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Book Review: The Place of Families: Fostering Capacity, Equality, and Responsibility 书评:《家庭的地位:培养能力、平等和责任》
Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0600200108
T. Metz
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Legitimacy in International Society 书评:国际社会的合法性
Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0600200107
A. Lang
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引用次数: 0
The Place of Families: Fostering Capacity, Equality, and Responsibility Linda C. McClain .The Place of Families: Fostering Capacity, Equality, and Responsibility(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006). 《家庭的地方:培养能力、平等和责任》琳达·c·麦克莱恩。《家庭的地方:培养能力、平等和责任》(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学出版社,2006)。
Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.3366/PER.2006.2.1.95
T. Metz
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引用次数: 1
Rawls and Religion: Between the Decency and Justice of Reasonable Religious Regimes 罗尔斯与宗教:在合理宗教制度的体面与正义之间
Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0600200105
H. Haidar
Examines Rawls's view on the dencency of some religious regimes, and argues that his methodology requires his approval of the justice of some religious regimes, rather than merely their decency.
考察罗尔斯对某些宗教政体的倾斜性的看法,并论证他的方法论要求他认可某些宗教政体的正义性,而不仅仅是它们的体面性。
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引用次数: 1
Waging War against Iraq: Jus Ad Bellum Considerations 对伊拉克发动战争:战时法考量
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100204
C. Dolan
The US-led invasion of Iraq is an attractive case to assess against the framework of just war theory, which has influenced the Bush administration’s effort to construct a moral and political basis for launching the war. On the whole, the just war tradition has developed with a rich historical significance when it comes to evaluating the moral and political implications of warfare. The advantage of just war theory is that it recognizes conflict among states and seeks to constrict its destructiveness and frequency by demanding the observance of jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and jus post bello moral principles. For some, this article may appear as an unethical relaxation of moral structures designed to constrain the use of force. Others may interpret the argument as an exaggeration of moral concerns and international restraints. The goal here is to tap the just war tradition, which at times allows for the use of force with limitations, in observing and assessing jus ad bellum considerations in the Bush administration’s case for war against Iraq.
以美国为首的入侵伊拉克是一个很有吸引力的案例,可以用正义战争理论的框架来评估。正义战争理论影响了布什政府为发动这场战争构建道德和政治基础的努力。总的来说,在评价战争的道德和政治影响方面,正义战争传统的发展具有丰富的历史意义。正义战争理论的优势在于,它承认国家之间的冲突,并通过要求遵守“战中之法”、“战中之法”和“战后之法”的道德原则,试图限制其破坏性和频率。对于一些人来说,这篇文章可能会被视为一种不道德的道德结构的放松,旨在限制使用武力。其他人可能会把这种说法解释为对道德问题和国际限制的夸大。这里的目标是利用正义战争的传统,有时允许有限度地使用武力,观察和评估布什政府对伊拉克战争的正当战争考虑。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: On Bullshit 书评:胡扯
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100211
M. Evans
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引用次数: 0
Forced to Be Free: Rethinking J. S. Mill and Intervention 被迫自由:重新思考密尔与干预
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100202
J. Miller
In the run-up to and aftermath of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, it became something of a commonplace for many on the American left to label US policy as a return to an imperial colonialism. The critique was far from unanimous, though, as the editorial boards at the New York Times and the New Republic together with a number of prominent leftists coalesced into a supposedly new entity, the ‘liberal hawk’ who envisions using American military might to secure human rights and to spread democracy. Of course, the liberal hawk is not really new; many eighteenth and nineteenth century liberal intellectuals defended the same sorts of claims. John Stuart Mill, for instance, argues in Considerations on Representative Government that while some nations are already candidates for representative government, ‘there are others which have not attained that state, and which, if held at all, must be governed by the dominant country, or by persons delegated for that purpose by it’ (Mill, 1861: 345). In an essay explicitly addressing the topic, ‘A Few Words on Non-Intervention’, Mill outlines a set of criteria for just interventions in other nations. Not coincidentally, liberal hawks often take ‘A Few Words’ as their starting point for intervention. This return to Mill is not without its problems, as a number of commentators note. After (in)famously labeling all non-Western nations ‘barbarians’, Mill argues that those nations ‘have not got beyond the period during which it is likely to be for their benefit that they should be conquered and held in subjection by foreigners’, claiming further that they must be held in this fashion until such time as the inhabitants can be made ready for civilization (Mill, 1859a: 406). So the question, then, is whether the humanitarian intervention advocated by liberal hawks is really just colonialism in another form. Are such missions really humanitarian or are they imperialist adventures thinly veiled by disingenuous moral language? Certainly it is true that there are those who speak in boldly colonialist language, characterizing American soldiers in Iraq as occupation
在2003年美国入侵伊拉克之前和之后,许多美国左翼人士把美国的政策贴上回归帝国殖民主义的标签,这已成为一种老生常谈。然而,这种批评远非一致,因为《纽约时报》和《新共和》的编辑委员会与一些著名的左派人士联合成一个所谓的新实体,即“自由鹰派”,他们设想利用美国的军事力量来确保人权和传播民主。当然,自由派鹰派其实并不新鲜;许多18和19世纪的自由主义知识分子也为同样的主张辩护。例如,约翰·斯图亚特·密尔在《论代议制政府》一书中指出,虽然一些国家已经成为代议制政府的候选者,但“还有一些国家尚未达到这种状态,而且,如果真的成立,必须由占主导地位的国家或由其委派的人来管理”(密尔,1861:345)。在一篇明确讨论这个话题的文章中,“关于不干预的几句话”,穆勒概述了一套对其他国家进行公正干预的标准。并非巧合的是,自由派鹰派经常把《几句话》作为他们干预的起点。正如许多评论家所指出的,这种对密尔的回归并非没有问题。在给所有非西方国家贴上“野蛮人”的著名标签之后,密尔认为,这些国家“还没有超过被外国人征服和奴役的时期”,并进一步声称,他们必须以这种方式被控制,直到居民能够为文明做好准备(密尔,1859a: 406)。那么问题来了,自由派鹰派所倡导的人道主义干预是否真的只是另一种形式的殖民主义?这样的任务是真正的人道主义,还是被虚伪的道德语言所掩盖的帝国主义冒险?当然,确实有些人用大胆的殖民主义语言,把驻伊拉克的美国士兵描述为占领军
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引用次数: 2
International Bioethics and Human Rights: Reflections on a Proposed Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights 国际生命伦理与人权:对拟议的世界生命伦理与人权宣言的思考
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100206
R. Baker
On 24 June 2005 the International Bioethics Committee (IBC) of the United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued a ‘Universal Draft Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights’ (hereafter, BHR). I was delighted with the document from the moment I read its title. Leading American bioethicists (Beauchamp, 1998; Macklin, 1998) had criticized my contention that any attempt to construct international bioethics by searching for principles of common morality would prove feckless; the best hope for international bioethics, I had argued, lay in negotiated rules bounded by a cosmopolitan conception of human rights (Baker, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 2001). The term ‘human rights’ in the proposed title of BHR seemed to confirm my position, and thus – since confirmation is not one of the delights philosophy usually offers its practitioners – the very title of the document gave me a tinge of satisfaction. Satisfied philosophers, however, serve little function. As John Stuart Mill famously implied of Socrates, a certain level of intellectual dissatisfaction is written into the job description. Returning to my role, in this paper I draw on my earlier analysis to assess whether the BHR provides an adequate framework for international bioethics.
2005年6月24日,联合国教育、科学及文化组织(UNESCO)的国际生物伦理委员会(IBC)发布了《生物伦理与人权世界宣言草案》(以下简称BHR)。从我读到标题的那一刻起,我就对这份文件感到高兴。美国主要的生物伦理学家(Beauchamp, 1998;麦克林(Macklin, 1998)批评了我的论点,即任何试图通过寻找共同道德原则来构建国际生物伦理学的尝试都将被证明是无能的;我曾说过,国际生物伦理学的最大希望在于以世界性的人权概念为界限的协商规则(Baker, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 2001)。拟议的BHR标题中的“人权”一词似乎证实了我的立场,因此——既然证实不是哲学通常给实践者带来的快乐之一——该文件的标题本身就给了我一丝满意。然而,满足的哲学家起不了什么作用。正如约翰·斯图亚特·密尔(John Stuart Mill)对苏格拉底(Socrates)的著名暗示,某种程度的智力不满被写进了工作描述。回到我的角色,在本文中,我利用我之前的分析来评估BHR是否为国际生物伦理学提供了一个足够的框架。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange 书评:再分配还是认可?政治哲学交流
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0500100209
Paul Voice
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0500100201
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引用次数: 0
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Politics and Ethics Review
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