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Co-constructing fashion in a South–South context: selling Chinese-made garments and textiles in Mozambique 在南南背景下共同构建时尚:在莫桑比克销售中国制造的服装和纺织品
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2133735
Johanna von Pezold
Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Mozambique (in 2017 and 2019) and China (in 2019), this paper looks at the ways that Chinese garments and textiles are presented and promoted as being fashionable in everyday business interactions in Mozambique. It explores how fashion is mediated in informal, South–South contexts that are largely detached from Euro–American fashion systems. Several different groups make use of their own specific strengths and advantages – be it access to capital and networks, long-term trading experience, business expertise, or an intimate knowledge of local tastes and trends – to sell Chinese-made clothes, shoes, and fabrics in Mozambique. These groups include Indian traders, West African individual traders, Chinese entrepreneurs, Chinese textile companies, and since recently, young Mozambicans, including women, who see the availability and affordability of Chinese-made products as an opportunity to start their own businesses. These diverse actors partly complement and partly contradict each other in mediating the fashionability of Chinese-made products, while jointly constructing them as fashion. Through this unintentional co-construction, the groups selling Chinese-made garments and textiles in Mozambique carve out market niches for themselves, stimulate local dress culture, and diversify the way fashion mediation is understood, adding a South–South perspective to it.
基于在莫桑比克(2017年和2019年)和中国(2019年)进行的民族志实地调查,本文研究了中国服装和纺织品在莫桑比克日常商业互动中作为时尚呈现和推广的方式。它探讨了时尚是如何在非正式的南南背景下进行调解的,这些背景在很大程度上脱离了欧美时尚体系。几个不同的集团利用自己的特殊优势——资本和网络、长期贸易经验、商业专业知识或对当地品味和趋势的深入了解——在莫桑比克销售中国制造的服装、鞋子和面料。这些群体包括印度贸易商、西非个体贸易商、中国企业家、中国纺织公司,最近,包括妇女在内的莫桑比克年轻人将中国制造的产品的可获得性和可负担性视为创业的机会。这些不同的角色在协调中国制造产品的时尚性的过程中,既相互补充,又相互矛盾,同时共同将其构建为时尚。通过这种无意的合作,在莫桑比克销售中国制造的服装和纺织品的集团为自己开辟了市场利基,激发了当地的服装文化,并使人们对时尚中介的理解方式多样化,为其增添了南南视角。
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引用次数: 0
The agentive power of play in theatre for young people: a Zimbabwean case study 戏剧对年轻人的代理力量:一个津巴布韦案例研究
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2133734
K. Chinyowa, Nalini Moodley-Diar, Anre Fourie
Popular arts are not only accessible to most people, but their stylistic features are also a crucial scholarly site of attention. Liz Gunner [1990. “Introduction: Forms of Popular Culture and the Struggle for Space.” Journal of Southern African Studies 16 (2): 199–206] regards African popular art as an empowering agency that can give people a new sense of control over their own lives. Through processes of improvisation, enactment and dialogue, such popular arts create spaces for participants to not only express themselves, but also to exercise power and authority over forces of oppression and repression. In African storytelling the trickster narrative is one of the aesthetic categories and is indeed the trope from which popular theatre in Africa has derived most of its inspiration. Using the illustrative paradigm of a popular theatre performance entitled, Vana Vana (Children are children), this article seeks to demonstrate how symbolic inversion was used to address topical issues associated with child abuse in Zimbabwe. The performance focuses on the violation of children’s rights through child labour, domestic violence, sexual abuse, child soldiers and ‘street children.’ The article examines these forms of child abuse to see how Vana Vana operates as a performative discourse that deploys trickster narrative to critique actual violations of children’s rights. The article also examines the agentive power of the young theatre facilitators and performers who were at the centre of devising the popular theatre performance through symbolic inversion. What the paper demonstrates, then, is a classic example of the performative power of popular youth theatre and its agency to critique and hold accountable a dominant culture that endangers the lives and futures of young people.
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引用次数: 1
Income opportunities for many or development through state revenues? Contested narratives on mining 为许多人提供收入机会,还是通过国家收入来发展?关于采矿的争议叙述
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2133732
Bettina Engels
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引用次数: 1
Modernisation in isolation: the nature and roots of Eritrea’s defining economic ideology 孤立的现代化:厄立特里亚决定性经济意识形态的性质和根源
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2145978
S. Andemariam
In 1994, with the establishment of the Popular Front for Democracy and Justice as Eritrea’s sole political party, the government of Eritrea proclaimed a bold new economic policy to create a private sector-led, export-oriented, free market economy. This appeared to be a marked departure from Eritrean political elites’ prior Marxist-Leninism and commitment to isolationist, state-led development. However, we argue that this new policy, rather than evidence of ideological vacuity, was consistent with a deeper set of ideological principles. This ideology assigns a pre-eminent role to the society's political elite, valorises almost autarkic economic independence, and reproduces a specific variant of radical ‘high’ modernism through mass mobilisation and root-and-branch transformation. However, in contrast to past high modernist development ideologies, Eritrea’s particular constellation of policies is part of a new pattern of illiberal modernisation ideology visible across a number of countries in 21st Century Africa, such as Rwanda and Ethiopia. We trace Eritrea’s history of adherence to international self-reliance and societal dominance through the long years of insurgent struggle that led to the establishment of the government of liberated Eritrea. This reveals how ideology is indispensable in understanding the state and policymaking and how particular political ideas constitute key defining influences on the Eritrean state.
1994年,随着民主和正义人民阵线作为厄立特里亚唯一的政党的成立,厄立特里亚政府宣布了一项大胆的新经济政策,以建立一个由私营部门领导的、面向出口的自由市场经济。这似乎明显背离了厄立特里亚政治精英先前的马克思列宁主义和对孤立主义、国家主导发展的承诺。然而,我们认为,这一新政策与一套更深层次的意识形态原则是一致的,而不是意识形态空虚的证据。这种意识形态为社会的政治精英赋予了卓越的角色,强调了几乎自给自足的经济独立,并通过群众动员和彻底的转变再现了激进的“高级”现代主义的特定变体。然而,与过去高度现代主义的发展意识形态相比,厄立特里亚的特殊政策组合是21世纪非洲许多国家(如卢旺达和埃塞俄比亚)可见的非自由主义现代化意识形态新模式的一部分。我们追溯厄立特里亚在长期的叛乱斗争中坚持国际自力更生和社会主导地位的历史,这些斗争导致建立了获得解放的厄立特里亚政府。这揭示了意识形态在理解国家和政策制定中是如何不可或缺的,以及特定的政治思想如何构成对厄立特里亚国家的关键决定性影响。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: The ideology of the illiberal modernisers in Africa 引言:非洲非自由主义现代化者的意识形态
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2151482
B. Dye
The 21st century has seen a major political and developmental shift in Africa involving the rise of new authoritarian states and a return to infrastructure-led, economically interventionist state-building programmes. Many studies have examined the international political economy of this shift, from the commodity boom to the rise of China and the political power underpinning development-focused regimes at the national level. This special issue argues instead that this authoritarian state-building drive is also the product of ideas, beliefs, and principles. An ideology of development has led a group of ruling parties to pursue distinctive programmes of leap-frogging modernization. Authors in this special issue present a set of case studies ranging from old parties in government since independence, in Tanzania and Mozambique, to former insurgents in Rwanda and Ethiopia, and detail their ideologies. While acknowledging their considerable variation and uniqueness, we group the common features of these cases together, presenting the ‘illiberal modernisers’ ideological programme. Many of its elements look like resurgent 20th-century High Modernism, however, we demonstrate that there are profoundly new features combining postmodern aesthetics, elements of neoliberal orthodoxy, and new public management. Such ideological dimensions remain overlooked in the study of African politics, with materialist perspectives touting rational interests and strategy, largely dominating.
21世纪见证了非洲重大的政治和发展转变,包括新的威权国家的崛起,以及回归以基础设施为主导、经济干预主义的国家建设计划。许多研究考察了这种转变的国际政治经济,从大宗商品繁荣到中国的崛起,以及在国家层面上支撑以发展为重点的政权的政治力量。本期特刊认为,这种威权主义的国家建设动力也是思想、信仰和原则的产物。一种发展的意识形态引导着一群执政党追求独特的跨越式现代化方案。本期特刊的作者们介绍了一系列案例研究,从坦桑尼亚和莫桑比克独立以来的旧政党到卢旺达和埃塞俄比亚的前叛乱分子,并详细介绍了他们的意识形态。在承认其相当大的差异和独特性的同时,我们将这些案例的共同特征组合在一起,呈现出“非自由的现代主义者”的意识形态方案。它的许多元素看起来像复兴的20世纪高级现代主义,然而,我们证明了后现代美学、新自由主义正统元素和新公共管理的深刻新特征。在非洲政治的研究中,这种意识形态的维度仍然被忽视,唯物主义的观点鼓吹理性的利益和战略,在很大程度上占主导地位。
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引用次数: 0
Dam building by the illiberal modernisers: ideological drivers for Rwanda and Tanzania’s megawatt mission 狭隘的现代化主义者修建大坝:卢旺达和坦桑尼亚兆瓦计划的意识形态驱动者
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-06-24 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2074482
B. Dye
Globally, and especially in Africa, twentieth-century dams were typically imagined through high modernist ideology as the premier development project, but this ended with the decade-long hiatus in dam construction from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s. However, dam-building is back. Does this mark the resurgence of a modernising ideology, of grand plans of mega-infrastructures implemented from an enlightened vanguard? This article analyses this question using Rwanda and Tanzania as case studies. It makes a twofold contribution. The first, to the literature on why the resurgence of dams is happening. Using theory, it shows how to understand the influence of ideology alongside other strategic factors and conceptualises the application of high modernism to dam building. This allows a more precise assessment of the influence of ideology on dam resurgence, with the cases of Rwanda and Tanzania demonstrating significant contrasts with past tendencies to aggrandise the infrastructure itself as the harbinger of progress. The second contribution to this special issue is on the ideology influencing a raft of 21st century illiberal states in Africa that have embarked on grand development missions. The article compliments other texts in this issue, demonstrating the presence of an evolved illiberal modernisers ideology that combines tenants of the past with more recent norms. Thus, an assumption of technologies’ ability to linearly generate development is combined with contrasting ideas about sustainability, the importance of the private sector’s role and hydropower’s limitations. This demonstrates the way today’s illiberal modernisers, engaged in global debates, adapt and update development ideology.
在全球范围内,特别是在非洲,20世纪的水坝通常被高度现代主义的意识形态想象为首要的发展项目,但这一趋势随着20世纪90年代中期到21世纪头十年中期水坝建设的十年中断而结束。然而,大坝建设又回来了。这是否标志着现代化意识形态的复兴,标志着开明先锋队实施的大型基础设施宏伟计划的复兴?本文以卢旺达和坦桑尼亚为案例分析了这一问题。它做出了双重贡献。首先是关于为什么大坝会重新兴起的文献。运用理论,展示了如何理解意识形态与其他战略因素的影响,并将高度现代主义在大坝建设中的应用概念化。这可以更精确地评估意识形态对大坝复兴的影响,卢旺达和坦桑尼亚的情况与过去扩大基础设施本身作为进步先行者的趋势形成鲜明对比。本期特刊的第二篇文章是关于意识形态对21世纪非洲许多非自由国家的影响,这些国家已经开始了宏伟的发展使命。这篇文章是对本期其他文章的补充,展示了一种不断发展的非自由主义现代主义意识形态的存在,这种意识形态将过去的租户与最近的规范结合在一起。因此,关于技术线性促进发展的能力的假设与关于可持续性、私营部门作用的重要性和水力发电的局限性的对比观点相结合。这展示了当今参与全球辩论的狭隘的现代化主义者如何调整和更新发展意识形态。
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引用次数: 2
How a Cameroonian university is unintentionally producing African feminists, and why it must be more intentional 喀麦隆的一所大学是如何无意中培养出非洲女权主义者的?为什么它必须更加有意
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2082993
Monique Kwachou
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引用次数: 0
Crumbling modernisms: Luanda architectonic utopias after the boom 摇摇欲坠的现代主义:繁荣后的罗安达建筑乌托邦
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2074484
Chloé Buire
In Luanda maybe more than elsewhere, controlling the city landscape is synonymous with controlling the polity at large. Despite a tremendous political change in Angola during the twentieth century, the paper traces how the modernist plans elaborated in the late colonial period (1945–1975) have influenced the planning imagination of Luanda until today. It argues that the construction boom that reshaped Luanda at the end of the war in 2002 can be interpreted as a modernist promise to break the middle class free from a hopeless urban fabric by promoting a specific urban aesthetic rather than facilitating social transformation. These continuities are, however, complex and fragile. What happens when the utopia of a city under control starts to lose power? Reflecting on two urban projects built around half a century apart, this paper explores how the kinesthetic experience of the city might constitute an unexpected form of ideological dissent able to disrupt modernism at large. The trajectory of Kilamba City, in particular, is the epitome of the oil-fed reconstruction frenzy of the late 2000s that brutally ended in 2014. Looking at how residents, planners and even state media relate to this project suggests that the unsustainability of a utopian suburban life eventually triggers new political subjectivities and directly challenges the modernist ideology that endured for so long.
在罗安达,控制城市景观就等同于控制整个政治体系,这一点可能比其他地方更甚。尽管安哥拉在20世纪发生了巨大的政治变化,但本文追溯了殖民时期晚期(1945-1975)制定的现代主义规划如何影响罗安达的规划想象力,直到今天。它认为,2002年战争结束时重塑罗安达的建设热潮可以被解释为现代主义的承诺,即通过促进特定的城市美学而不是促进社会转型,将中产阶级从绝望的城市结构中解放出来。然而,这些连续性是复杂而脆弱的。当被控制的城市乌托邦开始失去动力时会发生什么?通过对两个相距约半个世纪的城市项目的反思,本文探讨了城市的动觉体验如何构成一种意想不到的意识形态异议形式,能够破坏现代主义。尤其是基兰巴市的发展轨迹,是本世纪头十年末由石油支撑的重建狂潮的缩影,这种狂潮在2014年残酷地结束了。看看居民、规划者甚至国家媒体是如何看待这个项目的,这表明乌托邦式郊区生活的不可持续性最终引发了新的政治主体性,并直接挑战了长期存在的现代主义意识形态。
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引用次数: 4
A pragmatic high modernism? rural development and state building in the Ethiopian lowlands, c. 1960–2019. 实用主义的高级现代主义?埃塞俄比亚低地的农村发展和国家建设,约1960-2019年。
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2076705
L. Puddu
Large scale agricultural projects driven by a high modernist ideology have been closely interlinked with the process of state building at the Ethiopian lowland frontier since the second half of the twentieth century. This paper provides a diachronic analysis of the political economy of agricultural development and the associated frontier effect in the western and north-eastern lowlands of the country across three different political regimes. A comparative assessment of these patterns suggests that the high modernist paradigm should be applied with some qualification to the agenda of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition that ruled Ethiopia from 1994 to 2019. The EPRDF was far more pragmatic than its predecessors; the oscillation between different degrees of state intervention was based upon past experiences of success and failure in the territorialization of state power in contested borderlands.
20世纪下半叶以来,由高度现代主义意识形态推动的大规模农业项目与埃塞俄比亚低地边境的国家建设进程密切相关。本文通过三种不同的政治制度,对该国西部和东北部低地农业发展的政治经济学及其相关的前沿效应进行了历时分析。对这些模式的比较评估表明,高度现代主义范式应该在一定程度上适用于埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线(EPRDF)的议程,该联盟从1994年到2019年统治埃塞俄比亚。EPRDF比其前任务实得多;不同程度的国家干预之间的摇摆是基于过去在有争议的边境地区国家权力领土化的成功和失败的经验。
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引用次数: 1
Constructing Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) as a radically transformative policy in South Africa: government v corporate discourse 构建黑人经济赋权(BEE)作为南非的一项根本性变革政策:政府与企业话语
Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/21681392.2022.2074485
M. Makgoba
This paper investigates how the South African government and mining corporations have appropriated anti-apartheid and anti-colonial discourses to legitimise Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) as a radically transformative policy without being transformative in conception, discourse, or action. There is a presumption in academic circles that BEE is a panacea for radically transforming historical, structural, and unequal power relations in South Africa. This article rejects this presumption by demonstrating how the conception and discourse of BEE have ignored these power relations and their underlying political economic structures of apartheid capitalism even before the policy was implemented or enforced by the government. Using [Young, Marion. 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Oxford: Oxford University Press] critique of the distributive paradigm of justice, and employing [Fairclough, Norman. 1992. Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press] three-dimensional model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article argues that the government and mining corporations present BEE as a new measure of radical transformation while simultaneously reducing this transformation to the micro concept of economic participation, focusing on numbers, representation, and targets rather than on historical, structural, and unequal power relations. As a result, the government and these corporations have reinforced and maintained these power relations while employing the discourse of BEE to masquerade as advancing their transformation. The crux is that BEE encourages Black people to operate within economically and institutionally oppressive structures which amplify the conditions they purport to be challenging.
本文研究了南非政府和矿业公司如何利用反种族隔离和反殖民主义的话语,将黑人经济赋权(BEE)作为一项根本变革的政策合法化,而在概念、话语或行动上却没有变革。学术界有一种假设,认为BEE是彻底改变南非历史、结构和不平等权力关系的灵丹妙药。本文驳斥了这一假设,论证了即使在政府实施或强制执行政策之前,BEE的概念和话语是如何忽视这些权力关系及其潜在的种族隔离资本主义政治经济结构的。使用[Young, Marion. 1990]。正义与差异政治。牛津:牛津大学出版社]正义分配范式的批判,并采用[费尔克劳,诺曼,1992]。话语与社会变革。本文认为,政府和矿业公司将BEE作为一种激进转型的新措施,同时将这种转型简化为经济参与的微观概念,关注数字、代表性和目标,而不是历史、结构和不平等的权力关系。因此,政府和这些公司在利用BEE话语伪装成推进其转型的同时,加强和维持了这些权力关系。关键在于,BEE鼓励黑人在经济和制度上的压迫性结构中运作,这放大了他们声称具有挑战性的条件。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Critical African Studies
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