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Flavius Mauricius : glimpses into the life and career of Roman military official 弗拉维乌斯·毛里西乌斯:瞥见罗马军事官员的生活和事业
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2020-2-8
Jiří Honzl
A small collection of textual evidence, two papyri, three inscriptions, and three literary testimonia, is brought together and examined. All these pieces of evidence possibly mention the same person, a high military official Flavius Mauricius of the fourth century CE. The individual pieces of written evidence are at first considered separately in their context, with the focus put on particularities possibly significant for the current study. In the next step they are all evaluated for the likelihood of being in fact related to one another. As a consequence, they are sorted into groups of ‘core’ evidence, almost certainly belonging together, and ‘peripheral’ evidence only possibly related to the rest. Finally, the available evidence is analysed and considered in the context in order to allow at least a partial reconstruction of the background, career, and other bits and pieces of the life of Flavius Mauricius. The best and most certainly documented part of his career is the period of service in the capacity of dux Aegypti, a military commander of the province, which took place no earlier than 368 CE and continued at least until 375 CE and maybe later. Other less certain pieces of evidence possibly allow to also get a glimpse into other stages of Mauricius’s life, as he may have taken part in the Persian campaign of emperor Julian and could have been buried in the Macedonian city of Philippi. Quite remarkably, all the contemporary pieces of evidence were written in Latin, either entirely or in combination with Greek. Thus, it is considered separately, what the reasons for the choice of this language were and whether it was a result of Mauricius’s personal preference. Overall, like many of his fourth century contemporaries, Flavius Mauricius appears throughout his life to have his identity rooted in the Roman tradition, while concomitantly he was able to embrace some of the ongoing changes in society.
一小部分文字证据,两张纸莎草纸,三个铭文,和三个文学证言,被汇集在一起并进行了检查。所有这些证据可能都提到了同一个人,公元四世纪的高级军事官员弗拉维乌斯·毛里修斯。个别的书面证据首先在其背景下单独考虑,重点放在可能对当前研究有重要意义的特殊性上。在接下来的步骤中,它们都被评估为实际上彼此相关的可能性。因此,它们被分成“核心”证据组,几乎肯定是属于一起的,而“外围”证据只可能与其他证据相关。最后,对现有的证据进行分析和考虑,以便至少部分重建弗拉维乌斯·毛里修斯的背景、职业和其他生活片段。在他的职业生涯中,最值得考证的是他在埃及省担任军事指挥官的时期,这段时间不早于公元368年,至少持续到公元375年,甚至更晚。其他不太确定的证据可能也让我们得以一窥毛里修斯生活的其他阶段,因为他可能参加了朱利安皇帝的波斯战役,也可能被埋葬在马其顿的腓立比市。值得注意的是,所有同时代的证据都是用拉丁语写的,要么完全用拉丁语写,要么与希腊语结合在一起。因此,要分别考虑选择这种语言的原因是什么,以及这是否是毛里修斯个人偏好的结果。总的来说,就像他四世纪的许多同时代人一样,弗拉维乌斯·毛里修斯的一生似乎都植根于罗马传统,同时他也能够接受社会上正在发生的一些变化。
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引用次数: 0
ὑμετέρη ἀρχῆθεν γενεή : redefining ethnic identity in the cult origins and mythical aetiologies of Rhianus' ethnographical poetry 在雷亚努斯的民族志诗歌的邪教起源和神话成因中重新定义民族身份
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-13
M. Spanakis
This is a meticulous survey about foundation stories, cult origins and mythical Aetia in Rhianus’ ethnographic poetry. During the Hellenistic period, interest in aetiology became very strong and there was an increasing focus on obscure and local stories from all over the Greek world and beyond. Harder (2012: p. 25) claims that as “the world became larger the need for a shared Greek past became stronger as well”. Rhianus of Crete was a Hellenistic epic poet and grammarian of the second half of the third century BC. My contribution aims to give a fresh rereading of the poetic fragments and suggests that Rhianus chose places and myths that Greeks of the third century BC, and especially immigrants to Egypt, Syria or Italy, would enjoy reading because they were reminded of mainland Greece and their Greek identity. Both genealogy and aetiology leap from the crucial beginning, be that a legendary founder or one-time ritual event, to the present with a tendency to elide all time in between. The powerful aetiological drive of Rhianus’ ethnography works to break down distance and problematize the nature of epic time. In Rhianus’ aetiologies, we find a strong connection between the narrative present and the mythical past as a “betrayal” of the Homeric tradition. The absolute devotion to the past in Homer collapses in Rhianus’ aetiology, where we find a sense of cultural continuation.
这是一个细致的调查基础故事,邪教起源和神话的阿提亚在Rhianus的民族志诗歌。在希腊化时期,人们对病因学的兴趣变得非常浓厚,越来越多的人关注来自希腊世界和其他地方的一些鲜为人知的地方故事。哈德(2012:第25页)声称,随着“世界变得更大,对共享希腊过去的需求也变得更强了”。克里特岛的里亚努斯是公元前三世纪下半叶的希腊史诗诗人和语法学家。我的贡献旨在对这些诗歌片段进行全新的重读,并表明里亚努斯选择了公元前三世纪的希腊人,尤其是埃及、叙利亚或意大利的移民,会喜欢阅读的地方和神话,因为他们会想起希腊大陆和他们的希腊身份。家谱学和病因学都是从至关重要的开始,即传说中的创始人或一次性的仪式事件,到现在都倾向于忽略其间的所有时间。里亚努斯的民族志具有强大的病因学动力,它打破了距离,并对史诗时间的本质提出了问题。在里亚努斯的病因学中,我们发现现在的叙述和神话般的过去之间有很强的联系,这是对荷马传统的“背叛”。《荷马史诗》中对过去的绝对忠诚在里亚努斯的病因学中瓦解了,在那里我们发现了一种文化延续的感觉。
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引用次数: 1
Xenophobic utterances in Juvenal's satires 朱维纳尔讽刺作品中的恐异词
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-6
Gergő Gellérfi
The concept of xenophobia appears frequently in articles and monographs dealing with the Satires of Juvenal, where it is applied to the content of the poems, their narrator, and sometimes the poet. Although the usage of this term might seem anachronistic for an ancient context, it should not be dismissed as a speaker in Juvenal presents the features of xenophobia – both from the word’s lexical definition and its more complex descriptions, e.g. that one appearing in the Declaration on Racism (2001). However, this speaker is not the narrator of the Satires but rather the central figure of Satire 3, the interlocutor named Umbricius, whose character is purposefully rendered by Juvenal as having different characteristics and views from his narrator. In this article, I present arguments suggesting that Umbricius may rightly be named a xenophobic person, in contrast to the Satires’ narrator.
仇外心理的概念经常出现在关于《尤维纳利斯的讽刺》的文章和专著中,在这些文章和专著中,仇外心理被应用于诗歌的内容、叙述者,有时也应用于诗人。尽管这个词的用法在古代语境中可能显得不合时宜,但它不应被忽视,因为在Juvenal讲话的人呈现出仇外心理的特征——无论是从词汇定义还是从其更复杂的描述来看,例如在《种族主义宣言》(2001年)中出现的描述。然而,这个说话者并不是《讽刺》的叙述者,而是《讽刺》第三部的中心人物,名叫翁布里西乌斯的对话者,他的性格被尤维纳利斯有意地描绘成与叙述者有着不同的特征和观点。在这篇文章中,我提出的论点表明,乌姆布里西乌斯可能被正确地称为一个仇外的人,与讽刺小说的叙述者形成对比。
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引用次数: 0
Euripides' Andromache and the dynamics of Philia 欧里庇得斯的安德罗马赫与菲利亚的动力学
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-10
Kata Pártay
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引用次数: 0
P.Oxy. 2163 fr. 1: interpretazioni sceniche sul silenzio di Achille P.Oxy.2163 fr.1:阿喀琉斯沉默的风景解读
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-3
D. Cagnazzo
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引用次数: 1
Aristofane nel Cornu Copiae di Niccolò Perotti 尼科洛·佩罗蒂的《科皮亚的阿里斯托芬》
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-11
Ludovica Radif
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引用次数: 0
Laconian βοῦα 'Band of Boys' as a collective noun 拉古语βο ο α“男孩乐队”作为集体名词
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-7
E. Kaczyńska
In his lexicon, Hesychius of Alexandria gives the following Laconian gloss: βοῦα·ἀγέλη παίδων. (“boũa: a band of young boys. Laconians”). This term is confirmed by epigraphical data from Sparta, see especially βο(υ)ᾱγός, later βο(υ)ᾱγόρ m. ‘leader of a young boys’ band at Sparta’ (IG V.1.257; 283; 292; etc.). The author explains the registered lemma from etymological and morphological points of view, accepting A. J. van Windekens’s etymology according to which the Laconian term βοῦα f. is related to the Lithuanian gaujà f. ‘flock, pack, herd, bunch, band, gang’. She reconstructs the Indo-European nomen collectivum *gu̯óu̯iā̯ f. ‘herd, pack, band’, originally ‘herd of cows, cattle’ (← IE. *gu̯ṓus f./m. ‘cow’), adding other reflexes taken from Latin and Indo-Aryan and Balto-Slavic languages, e.g. Latv. gauja f. ‘crowd’; Skt. (Pāṇini) gávyā f. coll. ‘cow-herd’; Vedic gávyam, gavyám n. coll. ‘herd of cows’; Oriya gāba ‘cattle’, also ‘a cow’; and so on.
亚历山大的赫西丘斯在他的词典中给出了以下拉科尼亚式的光泽:βῦα·ἀγίληπαίδωΓ。(bo:一群年轻的男孩。拉科尼亚人)。斯巴达的地理数据证实了这个术语,尤其是βᾱγίς,后来的βς(υ)ᾱγΓρm。“斯巴达男孩乐队的领导者”(IG V.1.257;283;292;等)。作者从词源学和形态学的角度解释了注册引理,接受了a.J.van Windekens的词源学,根据该词源学,Laconian术语βῦαf.与立陶宛语gaujàf有关。她重建了印欧语中的集体名词gu̯óu̯(← IE.*gu̯ṓus f./m。“cow”),添加了取自拉丁语、印度-雅利安语和巴尔托斯拉夫语的其他反射,例如Latv。gauja f.“人群”;Skt.(Pāṇini)gávyāf.coll牛群;吠陀经《加维亚姆》牛群;Oriya gāba“牛”,也称为“牛”;等等
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引用次数: 2
Madness in Seneca's Medea and Celsus's De Medicina 塞内加的《美狄亚》和塞尔苏斯的《美第奇纳》中的疯狂
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-1
Ka-Young Ban
According to the Hellenistic topos, philosophy is ‘medicine’ for the soul in order to heal the soul just as medicine is in charge of healing the body. The ‘illness’ of the soul in need of healing is its passions, that is, its desire, anger, vengeance and fear. The aim of my study is to examine and compare the different forms, manifestations, causes and treatments of insania in Aulus Cornelius Celsus’s De Medicina and Seneca’s Medea and prose works through a text-based approach. Seneca’s tragedies – just as his prose works – display a profound interest in the mental and psychological states of their characters. One of the best examples is Medea, which is a drama of passion, madness, and the destructive forces in the soul. By comparing the tragedy with Celsus’s De Medicina, a nearly contemporary encyclopaedic prose text on medical theory and practice, I intend to show that philosophical understandings of madness interact at some level with medical ones. Medea’s madness is evidently different from the forms of insania examined by Celsus, as it is not of the medical variety, since it consists of her anger and desire for revenge, but we can observe connection points in some aspects, such as symptoms and therapeutic tools (e.g. personalized therapy, direct conversation, the importance of self-control, self-reinforcement through direct and encouraging relationships and the concentration of the patient’s attention).
根据希腊化的拓扑学,哲学是治疗灵魂的“医学”,就像医学负责治疗身体一样。需要治愈的灵魂的“疾病”是它的激情,即欲望、愤怒、复仇和恐惧。本研究的目的是通过基于文本的方法,检验和比较塞尔苏斯的《医学》和塞涅卡的《美狄亚》以及散文作品中精神错乱的不同形式、表现、原因和治疗方法。塞涅卡的悲剧——就像他的散文作品一样——表现出对人物心理和心理状态的深刻兴趣。最好的例子之一是《美狄亚》,这是一部充满激情、疯狂和灵魂破坏力的戏剧。通过将这场悲剧与塞尔苏的《医学》(De Medicina)进行比较,我打算表明,对疯狂的哲学理解在某种程度上与医学理解相互作用。美狄亚的疯狂显然与塞尔苏所检查的精神错乱形式不同,因为它不是医学上的类型,因为它包括她的愤怒和复仇欲望,但我们可以观察到某些方面的联系点,例如症状和治疗工具(例如个性化治疗、直接对话、自我控制的重要性、通过直接和鼓励的关系进行的自我强化以及患者注意力的集中)。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluating foodstuff properties in antiquity : a hierarchy of breads in De alimentorum Facultatibus / proposed by an ancient scientist 评价古代食品的特性:一位古代科学家在《食品法典》(De alimentorum教员)中提出的面包等级
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-4
Nelson Ferreira
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引用次数: 0
[Digenis Akritis. Byzantský epos o dvojrodém hraničáři]
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-09 DOI: 10.5817/GLB2019-1-15
Matej Gogola
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Graeco-Latina Brunensia
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