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Hiv/Aids Epidemic, Human Rights and Global Justice 艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行病、人权和全球正义
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100207
Kku K. Hellsten
This article maps out some of the most burning political, legal and social issues related to the HIV/AIDS epidemic, human rights protection and global justice. The article will focus particularly on the problems that the poor, developing countries face in their attempts to combat HIV/AIDS in relation to the human rights framework. The article will on the one hand, discuss human rights and HIV/AIDS from the point of view of ‘global justice’. On the other hand, it explores local and national political and legal quandaries that many developing countries face in their efforts to deal with the epidemic. Thus, my aim is, first, to identify the problems involved in the debates on conflicting rights; second, to discuss the ethical framework related to the conflicts between rights and responsibilities; and third, to analyse who the duty bearers are in relation to the claimed rights as well as to clarify their responsibilities, obligations and duties – both in global and local contexts. I shall show that while the main obstacle to human rights protection in the context of global AIDS is still the lack of international commitment to share scarce resources equally particularly when dealing with the virus (whether we talk about prevention or treatment), other serious ethical issues arise when we use the language of rights – more widely the human rights framework – to justify ‘double standards’ in global HIV/AIDS programmes. My main thesis is that in order to find any consistent international guidelines for ‘global bioethics’ dealing with HIV/AIDS, there is a need to untangle the arguments for conflicting rights in relation to global and local responsibilities.
本文列出了与艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行、人权保护和全球正义有关的一些最紧迫的政治、法律和社会问题。这篇文章将特别集中讨论贫穷的发展中国家在与人权框架有关的艾滋病毒/艾滋病作斗争的努力中所面临的问题。这篇文章一方面将从“全球正义”的角度来讨论人权和艾滋病。另一方面,报告探讨了许多发展中国家在努力应对这一流行病时面临的地方和国家政治和法律困境。因此,我的目的是,首先确定关于相互冲突的权利的辩论所涉及的问题;其次,探讨与权利与责任冲突相关的伦理框架;第三,分析谁是与所主张的权利有关的义务承担者,并澄清他们的责任、义务和义务——在全球和地方背景下都是如此。我将指出,虽然在全球艾滋病方面保护人权的主要障碍仍然是缺乏平等分享稀缺资源的国际承诺,特别是在处理这种病毒时(无论我们谈论的是预防还是治疗),但当我们用权利的语言——更广泛地说是人权框架——来为全球艾滋病毒/艾滋病方案中的"双重标准"辩护时,就会出现其他严重的道德问题。我的主要论点是,为了找到处理艾滋病毒/艾滋病的“全球生物伦理学”的任何一致的国际指导方针,有必要理清与全球和地方责任相关的冲突权利的争论。
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引用次数: 0
Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth ,Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange(London and New York: Verso, 2003). Nancy Fraser和Axel Honneth,《再分配还是认可?》《政治哲学交流》(伦敦和纽约:Verso出版社,2003)。
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.3366/PER.2005.1.2.215
Paul Voice
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引用次数: 614
Frameworks for Understanding Dilemmas of Health Care in a Globalized World: A Case Study of Reproductive Health Policies in Peru 理解全球化世界中保健困境的框架:秘鲁生殖健康政策案例研究
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100205
J. Miranda, A. Yamin
Medical ethics has long been considered the framework that guides the way in which health professionals should provide care. In recent years, the concepts of quality of care and human rights—and the discourses they entail—have been added to medical ethics as paradigms to consider with respect to the delivery of health care, both at the individual and health policy level. Using a case study of the sexual and reproductive health policies in Peru in the last ten years, the current essay analyzes the implications of these paradigms in a world in which health and the delivery of care have increasingly globalised dimensions.
长期以来,医学伦理一直被视为指导卫生专业人员提供护理方式的框架。近年来,医疗质量和人权的概念——以及它们所涉及的话语——已经被添加到医学伦理学中,作为在个人和卫生政策层面考虑医疗服务提供的范例。本文通过对秘鲁过去十年的性健康和生殖健康政策进行个案研究,分析了这些模式在一个健康和提供保健日益全球化的世界中所产生的影响。
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引用次数: 4
A Rights-Based Approach to Development: Prospects and Problems 基于权利的发展方针:前景与问题
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100208
Sukanya Das, R. Goldstein, Sue Elliott
International development assistance, humanitarian relief and human rights interventions, like many other noble human endeavours are inherently political and liable to have unexpected and/or unintended, positive or negative outcomes. Since Mary Anderson’s seminal work Do No Harm (Lynne Rienner, 1999) highlighted the inadvertent and harmful effects of relief and development assistance in conflict zones, there has been greater consciousness amongst individual aid workers and relief and development agencies of the socioeconomic and political impacts of their presence and interventions in these environments. These realizations have in turn contributed to the emergence of conflict-sensitive approaches, and the use of conflict analysis in the formulation and implementation of projects and programmes located in conflict environments. Peter Uvin painstakingly articulates an emerging and potentially progressive approach to the international practice of development in his groundbreaking book, Human Rights and Development. It is an inspiring attempt to integrate human rights values within international development practice. Although other scholars have challenged the false dichotomy that separates the discourses and practices of human rights from mainstream development, Uvin’s analysis of the challenges and implications of integrating human rights values and development practice is a significant and seminal contribution. The core questions considered in Human Rights and Development are: how could development assistance be re-conceptualized in order to better integrate and uphold human rights; what changes need to be made in development practice; and what are the probable implications of such changes? According to
国际发展援助、人道主义救济和人权干预与许多其他崇高的人类事业一样,具有内在的政治性,容易产生意想不到和/或意想不到的积极或消极的结果。自从玛丽·安德森(Mary Anderson)的开创性著作《不伤害》(Do No Harm, Lynne Rienner, 1999)强调了冲突地区的救济和发展援助的无意和有害影响以来,个人援助工作者和救济和发展机构越来越意识到他们在这些环境中的存在和干预所带来的社会经济和政治影响。这些认识反过来又促进了对冲突敏感的办法的出现,以及在制订和执行冲突环境中的项目和方案时使用冲突分析。彼得·乌文在他开创性的著作《人权与发展》中,煞费苦心地阐述了一种新兴的、潜在的进步方法来研究国际发展实践。这是将人权价值观纳入国际发展实践的一次鼓舞人心的尝试。尽管其他学者对将人权的话语和实践与主流发展分离开来的错误二分法提出了质疑,但Uvin对将人权价值观与发展实践相结合的挑战和影响的分析是一项重大而开创性的贡献。《人权与发展》所审议的核心问题是:如何重新构想发展援助的概念,以便更好地结合和维护人权;在发展实践中需要作出哪些改变;这些变化可能意味着什么?根据
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Post-Democracy 书评:后民主
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0500100210
C. el-Ojeili
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引用次数: 0
Re-Visiting Berlin: Why Two Liberties are Better Than One 重游柏林:为什么两个自由比一个自由好
Pub Date : 2005-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100203
Avery E. Plaw
Isaiah Berlin delivered his inaugural lecture as Chichele Professor of Political Philosophy at Oxford, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, in 1958. In the almost fifty years since, it has attained a canonical status, particularly as an introduction to the idea of political liberty. Michael Sandel, for example, calls it ‘perhaps the most influential essay of post-war political theory’ (Sandel, 1984: 7). Ronald Dworkin describes the essay as provoking the current ‘renaissance’ of political theory (Dworkin, 1991: 100). It has also, however, found more than its share of critics, including both Sandel and Dworkin. Indeed, the essay’s enduring popularity stands in an odd contrast with the consistently negative reception commentators have given the general political position Berlin attempted to defend. Three readings have predominated in loosely successive waves: in the first, Berlin is presented as a classical English liberal defending the overriding importance of negative liberty; on the second, Berlin was a highly original and subversive strong pluralist demonstrating the irresolvability of ultimate value conflicts; and, on a third, synthetic reading, Berlin defended a modern variant of liberalism as entailed by pluralism. These readings evidently interpret Berlin’s purposes quite differently, but in the end come to similarly skeptical conclusions concerning his success. Readers of Berlin as a classical liberal, such as Dworkin, Charles Taylor, Leo Strauss, Quentin Skinner, C. J. Galipeau and Michael Ignatieff, raise concerns that Berlin was unable to satisfactorily justify the special status he claimed for negative liberty or to define its limits. His liberalism was therefore ungrounded and undefined. Pluralists readers like John Gray and John Kekes argue that Berlin’s compelling pluralism actually undermined his liberalism. His position was therefore inconsistent. Finally, liberal pluralist readers like William Galston and (the recent) George Crowder argue that although pluralism can be shown to entail liberalism, Berlin himself failed to establish this linkage. His theory was therefore inchoate. Each of these established readings of Berlin contrast strikingly with Berlin’s
1958年,以赛亚·伯林(Isaiah Berlin)以牛津大学奇切勒政治哲学教授的身份发表了他的就职演讲“自由的两个概念”。在此后的近50年里,它获得了权威地位,特别是作为政治自由概念的介绍。例如,迈克尔·桑德尔称其为“可能是战后政治理论中最具影响力的文章”(桑德尔,1984:7)。罗纳德·德沃金称这篇文章引发了当前政治理论的“复兴”(德沃金,1991:100)。然而,它也发现了更多的批评者,包括桑德尔和德沃金。的确,这篇文章经久不衰的受欢迎程度,与评论家们对柏林试图捍卫的总体政治立场一贯持负面看法形成了奇怪的对比。有三种解读在松散的连续浪潮中占主导地位:第一种,伯林被视为捍卫消极自由压倒一切重要性的古典英国自由主义者;第二,柏林是一个极具原创性和颠覆性的强势多元主义者,展示了终极价值冲突的不可解决性;在第三种综合解读中,柏林为多元主义所带来的自由主义的现代变体辩护。这些解读显然对伯林的目的有截然不同的解读,但最终对他的成功得出了同样的怀疑结论。柏林作为古典自由主义者的读者,如德沃金、查尔斯·泰勒、利奥·施特劳斯、昆汀·斯金纳、c·j·加利波和迈克尔·伊格纳蒂夫,担心柏林无法令人满意地证明他所声称的消极自由的特殊地位,或定义其限制。因此,他的自由主义是没有根据和不明确的。像约翰·格雷和约翰·凯克斯这样的多元主义读者认为,柏林令人信服的多元主义实际上破坏了他的自由主义。因此,他的立场前后矛盾。最后,自由多元主义的读者,如威廉·高尔斯顿和(最近的)乔治·克劳德认为,尽管多元主义可以被证明是自由主义的必然结果,但柏林本人未能建立这种联系。因此,他的理论还不成熟。每一种对柏林的既定解读都与柏林的解读形成鲜明对比
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引用次数: 1
Dealing with the Past: Conflicting Memories in Joyabaj, Guatemala 处理过去:在危地马拉Joyabaj的冲突记忆
Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100107
Simone Remijnse
This article examines the effects that acts of remembrance can have within communities struggling to deal with a violent past. In particular, a focus is given to the municipality of Joyabaj in Guatemala, a country that has emerged from a thirty-six year brutal civil conflict that claimed over 200,000 lives. Joyabaj was hit particularly hard during the armed conflict and, in the aftermath, its residents have found that dealing with their past has been fraught with difficulties. Through an examination of the exhumations of mass graves in the area, the author concludes that remembrance is not necessarily a peaceful option. Indeed, without a feeling of ‘ownership’ at the local level, memory initiatives may create further antagonism within communities.
这篇文章探讨了在努力处理暴力过去的社区中,纪念行为可能产生的影响。该报告特别关注危地马拉的乔亚巴伊市,这个国家刚刚摆脱了长达36年的残酷内战,这场内战夺去了20多万人的生命。Joyabaj在武装冲突期间受到的打击尤其严重,在冲突之后,居民们发现处理他们的过去充满了困难。通过对该地区万人坑的挖掘,作者得出结论,纪念不一定是一个和平的选择。事实上,如果没有地方层面的“所有权”感,记忆计划可能会在社区内部造成进一步的对抗。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Global War on Terrorism: Assessing the American Response 书评:《全球反恐战争:评估美国的反应》
Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0500100113
Jack Covarrubias
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引用次数: 3
Book Review: Agents of Atrocity: Leaders, Followers, and the Violation of Human Rights in Civil War 书评:《暴行的代理人:内战中的领袖、追随者和对人权的侵犯》
Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453x0500100111
C. Dolan
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引用次数: 0
The Essentially Contested Concept of Globalization 有争议的全球化概念
Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1743453X0500100105
J. Strand, Tina Mueller, J. A. Mcarthur
It is an understatement to say a growth industry has emerged around the concept ‘globalization’. Observers of all political leanings have been focusing attention on the process of globalization and its implications for corporations, states, and labour groups (e.g., Waters, 1995; Rodrik, 1995; Peterson, 1996; Veseth, 1997; Sassen, 1999). At issue are the intended and unintended effects of the globalization of product and financial markets into transnational systems. Some authors view globalization as threatening state sovereignty while others fear that globalization is eroding the gains made by labour in the twentieth century. Several authors see globalization as part of a long-term process whereby the meaningfulness of national borders is vanishing. Still others treat globalization as a new phenomenon. When defining globalization, economic, political, social, and cultural factors are combined and emphasized differently. Most authors provide a multidimensional definition of globalization, but few authors go beyond economic measures, descriptive case studies, and/or anecdotes. Those who do operationalize the concept often use economic measures such as trade density or capital flows as a proxy for what most authors would agree is a more nuanced and multifaceted concept. Moreover, many authors employ a notion of globalization that differs little from the concepts of transnationalization and interdependence. Needless to say, there is no intersubjective definition of globalization. Beyond the definitional morass, there appears to be divergent views in the public discourse regarding what globalization represents and whether the process of globalization has positive or negative effects on the state, business, and labour. If globalization is a distinct and unique socio-economic force, then what are the implications for national governments, labour, and transnational corporations? Is globalization eroding state sovereignty? Are workers disadvantaged vis-a-vis globalizing capital? Can more equitable and/or effective global institutions be constructed in this age of globalization?
说一个围绕“全球化”概念的成长型行业已经出现,这是保守的说法。所有政治倾向的观察家都把注意力集中在全球化进程及其对公司、国家和劳工团体的影响上(例如,Waters, 1995;罗德里克,1995;彼得森,1996;Veseth, 1997;Sassen认为,1999)。问题在于产品和金融市场全球化对跨国体系的有意和无意的影响。一些作者认为全球化威胁到国家主权,而另一些人则担心全球化正在侵蚀20世纪劳动力取得的成果。一些作者认为全球化是一个长期过程的一部分,在这个过程中,国界的意义正在消失。还有一些人将全球化视为一种新现象。在定义全球化时,经济、政治、社会和文化因素被不同地组合和强调。大多数作者提供了全球化的多维定义,但很少有作者超越了经济指标、描述性案例研究和/或轶事。那些将这一概念付诸实践的人经常使用经济指标,如贸易密度或资本流动,作为大多数作者认为是一个更微妙和多方面的概念的代表。此外,许多作者采用的全球化概念与跨国化和相互依存的概念差别不大。不用说,全球化没有主体间的定义。除了定义上的混乱之外,关于全球化代表什么以及全球化进程对国家、企业和劳工的影响是积极的还是消极的,公共话语中似乎存在着不同的观点。如果全球化是一种独特的社会经济力量,那么它对各国政府、劳工和跨国公司的影响是什么?全球化正在侵蚀国家主权吗?工人在全球化资本面前处于不利地位吗?在这个全球化时代,能否建立更公平和/或有效的全球机构?
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Politics and Ethics Review
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