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Development and labour resistance: a class composition perspective on import-substitution industrialisation in Chile and Argentina 发展与劳工抵抗:智利和阿根廷进口替代工业化的阶级构成视角
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16855995310237
Adam Fishwick
Research on labour and development has demonstrated the significance, both analytically and politically, of labour for understanding the political economy of development. Analyses of labour regimes highlight the central role of reorganised workplaces and changing labour processes in value chains across the global economy. Research in global labour studies illustrates the ways in which concepts and theorisations of labour struggles emanating from the Global North struggle to capture the dynamics of labour conflict in the Global South and their wider impacts. This article argues that the revival of autonomist ‘class composition’ approaches can advance a labour perspective on development by shedding light on the importance of labour’s defeats when mapping the contours of the political economy of development. This approach reveals how what E.P. Thompson called the ‘dead ends’ of labour history are essential to understanding the grounds upon which state and capital reorganise to contain workers’ demands and struggles, thereby setting new conditions for these struggles to re-emerge. Drawing on insights from the early work of Antonio Negri, the article will examine how processes of working-class composition and decomposition occurred within the trajectory of import-substitution industrialisation in Chile and Argentina, establishing new labour regimes in its early crises. The article demonstrates this through original archival research using industry journals and publications from the textile industry in Chile and metalworking industry in Argentina.
关于劳动与发展的研究已经证明了劳动在分析上和政治上对于理解发展的政治经济学的重要性。对劳工制度的分析强调了重组工作场所和不断变化的劳动流程在全球经济价值链中的核心作用。全球劳工研究的研究说明了来自全球北方的劳工斗争的概念和理论如何努力捕捉全球南方劳工冲突的动态及其更广泛的影响。本文认为,自主主义“阶级构成”方法的复兴可以通过揭示工人在绘制发展的政治经济轮廓时失败的重要性,来推进工人对发展的看法。这种方法揭示了E.P.汤普森所说的劳工历史的“死胡同”对于理解国家和资本重组以遏制工人的要求和斗争的基础是至关重要的,从而为这些斗争的重新出现创造了新的条件。借鉴安东尼奥·内格里(Antonio Negri)早期工作的见解,本文将研究智利和阿根廷在进口替代工业化的轨迹中,工人阶级的组成和分解过程是如何发生的,并在早期危机中建立了新的劳工制度。本文通过使用智利纺织工业和阿根廷金属加工工业的行业期刊和出版物的原始档案研究来证明这一点。
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引用次数: 1
Catalytic leadership in climate change negotiations: a reply to ‘Why do climate change negotiations stall? Scientific evidence and solutions for some structural problems’ by Ulrich Frey and Jazmin Burgess 气候变化谈判中的催化性领导:对“气候变化谈判为何停滞?”一些结构性问题的科学证据和解决方案”,作者:乌尔里希·弗雷和贾兹明·伯吉斯
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16842177275040
Sara M. Constantino, Olga Skaredina, M. Ivanova
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引用次数: 2
Circular relations between climate knowledge and action: a reply to ‘Why do climate negotiations stall? Scientific evidence and solutions for some structural problems’, by Ulrich Frey and Jazmin Burgess 气候知识与行动之间的循环关系:对“气候谈判为何停滞?”一些结构性问题的科学证据和解决方案”,作者:乌尔里希·弗雷和贾兹明·伯吉斯
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16836997741580
Hannah Hughes
In this response to Frey and Burgess, I describe the ‘direct and sustained relationship’ between climate researchers and policymakers that has been created through the Intergovernmental Platform on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment practice and the conscious attempts to link the IPCC and climate negotiations in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Member governments have a central role in the IPCC assessment practice, from outlining the assessment report to approving its key findings. While this creates a shared knowledge base for the negotiation of collective action, it also brings negotiating positions into the approval of the report’s Summary for Policymakers. This negotiation of knowledge has further intensified as the IPCC has become a site for legitimating objects and outcomes from the negotiating process, such as the 1.5C temperature target. Exploring the role of the IPCC in the Global Stocktake reveals how the circle between knowledge and action may be closing, although questions of diversity and in particular the place of the Local Community and Indigenous Peoples Platform in this circle remain.
在对弗雷和伯吉斯的回应中,我描述了气候研究人员和政策制定者之间的“直接和持续的关系”,这种关系是通过政府间气候变化平台(IPCC)的评估实践和有意识地将IPCC与联合国气候变化框架公约(UNFCCC)的气候谈判联系起来而建立起来的。成员国政府在IPCC的评估实践中发挥着核心作用,从概述评估报告到批准其主要发现。这为集体行动的谈判创造了一个共享的知识库,同时也将谈判立场纳入了报告《决策者摘要》的批准。随着IPCC成为使谈判过程的目标和结果(如1.5摄氏度的温度目标)合法化的场所,这种知识谈判进一步加剧。对IPCC在全球评估中的作用的探讨揭示了知识与行动之间的循环是如何闭合的,尽管多样性问题,特别是地方社区和土著人民平台在这一循环中的地位问题仍然存在。
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引用次数: 2
Deconstructing development and Marxism: a reply to ‘Development and Marxism: a brief genealogy’ by Ronaldo Munck 解构发展与马克思主义:对c罗·蒙克《发展与马克思主义简史》的回复
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16827652045071
Henry Veltmeyer
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引用次数: 0
Extractivism and capitalism in the era of neoliberal globalisation: development and resistance dynamics in Latin America 新自由主义全球化时代的采掘主义和资本主义:拉丁美洲的发展和抵抗动态
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16827942962639
Henry Veltmeyer
This article explores the development and resistance dynamics of capital in the neoliberal era of capitalist development. The context for this exploration is Latin America, the region that has been most severely impacted by the globalising dynamics of the world capitalist system, which is in the throes of a multidimensional crisis that has assumed global proportions. The region has also seen the most powerful forces of resistance to this development, a resistance led by the Indigenous and farming communities on the extractive frontier. It is argued that each advance of capital in the development process, that is, each phase in the capitalist development of the forces of production – from the colonial era of mercantilism and extractive imperialism to the era of neoliberal globalisation – has generated corresponding forces of resistance, leading to a succession of development–resistance cycles in the evolution of capitalism as a world system.
本文探讨了在资本主义发展的新自由主义时代,资本的发展和抵抗动态。这一探索的背景是拉丁美洲,该地区受到世界资本主义体系全球化动态的最严重影响,正处于一场具有全球规模的多维危机的阵痛中。该地区也出现了对这一发展的最强大抵抗力量,这种抵抗是由采掘前沿的土著和农业社区领导的。有人认为,资本在发展过程中的每一次进步,即资本主义生产力发展的每一个阶段——从重商主义和掠夺性帝国主义的殖民时代到新自由主义全球化时代——都产生了相应的抵抗力量,导致了资本主义作为世界体系演变过程中的一系列发展-抵抗周期。
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引用次数: 1
Development and Marxism: a brief genealogy 发展与马克思主义简史
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16825818481075
Ronaldo Munck
Development and Marxism are both discourses with a complex and not-always-consistent genealogy. This article seeks to (re)set the dialogue between them through a process of deconstruction. It shows the substantial shift in the position of Karl Marx from a somewhat evolutionist conception of development to one that aligns more with our understanding of combined and uneven development. It outlines Lenin’s epistemological break from an orthodox or evolutionist view of development to a view of the global economy via the hinge of ‘imperialism’. This ushers in a new view of capitalism as non-homogeneous rather than one where part of the world develops and another ‘underdevelops’. Finally, we offer some thoughts on development in the era of globalisation that, to some extent, confirms Marx’s original intuition that capitalism would come to spread across the world.
发展和马克思主义都是具有复杂而不总是一致的谱系的话语。本文试图通过解构的过程来(重新)设置他们之间的对话。它显示了卡尔·马克思立场的重大转变,从某种程度上的进化发展观转变为更符合我们对综合发展和不平衡发展的理解。它概述了列宁的认识论决裂,从正统的或进化论的发展观到通过“帝国主义”枢纽的全球经济观。这带来了一种新的非同质资本主义观点,而不是世界的一部分发展而另一部分“不发达”。最后,我们对全球化时代的发展提出了一些想法,在某种程度上证实了马克思最初的直觉,即资本主义将在世界范围内传播。
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引用次数: 0
Political dynamics of Pakistan’s quest for pan-Islamic solidarity: the Indian dimension 巴基斯坦寻求泛伊斯兰团结的政治动态:印度维度
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16692750139997
Noor Ahmad Baba
Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. Its ideological identification with Islam and Muslims was reinforced by the disadvantages that it found itself having on its emergence in August 1947 in relation to its twin-born country, that is, India, in terms of name, size, resources and a history to draw upon. However, initially, its calling out for a degree of solidarity in the name of Islam had relatively limited success in the context of secular nationalist forces dominating the Muslim West Asia throughout the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It was in the context of significant geopolitical and economic developments from the late 1960s and 1970s in the region that Pakistan was prompted to re-emphasise the Islamic dimension of its foreign policy, particularly within the framework of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation after its emergence in the late 1960s. It began to use its membership of this forum to undermine Indian positions and interests on a number of issues. It was particularly successful in getting its own position on Kashmir endorsed through various resolutions on the issue that were critical of the Indian position and policies in dealing with the political-cum-militant uprising in the state. However, a number of developments from the latter part of the 20th century, particularly after 11 September 2001 (9/11), introduced a number of fissures and irritants into the Arab-Islamic world that undermined the spirit of solidarity that had characterised the work of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in its initial years of establishment. The changing context has considerably constrained Pakistani options in foreign, regional and domestic policies. Comparatively, in recent years, India has gained greater proximity with some of the oil-rich conservative Gulf Muslim monarchies that exercise a high degree of control in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation because of their financial support for it.
巴基斯坦以确保穆斯林在印度次大陆的利益和身份的名义被寻求成为一个独立的国家。它在意识形态上对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的认同,由于它在1947年8月出现时发现自己在名称、面积、资源和可利用的历史方面与它的孪生国家印度相比处于不利地位而得到加强。然而,最初,它以伊斯兰的名义呼吁一定程度的团结,在整个20世纪50年代和60年代上半叶统治穆斯林西亚的世俗民族主义力量的背景下,取得了相对有限的成功。正是在20世纪60年代末和70年代该地区重大的地缘政治和经济发展的背景下,巴基斯坦被促使重新强调其外交政策的伊斯兰方面,特别是在20世纪60年代末出现的伊斯兰合作组织框架内。中国开始利用其在该论坛的成员身份,在一些问题上削弱印度的立场和利益。它特别成功地使自己在克什米尔问题上的立场得到通过各种决议的支持,这些决议批评印度在处理该邦政治和军事起义方面的立场和政策。然而,20世纪后半叶的一些发展,特别是2001年9月11日(9/11)之后,给阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界带来了一些裂痕和刺激因素,破坏了伊斯兰合作组织在成立之初所特有的团结精神。不断变化的形势大大限制了巴基斯坦在外交、区域和国内政策方面的选择。相比之下,近年来,印度与一些石油资源丰富的海湾保守穆斯林君主国的关系更加密切。由于这些君主国对伊斯兰合作组织(Organisation of Islamic Cooperation)的财政支持,它们在该组织中行使着高度的控制权。
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引用次数: 1
The ties that bind South and West Asia 连接南亚和西亚的纽带
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16692739679982
Saloni Kapur, Simon Mabon, Umer Karim
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引用次数: 0
The Paris Agreement has the potential to facilitate ambitious climate action: a reply to ‘Why do climate change negotiations stall? Scientific evidence and solutions for some structural problems’ by Ulrich J. Frey and Jazmin Burgess 《巴黎协定》有可能促进雄心勃勃的气候行动:对“气候变化谈判为何停滞?”一些结构性问题的科学证据和解决方案”,作者:乌尔里希·j·弗雷和贾兹明·伯吉斯
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16627216100877
Steffen Kallbekken
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引用次数: 2
India’s policy towards the Arab–Israeli conflict, the Palestinian issue and Israel: the Indira Gandhi years 印度对阿以冲突、巴勒斯坦问题和以色列的政策:英迪拉·甘地时代
IF 1.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1332/204378921x16613279625169
Sujata Ashwarya
During her tenure as prime minister of India, Indira Gandhi reaffirmed India’s commitment to three interconnected and overlapping factors that shaped the country’s early regional outreach: Muslims, Arabs and Pakistan. Decisions by the government on the Arab–Israeli conflict, the Palestinian issue and (non-)relationship with Israel were usually ‘path dependent’. Mrs Gandhi, well aware of the significance of the ‘Muslim vote’ to her electoral victories, reaffirmed India’s support for Arabs and the Palestinian cause against Israel, thereby appeasing her domestic Muslim constituency. The establishment of Pakistan as an avowedly Islamic state, combined with the Indo-Pakistani conflict over Kashmir, forced the two countries to compete for the support of Muslim Arab states. Indira Gandhi cultivated Arabs by diplomatically supporting them in their conflict with Israel, first by strongly condemning Israel during episodes of conflict between the two parties and then by unequivocally supporting Palestinian self-determination through diplomatic recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Despite Mrs Gandhi’s pro-Arab statements, India did not receive the same level of diplomatic support from Arab countries, which favoured Pakistan in Indo-Pakistani subcontinental conflicts. In contrast, Israel provided India with both military and diplomatic assistance. Despite this, and despite repeated calls from the opposition, Mrs Gandhi refused to normalise relations with Israel, believing that a pro-Arab stance would be more beneficial to national interests. The attitude portrayed India as completely partisan, preventing it from acting as a mediator in the Arab–Israeli conflict, which was a stated goal of India’s West Asia policy.
在担任印度总理期间,英迪拉·甘地(Indira Gandhi)重申了印度对穆斯林、阿拉伯人和巴基斯坦这三个相互关联、相互重叠的因素的承诺,这些因素塑造了印度早期的地区扩张。政府在阿以冲突、巴勒斯坦问题和与以色列(非)关系上的决定通常是“路径依赖”的。甘地夫人非常清楚“穆斯林选票”对她的选举胜利的重要性,她重申了印度对阿拉伯人和巴勒斯坦人反对以色列事业的支持,从而安抚了她国内的穆斯林选民。巴基斯坦作为一个公开的伊斯兰国家的建立,加上印巴在克什米尔问题上的冲突,迫使这两个国家争夺穆斯林阿拉伯国家的支持。英迪拉·甘地在阿拉伯人与以色列的冲突中通过外交支持阿拉伯人来培养阿拉伯人,首先在双方冲突期间强烈谴责以色列,然后通过外交承认巴勒斯坦解放组织明确支持巴勒斯坦的自决。尽管甘地发表了亲阿拉伯的声明,但印度并没有得到阿拉伯国家同样程度的外交支持,而阿拉伯国家在印巴次大陆冲突中支持巴基斯坦。相比之下,以色列向印度提供了军事和外交援助。尽管如此,尽管反对党一再呼吁,甘地夫人还是拒绝与以色列实现关系正常化,她认为亲阿拉伯的立场更有利于国家利益。这种态度将印度描绘成完全的党派,使其无法在阿以冲突中扮演调解人的角色,而这是印度西亚政策的既定目标。
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引用次数: 1
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Global Discourse
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