Pub Date : 2022-02-10DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2022.2030489
Colin Atkinson
ABSTRACT This paper takes as its starting point the contention that media representations of crime and policing, and undercover policing in particular, matter. Through a multimodal critical discourse analysis this paper explores the representations of undercover policing and intelligence operations in the animated series Star Wars: The Clone Wars. The paper contends that despite its status as science fiction The Clone Wars engages with several of the real-life practices and challenges of undercover policing and intelligence operations. The overall analysis indicates that The Clone Wars projects an important critique of the morally problematic nature of the militarisation of policing and the routinisation of deceptive undercover policing practices. The paper concludes with a reflection on the consequences of this depiction, arguing that for those practitioners who are willing to engage with representations of their craft in popular culture there are valuable practical lessons to be learned from such fictional accounts.
{"title":"Deception: a critical discourse analysis of undercover policing and intelligence operations in Star Wars: The Clone Wars","authors":"Colin Atkinson","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2022.2030489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2022.2030489","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper takes as its starting point the contention that media representations of crime and policing, and undercover policing in particular, matter. Through a multimodal critical discourse analysis this paper explores the representations of undercover policing and intelligence operations in the animated series Star Wars: The Clone Wars. The paper contends that despite its status as science fiction The Clone Wars engages with several of the real-life practices and challenges of undercover policing and intelligence operations. The overall analysis indicates that The Clone Wars projects an important critique of the morally problematic nature of the militarisation of policing and the routinisation of deceptive undercover policing practices. The paper concludes with a reflection on the consequences of this depiction, arguing that for those practitioners who are willing to engage with representations of their craft in popular culture there are valuable practical lessons to be learned from such fictional accounts.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"18 1","pages":"95 - 111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42728023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-13DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.2022183
T. Atkins
Manchester Arena held an Ariana Grande concert on the 22nd of May 2017 as a destination of one of the shows on her Dangerous Woman Tour. Around 14,000 people attended the show. Shortly after the concert ended and people started to exit the arena, terrorist Salman Abedi detonated an improvised suicide bomb that was packed with nuts and bolts to ensure maximum harm, in the arena foyer otherwise known as the City Room (Kerslake, 2018). This was the deadliest attack in the UK since the 7/7 bombings in 2005, killing 22 people including children and injuring 116 (Kerslake, 2018). Sixty ambulances and 400 police officers attended the immediate scene (BBC News, 2017). The principal goal of this research project is to improve public safety and protection from terror threats. This research study conducted qualitative empirical research to investigate the impact of the attack on victims. The key findings look at the days following the attack and the initial thoughts and feelings of the victims focusing on public safety, attitudes towards current public safety measures and returning to concerts and changes they would like to see in public safety. Using thematic analysis, the key findings of this project show the lack of concern in current government policy regarding public safety. The topic of public safety and terrorism is a growing area in research (Schuurman, 2018). This case study is particularly important to create change and to learn from previous mistakes to ensure they are not repeated (Manchester Arena Inquiry, 2020).
{"title":"The impact of the Manchester Arena terror attack: next steps for public safety and policy","authors":"T. Atkins","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.2022183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.2022183","url":null,"abstract":"Manchester Arena held an Ariana Grande concert on the 22nd of May 2017 as a destination of one of the shows on her Dangerous Woman Tour. Around 14,000 people attended the show. Shortly after the concert ended and people started to exit the arena, terrorist Salman Abedi detonated an improvised suicide bomb that was packed with nuts and bolts to ensure maximum harm, in the arena foyer otherwise known as the City Room (Kerslake, 2018). This was the deadliest attack in the UK since the 7/7 bombings in 2005, killing 22 people including children and injuring 116 (Kerslake, 2018). Sixty ambulances and 400 police officers attended the immediate scene (BBC News, 2017). The principal goal of this research project is to improve public safety and protection from terror threats. This research study conducted qualitative empirical research to investigate the impact of the attack on victims. The key findings look at the days following the attack and the initial thoughts and feelings of the victims focusing on public safety, attitudes towards current public safety measures and returning to concerts and changes they would like to see in public safety. Using thematic analysis, the key findings of this project show the lack of concern in current government policy regarding public safety. The topic of public safety and terrorism is a growing area in research (Schuurman, 2018). This case study is particularly important to create change and to learn from previous mistakes to ensure they are not repeated (Manchester Arena Inquiry, 2020).","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"18 1","pages":"112 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42006005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.2022184
Anurug Chakma
ABSTRACT While earlier research confirms the association between state repression and terrorism, I revisit the state repression-terrorism thesis in the context of South Asia by using two alternative measures of state repression – political terror scale (PTS) and human rights and rule of law indicator (HRRL) of the Fragile State Index (FSI) – and an alternative measure of the impact of terrorism – Global Terrorism Index (GTI). I employ panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) models and feasible generalised least square (FGLS) models to analyze the panel dataset of this research that covers seven South Asian countries, excluding the Maldives between 2006 and 2019. Consistent with previous studies, I find state repression to have a statistically significant relationship with terrorism for the sample of this study. In contrast, unemployment, poverty, and population among control variables are statistically significant predictors of terrorism of selected South Asian countries.
{"title":"Does state repression stimulate terrorism? A panel data analysis on South Asia","authors":"Anurug Chakma","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.2022184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.2022184","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While earlier research confirms the association between state repression and terrorism, I revisit the state repression-terrorism thesis in the context of South Asia by using two alternative measures of state repression – political terror scale (PTS) and human rights and rule of law indicator (HRRL) of the Fragile State Index (FSI) – and an alternative measure of the impact of terrorism – Global Terrorism Index (GTI). I employ panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) models and feasible generalised least square (FGLS) models to analyze the panel dataset of this research that covers seven South Asian countries, excluding the Maldives between 2006 and 2019. Consistent with previous studies, I find state repression to have a statistically significant relationship with terrorism for the sample of this study. In contrast, unemployment, poverty, and population among control variables are statistically significant predictors of terrorism of selected South Asian countries.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"200 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44855445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-27DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.2021276
P. Banda
{"title":"African intelligence services: early postcolonial and contemporary challenges","authors":"P. Banda","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.2021276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.2021276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"18 1","pages":"137 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42230222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.2014549
K. Harris
ABSTRACT The Night Wolves emerged from the outlaw subculture and evolved into an antagonist for the Russian government. The motorcycle club received international attention after taking part in Crimea’s annexation alongside the Russian military, with many European governments viewing the club as a Russian proxy and a security threat. Yet despite concerns, the club underwent an international expansion which included creating an Australian department and Russian members travelling to Australia to support local activities. This paper draws on open-source primary and secondary materials to explore the characteristics of the Night Wolves’ Australian department. Findings indicate the Australian Night Wolves maintain aspects of the motorcycle club subculture, but the club’s ideology has influenced the meaning behind these activities and symbols. The Australian cohort is well-connected with the Night Wolves’ international leadership, those linked to the conflict in Ukraine and far-right groups in the Balkans. Australian Night Wolves members involvement in international networks and events places them at risk of engaging in activities that amplify community tensions and undermine sovereignty.
{"title":"Russia’s Night Wolves in Australia","authors":"K. Harris","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.2014549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.2014549","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Night Wolves emerged from the outlaw subculture and evolved into an antagonist for the Russian government. The motorcycle club received international attention after taking part in Crimea’s annexation alongside the Russian military, with many European governments viewing the club as a Russian proxy and a security threat. Yet despite concerns, the club underwent an international expansion which included creating an Australian department and Russian members travelling to Australia to support local activities. This paper draws on open-source primary and secondary materials to explore the characteristics of the Night Wolves’ Australian department. Findings indicate the Australian Night Wolves maintain aspects of the motorcycle club subculture, but the club’s ideology has influenced the meaning behind these activities and symbols. The Australian cohort is well-connected with the Night Wolves’ international leadership, those linked to the conflict in Ukraine and far-right groups in the Balkans. Australian Night Wolves members involvement in international networks and events places them at risk of engaging in activities that amplify community tensions and undermine sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"135 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44754728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-20DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.2016898
Joanna Wong
ABSTRACT Law enforcement agencies must strike a fine balance between sharing terrorism intelligence and ensuring it is securely protected. This article explores the policy and legislative framework adopted by the UK in dealing with terrorism intelligence. In September 2019, access was granted to a number of UK government agencies to observe how they collaborate with each other to identify and manage prisoners who presented with terrorism related risks. There were several ways in which UK agencies were observed to overcome potential information barriers that could be adopted by NSW agencies involved in the Terrorism High Risk Offenders scheme. This research has broader application for law enforcement and intelligence bodies in other countries involved in counter terrorism strategies.
{"title":"Sharing terrorism intelligence: insights from UK law enforcement agencies","authors":"Joanna Wong","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.2016898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.2016898","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Law enforcement agencies must strike a fine balance between sharing terrorism intelligence and ensuring it is securely protected. This article explores the policy and legislative framework adopted by the UK in dealing with terrorism intelligence. In September 2019, access was granted to a number of UK government agencies to observe how they collaborate with each other to identify and manage prisoners who presented with terrorism related risks. There were several ways in which UK agencies were observed to overcome potential information barriers that could be adopted by NSW agencies involved in the Terrorism High Risk Offenders scheme. This research has broader application for law enforcement and intelligence bodies in other countries involved in counter terrorism strategies.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"218 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48834307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-03DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.1982139
Farooq Yousaf, Moheb Jabarkhail
ABSTRACT On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, the Taliban and its allies established full control over Afghanistan. As the days pass, observers, both within and outside the country, are wondering what the future holds for a Taliban-led Afghanistan. This paper, using mainstream and social media sources in Pashto, English and Urdu, seeks to paint a picture of the Taliban’s PR campaign, propaganda messaging and future direction in terms of governance in Afghanistan. The paper argues that the Taliban of 2021 are different from the Taliban of 1996, at least in terms of their media messaging, propaganda and political manoeuvring. However, even with this evolution, the situation for gender and media rights presents a grim future. In its concluding section, the paper proposes short, medium and long-term policy recommendations for the international community that focus on ensuring basic human rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on the Taliban, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and focusing on the long-term well-being of the Afghan population.
{"title":"Afghanistan’s future under the Taliban regime: engagement or isolation?","authors":"Farooq Yousaf, Moheb Jabarkhail","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.1982139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.1982139","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, the Taliban and its allies established full control over Afghanistan. As the days pass, observers, both within and outside the country, are wondering what the future holds for a Taliban-led Afghanistan. This paper, using mainstream and social media sources in Pashto, English and Urdu, seeks to paint a picture of the Taliban’s PR campaign, propaganda messaging and future direction in terms of governance in Afghanistan. The paper argues that the Taliban of 2021 are different from the Taliban of 1996, at least in terms of their media messaging, propaganda and political manoeuvring. However, even with this evolution, the situation for gender and media rights presents a grim future. In its concluding section, the paper proposes short, medium and long-term policy recommendations for the international community that focus on ensuring basic human rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on the Taliban, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and focusing on the long-term well-being of the Afghan population.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"117 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42398029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-27DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.1969030
Clarissa Sabadini, Mariasole Rinaldi, A. Guazzini
ABSTRACT This study investigated the phenomena of group polarisation with particular attention to the differences between offline and online settings. Polarisation is a process that leads people to develop extreme ideologies. Three hundred and seven participants were recruited and randomly assigned to different experimental conditions, i.e. antisocial and prosocial polarisation, within groups of 6 people composed of four confederates, participating in discussions about a social dilemma under two different circumstances: face to face and online. The degree of polarisation was assessed considering the final decisions adopted by the participants, as well as the internal dynamics characterising their final attitudes, i.e. compliance versus conversion. Results showed that online groups appeared more susceptible to polarisation and their members reported a greater degree of conformism. In particular, within online environments, the risk of being polarised, both antisocially and prosocially, increased by around 12%. Furthermore, in an online setting, a greater degree of conversion emerged only when the members decided to adopt a pro-social behaviour, while a greater degree of compliance emerged whenever they decided to adopt antisocial behaviour.
{"title":"Compliance and conversion in small groups: online vs. offline polarisation effects","authors":"Clarissa Sabadini, Mariasole Rinaldi, A. Guazzini","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.1969030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.1969030","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This study investigated the phenomena of group polarisation with particular attention to the differences between offline and online settings. Polarisation is a process that leads people to develop extreme ideologies. Three hundred and seven participants were recruited and randomly assigned to different experimental conditions, i.e. antisocial and prosocial polarisation, within groups of 6 people composed of four confederates, participating in discussions about a social dilemma under two different circumstances: face to face and online. The degree of polarisation was assessed considering the final decisions adopted by the participants, as well as the internal dynamics characterising their final attitudes, i.e. compliance versus conversion. Results showed that online groups appeared more susceptible to polarisation and their members reported a greater degree of conformism. In particular, within online environments, the risk of being polarised, both antisocially and prosocially, increased by around 12%. Furthermore, in an online setting, a greater degree of conversion emerged only when the members decided to adopt a pro-social behaviour, while a greater degree of compliance emerged whenever they decided to adopt antisocial behaviour.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"159 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46737242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-22DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.1969423
Joshua Akintayo
How do we build trust with Muslim Communities in counter-terrorism community engagement? This is the overarching question that this book seeks to answer. The proliferation of counter-terrorism comm...
我们如何在反恐社区参与中与穆斯林社区建立信任?这是本书试图回答的首要问题。反恐通讯的扩散……
{"title":"Counter-terrorism community engagement: pitfalls and opportunities","authors":"Joshua Akintayo","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.1969423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.1969423","url":null,"abstract":"How do we build trust with Muslim Communities in counter-terrorism community engagement? This is the overarching question that this book seeks to answer. The proliferation of counter-terrorism comm...","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"18 1","pages":"135 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47608402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-06DOI: 10.1080/18335330.2021.1962956
M. Demir
ABSTRACT This study compared police perceptions of BWCs in terms of officers’ perceptions of BWCs acceptance (police support for BWCs, citizen support of BWCs, and comfort with the use of BWCs), the effect of BWCs on police (transparency, accountability, respectful treatment, use of force, and officer safety), the effect of BWCs on citizens (general perceptions of police, perceptions of police trustworthiness, respect toward police, satisfaction with police, and citizen safety), officer activity (response to calls for service and enforcement of the law), and complaints (internal and citizen complaints) among different types of police agencies. The data were collected from a survey administered to 131 police officers from the State Police (SP), City Police (CP), and University Police (UP). The results of bivariate and multivariate analysis showed that CP officers have the most positive views of BWCs, followed by UP officers, and SP officers. The multivariate analyses also showed that a significant difference was found between CP and SP officers for BWCs acceptance, effect of BWCs on police and citizens, and complaints, between CP and UP officers for effect of BWCs on citizens, while no significant difference was found between SP and UP officers. The results and policy implications are discussed.
{"title":"Police perceptions of body-worn cameras (BWCs) by type of police agency","authors":"M. Demir","doi":"10.1080/18335330.2021.1962956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.1962956","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study compared police perceptions of BWCs in terms of officers’ perceptions of BWCs acceptance (police support for BWCs, citizen support of BWCs, and comfort with the use of BWCs), the effect of BWCs on police (transparency, accountability, respectful treatment, use of force, and officer safety), the effect of BWCs on citizens (general perceptions of police, perceptions of police trustworthiness, respect toward police, satisfaction with police, and citizen safety), officer activity (response to calls for service and enforcement of the law), and complaints (internal and citizen complaints) among different types of police agencies. The data were collected from a survey administered to 131 police officers from the State Police (SP), City Police (CP), and University Police (UP). The results of bivariate and multivariate analysis showed that CP officers have the most positive views of BWCs, followed by UP officers, and SP officers. The multivariate analyses also showed that a significant difference was found between CP and SP officers for BWCs acceptance, effect of BWCs on police and citizens, and complaints, between CP and UP officers for effect of BWCs on citizens, while no significant difference was found between SP and UP officers. The results and policy implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":37849,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism","volume":"17 1","pages":"72 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/18335330.2021.1962956","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43899971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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