory of import-substitution industrialisation in Chile and Argentina, establishing new labour regimes in its early crises. The article demonstrates this through original archival research using industry journals and publications from the textile industry in Chile and metalworking industry in Argentina.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"86 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84185217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-15DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16842177275040
Sara M. Constantino, Olga Skaredina, M. Ivanova
{"title":"Catalytic leadership in climate change negotiations: a reply to ‘Why do climate change negotiations stall? Scientific evidence and solutions for some structural problems’ by Ulrich Frey and Jazmin Burgess","authors":"Sara M. Constantino, Olga Skaredina, M. Ivanova","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16842177275040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16842177275040","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76408526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16836997741580
Hannah Hughes
In this response to Frey and Burgess, I describe the ‘direct and sustained relationship’ between climate researchers and policymakers that has been created through the Intergovernmental Platform on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment practice and the conscious attempts to link the IPCC and climate negotiations in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Member governments have a central role in the IPCC assessment practice, from outlining the assessment report to approving its key findings. While this creates a shared knowledge base for the negotiation of collective action, it also brings negotiating positions into the approval of the report’s Summary for Policymakers. This negotiation of knowledge has further intensified as the IPCC has become a site for legitimating objects and outcomes from the negotiating process, such as the 1.5C temperature target. Exploring the role of the IPCC in the Global Stocktake reveals how the circle between knowledge and action may be closing, although questions of diversity and in particular the place of the Local Community and Indigenous Peoples Platform in this circle remain.
{"title":"Circular relations between climate knowledge and action: a reply to ‘Why do climate negotiations stall? Scientific evidence and solutions for some structural problems’, by Ulrich Frey and Jazmin Burgess","authors":"Hannah Hughes","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16836997741580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16836997741580","url":null,"abstract":"In this response to Frey and Burgess, I describe the ‘direct and sustained relationship’ between climate researchers and policymakers that has been created through the Intergovernmental Platform on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment practice and the conscious attempts to link the IPCC and climate negotiations in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Member governments have a central role in the IPCC assessment practice, from outlining the assessment report to approving its key findings. While this creates a shared knowledge base for the negotiation of collective action, it also brings negotiating positions into the approval of the report’s Summary for Policymakers. This negotiation of knowledge has further intensified as the IPCC has become a site for legitimating objects and outcomes from the negotiating process, such as the 1.5C temperature target. Exploring the role of the IPCC in the Global Stocktake reveals how the circle between knowledge and action may be closing, although questions of diversity and in particular the place of the Local Community and Indigenous Peoples Platform in this circle remain.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"133 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89905139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-08DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16827652045071
Henry Veltmeyer
{"title":"Deconstructing development and Marxism: a reply to ‘Development and Marxism: a brief genealogy’ by Ronaldo Munck","authors":"Henry Veltmeyer","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16827652045071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16827652045071","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"116 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135215107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-07DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16827942962639
Henry Veltmeyer
This article explores the development and resistance dynamics of capital in the neoliberal era of capitalist development. The context for this exploration is Latin America, the region that has been most severely impacted by the globalising dynamics of the world capitalist system, which is in the throes of a multidimensional crisis that has assumed global proportions. The region has also seen the most powerful forces of resistance to this development, a resistance led by the Indigenous and farming communities on the extractive frontier. It is argued that each advance of capital in the development process, that is, each phase in the capitalist development of the forces of production – from the colonial era of mercantilism and extractive imperialism to the era of neoliberal globalisation – has generated corresponding forces of resistance, leading to a succession of development–resistance cycles in the evolution of capitalism as a world system.
{"title":"Extractivism and capitalism in the era of neoliberal globalisation: development and resistance dynamics in Latin America","authors":"Henry Veltmeyer","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16827942962639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16827942962639","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the development and resistance dynamics of capital in the neoliberal era of capitalist development. The context for this exploration is Latin America, the region that has been most severely impacted by the globalising dynamics of the world capitalist system, which is in the throes of a multidimensional crisis that has assumed global proportions. The region has also seen the most powerful forces of resistance to this development, a resistance led by the Indigenous and farming communities on the extractive frontier. It is argued that each advance of capital in the development process, that is, each phase in the capitalist development of the forces of production – from the colonial era of mercantilism and extractive imperialism to the era of neoliberal globalisation – has generated corresponding forces of resistance, leading to a succession of development–resistance cycles in the evolution of capitalism as a world system.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90990960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-29DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16825818481075
Ronaldo Munck
Development and Marxism are both discourses with a complex and not-always-consistent genealogy. This article seeks to (re)set the dialogue between them through a process of deconstruction. It shows the substantial shift in the position of Karl Marx from a somewhat evolutionist conception of development to one that aligns more with our understanding of combined and uneven development. It outlines Lenin’s epistemological break from an orthodox or evolutionist view of development to a view of the global economy via the hinge of ‘imperialism’. This ushers in a new view of capitalism as non-homogeneous rather than one where part of the world develops and another ‘underdevelops’. Finally, we offer some thoughts on development in the era of globalisation that, to some extent, confirms Marx’s original intuition that capitalism would come to spread across the world.
{"title":"Development and Marxism: a brief genealogy","authors":"Ronaldo Munck","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16825818481075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16825818481075","url":null,"abstract":"Development and Marxism are both discourses with a complex and not-always-consistent genealogy. This article seeks to (re)set the dialogue between them through a process of deconstruction. It shows the substantial shift in the position of Karl Marx from a somewhat evolutionist conception of development to one that aligns more with our understanding of combined and uneven development. It outlines Lenin’s epistemological break from an orthodox or evolutionist view of development to a view of the global economy via the hinge of ‘imperialism’. This ushers in a new view of capitalism as non-homogeneous rather than one where part of the world develops and another ‘underdevelops’. Finally, we offer some thoughts on development in the era of globalisation that, to some extent, confirms Marx’s original intuition that capitalism would come to spread across the world.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135791828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-06DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16692750139997
Noor Ahmad Baba
Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. Its ideological identification with Islam and Muslims was reinforced by the disadvantages that it found itself having on its emergence in August 1947 in relation to its twin-born country, that is, India, in terms of name, size, resources and a history to draw upon. However, initially, its calling out for a degree of solidarity in the name of Islam had relatively limited success in the context of secular nationalist forces dominating the Muslim West Asia throughout the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It was in the context of significant geopolitical and economic developments from the late 1960s and 1970s in the region that Pakistan was prompted to re-emphasise the Islamic dimension of its foreign policy, particularly within the framework of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation after its emergence in the late 1960s. It began to use its membership of this forum to undermine Indian positions and interests on a number of issues. It was particularly successful in getting its own position on Kashmir endorsed through various resolutions on the issue that were critical of the Indian position and policies in dealing with the political-cum-militant uprising in the state. However, a number of developments from the latter part of the 20th century, particularly after 11 September 2001 (9/11), introduced a number of fissures and irritants into the Arab-Islamic world that undermined the spirit of solidarity that had characterised the work of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in its initial years of establishment. The changing context has considerably constrained Pakistani options in foreign, regional and domestic policies. Comparatively, in recent years, India has gained greater proximity with some of the oil-rich conservative Gulf Muslim monarchies that exercise a high degree of control in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation because of their financial support for it.
巴基斯坦以确保穆斯林在印度次大陆的利益和身份的名义被寻求成为一个独立的国家。它在意识形态上对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的认同，由于它在1947年8月出现时发现自己在名称、面积、资源和可利用的历史方面与它的孪生国家印度相比处于不利地位而得到加强。然而，最初，它以伊斯兰的名义呼吁一定程度的团结，在整个20世纪50年代和60年代上半叶统治穆斯林西亚的世俗民族主义力量的背景下，取得了相对有限的成功。正是在20世纪60年代末和70年代该地区重大的地缘政治和经济发展的背景下，巴基斯坦被促使重新强调其外交政策的伊斯兰方面，特别是在20世纪60年代末出现的伊斯兰合作组织框架内。中国开始利用其在该论坛的成员身份，在一些问题上削弱印度的立场和利益。它特别成功地使自己在克什米尔问题上的立场得到通过各种决议的支持，这些决议批评印度在处理该邦政治和军事起义方面的立场和政策。然而，20世纪后半叶的一些发展，特别是2001年9月11日(9/11)之后，给阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界带来了一些裂痕和刺激因素，破坏了伊斯兰合作组织在成立之初所特有的团结精神。不断变化的形势大大限制了巴基斯坦在外交、区域和国内政策方面的选择。相比之下，近年来，印度与一些石油资源丰富的海湾保守穆斯林君主国的关系更加密切。由于这些君主国对伊斯兰合作组织(Organisation of Islamic Cooperation)的财政支持，它们在该组织中行使着高度的控制权。
{"title":"Political dynamics of Pakistan’s quest for pan-Islamic solidarity: the Indian dimension","authors":"Noor Ahmad Baba","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16692750139997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16692750139997","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. Its ideological identification with Islam and Muslims was reinforced by the disadvantages that it found itself having on its emergence in August 1947 in relation to its twin-born country, that is, India, in terms of name, size, resources and a history to draw upon. However, initially, its calling out for a degree of solidarity in the name of Islam had relatively limited success in the context of secular nationalist forces dominating the Muslim West Asia throughout the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It was in the context of significant geopolitical and economic developments from the late 1960s and 1970s in the region that Pakistan was prompted to re-emphasise the Islamic dimension of its foreign policy, particularly within the framework of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation after its emergence in the late 1960s. It began to use its membership of this forum to undermine Indian positions and interests on a number of issues. It was particularly successful in getting its own position on Kashmir endorsed through various resolutions on the issue that were critical of the Indian position and policies in dealing with the political-cum-militant uprising in the state. However, a number of developments from the latter part of the 20th century, particularly after 11 September 2001 (9/11), introduced a number of fissures and irritants into the Arab-Islamic world that undermined the spirit of solidarity that had characterised the work of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in its initial years of establishment. The changing context has considerably constrained Pakistani options in foreign, regional and domestic policies. Comparatively, in recent years, India has gained greater proximity with some of the oil-rich conservative Gulf Muslim monarchies that exercise a high degree of control in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation because of their financial support for it.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82258770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-06DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16692739679982
Saloni Kapur, Simon Mabon, Umer Karim
{"title":"The ties that bind South and West Asia","authors":"Saloni Kapur, Simon Mabon, Umer Karim","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16692739679982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16692739679982","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84297428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：