{"title":"The Life of Saint Eufrosine In Old French Verse, with English Translation ed. by Amy V. Ogden (review)","authors":"Blake Gutt","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128548738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:There are seventeen manuscripts in the collection of Agnes of Burgundy, duchess of Bourbon from 1434 to 1456, and at least four were given to her by her brother Philip III of Burgundy, also known as Philip the Good. He probably gave them to her between 1462 and 1466, while she was staying with him after he had suffered a serious illness. These manuscripts are BnF lat. 1183, a book of hours; BnF fr. 92, Les Trois fils de rois ou La Cronique de Naples (The Three Kings’ Sons, or the Chronicle of Naples); Chantilly MS 129, containing Pourquoi Dieu s’est fait homme and Soliloque sur le gage de l’ame, which are Pierre Crapillet d’Annoire’s French translations of Saint Anselm’s Why God Became Man and Hugh of Saint Victor’s Soliloquy on the Earnest Money of the Soul; and Chantilly MS 737, Jean Miélot’s translation of the Passion saint Adrien (Passion of Saint Adrian). None of these manuscripts stands out as unusual in Agnes’s collection, which comprises romances as well as an encyclopedia; a variety of religious texts including sermons, a Passion, and poems by Gautier de Coinci; and allegorical works by Christine de Pizan. In other words, Philip gave his sister books that he believed she would read. While this might seem to be a perfectly understandable expression of familial affection, it does beg the question of whether such gifts were typical of aristocrats in fifteenth-century French-speaking Europe, and what significance they had in gifting culture as a whole. This study provides a brief overview of aristocratic gifting culture and the book’s role in it before returning to examine the contents of Philip’s gifts to Agnes, with a focus on the notable impact that women’s literary preferences may have had on the contents of books they received as gifts and therefore on the shaping of collections associated with these women.
摘要:波旁公爵夫人勃艮第的艾格尼丝(Agnes of Burgundy)在1434年至1456年间收藏了17份手稿，其中至少有4份是她的兄弟勃艮第的菲利普三世(又称“腓力大帝”)送给她的。他可能是在1462年到1466年间送给她的，当时他身患重病，她和他住在一起。这些手稿是BnF平的。一本时辰书;1992年BnF, Les Trois fils de rois ou La croonique de Naples(三个国王的儿子，或那不勒斯编年史);尚蒂伊MS 129，包含Pourquoi Dieu s 'est fait homme和Soliloque sur le gage de l 'ame，这是皮埃尔·克拉皮莱·德·安诺瓦的法语翻译的圣安瑟伦的《上帝为什么成为人》和圣维克多的休的《灵魂的真诚金钱》的独白;Chantilly MS 737, Jean misamulot翻译的受难圣阿德里安(受难圣阿德里安)。这些手稿在阿格尼斯的收藏中都没有什么特别之处，她的收藏包括浪漫小说和百科全书;各种宗教文本，包括布道书、受难书和戈蒂埃·德·柯奇的诗歌;以及克里斯汀·德·皮桑的讽喻作品。换句话说，菲利普给了妹妹一些他相信她会读的书。虽然这似乎是一种完全可以理解的家庭感情的表达，但它确实提出了这样一个问题，即这种礼物是否是15世纪讲法语的欧洲贵族的典型礼物，以及它们在整个礼物文化中具有什么意义。本研究简要概述了贵族送礼文化和书在其中的作用，然后再回到菲利普送给阿格尼斯的礼物的内容，重点是女性的文学偏好可能对她们作为礼物收到的书籍内容产生了显著影响，因此对与这些女性相关的收藏的形成产生了影响。
{"title":"Intellectual Siblingship: Philip the Good’s Book Gifts to Agnes of Burgundy","authors":"S. C. Kaplan","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:There are seventeen manuscripts in the collection of Agnes of Burgundy, duchess of Bourbon from 1434 to 1456, and at least four were given to her by her brother Philip III of Burgundy, also known as Philip the Good. He probably gave them to her between 1462 and 1466, while she was staying with him after he had suffered a serious illness. These manuscripts are BnF lat. 1183, a book of hours; BnF fr. 92, Les Trois fils de rois ou La Cronique de Naples (The Three Kings’ Sons, or the Chronicle of Naples); Chantilly MS 129, containing Pourquoi Dieu s’est fait homme and Soliloque sur le gage de l’ame, which are Pierre Crapillet d’Annoire’s French translations of Saint Anselm’s Why God Became Man and Hugh of Saint Victor’s Soliloquy on the Earnest Money of the Soul; and Chantilly MS 737, Jean Miélot’s translation of the Passion saint Adrien (Passion of Saint Adrian). None of these manuscripts stands out as unusual in Agnes’s collection, which comprises romances as well as an encyclopedia; a variety of religious texts including sermons, a Passion, and poems by Gautier de Coinci; and allegorical works by Christine de Pizan. In other words, Philip gave his sister books that he believed she would read. While this might seem to be a perfectly understandable expression of familial affection, it does beg the question of whether such gifts were typical of aristocrats in fifteenth-century French-speaking Europe, and what significance they had in gifting culture as a whole. This study provides a brief overview of aristocratic gifting culture and the book’s role in it before returning to examine the contents of Philip’s gifts to Agnes, with a focus on the notable impact that women’s literary preferences may have had on the contents of books they received as gifts and therefore on the shaping of collections associated with these women.","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"132 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115988509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:When and why were festive performances first written down in medieval France? The earliest French festival books were free-standing narrative accounts of two tournaments: Le Roman du Hem (1278) and Le Tournoi de Chauvency (1285). Three questions are central. What descriptive models did the writers follow? How did these narrative records serve the interests of those who commissioned and read them? How were they received first by courtly audiences and then in an urban milieu? Their models were the extensive passages in earlier romances depicting courtly festivities. In an important passage of the Roman du Hem (reprinted in the essay’s ), the poet Sarasin lays out the literary genealogy of his Roman du Hem that depicts an actual tournament in Picardy (1278), naming Chrétien de Troyes and stories of the Round Table. Sarrasin also describes his unique book contract with his patrons (reprinted in ). The only known copy is in Paris, BnF fr.1588. Display of noble identities is the raison d’être of both festival books.In Le Tournoi de Chauvency, describing a tournament in Lorraine. (1285), the poet Jacques Bretel chose the literary model of the romance with lyric insertions. The earliest copy of the Tounoi in Mons, Bibliothèque publique MS 330-215 was undoubtedly commissioned by a participant. However, written descriptions escape the time and place of a single event. Thus, jousting scenes from the Tournoi were copied by a Picard poet Jakemes into his late thirteenth-century Roman du castelain de Coucy. Book ownership was important to urban patricians living in the Republic of Metz who sought to emulate the social practices of the higher nobility. This is why they commissioned in 1312 a revised and lavishly illustrated copy of the 1285 Tournoi (Oxford, Bodleian MS Douce 308). Read and copied, festival books became a model for the aspirations and festive practices of new generations.
摘要:在中世纪的法国，节日表演最早被记录下来是什么时候?最早的法国节日书籍是关于两个比赛的独立叙述:Le Roman du Hem(1278)和Le Tournoi de Chauvency(1285)。三个问题是核心。作者遵循了什么描述模式?这些叙事记录是如何服务于那些委托和阅读它们的人的利益的?他们最初是如何被宫廷观众接受的，然后在城市环境中又是如何接受的?他们的模型是早期浪漫小说中描述宫廷庆典的大量段落。在《罗马杜赫姆》的一段重要段落中(在文章中重印)，诗人萨拉辛列出了他的《罗马杜赫姆》的文学家谱，描绘了在Picardy(1278)举行的一场真实的比赛，命名为chracrien de Troyes和圆桌的故事。Sarrasin还描述了他与赞助人签订的独特的图书合同。唯一已知的副本在巴黎，BnF fr.1588。展示高贵的身份是两个节日书籍être的原因。在Le Tournoi de Chauvency中，描述了洛林的一场比赛。(1285)，诗人雅克·布雷特尔选择了带有抒情插入的浪漫主义文学模式。蒙斯最早的《图努伊》副本，biblioth publique MS 330-215，无疑是由一位参与者委托制作的。然而，书面描述逃避了单一事件的时间和地点。因此，《图尔努瓦》中的比武场景被皮卡德诗人雅克梅斯(jakeme)复制到他13世纪晚期的《罗马城堡》(Roman du castelain de Coucy)中。对于生活在梅斯共和国的城市贵族来说，拥有书籍是很重要的，他们试图效仿高级贵族的社会习俗。这就是为什么他们在1312年委托对1285年的Tournoi (Oxford, Bodleian MS Douce 308)进行了修订并绘制了大量插图的原因。阅读和复制，节日书籍成为新一代的愿望和节日习俗的典范。
{"title":"Writing Festive Performance in Late-Thirteenth-and Early-Fourteenth-Century Picardy, Lorraine, and Metz","authors":"Nancy Freeman Regalado","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0025","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:When and why were festive performances first written down in medieval France? The earliest French festival books were free-standing narrative accounts of two tournaments: Le Roman du Hem (1278) and Le Tournoi de Chauvency (1285). Three questions are central. What descriptive models did the writers follow? How did these narrative records serve the interests of those who commissioned and read them? How were they received first by courtly audiences and then in an urban milieu? Their models were the extensive passages in earlier romances depicting courtly festivities. In an important passage of the Roman du Hem (reprinted in the essay’s ), the poet Sarasin lays out the literary genealogy of his Roman du Hem that depicts an actual tournament in Picardy (1278), naming Chrétien de Troyes and stories of the Round Table. Sarrasin also describes his unique book contract with his patrons (reprinted in ). The only known copy is in Paris, BnF fr.1588. Display of noble identities is the raison d’être of both festival books.In Le Tournoi de Chauvency, describing a tournament in Lorraine. (1285), the poet Jacques Bretel chose the literary model of the romance with lyric insertions. The earliest copy of the Tounoi in Mons, Bibliothèque publique MS 330-215 was undoubtedly commissioned by a participant. However, written descriptions escape the time and place of a single event. Thus, jousting scenes from the Tournoi were copied by a Picard poet Jakemes into his late thirteenth-century Roman du castelain de Coucy. Book ownership was important to urban patricians living in the Republic of Metz who sought to emulate the social practices of the higher nobility. This is why they commissioned in 1312 a revised and lavishly illustrated copy of the 1285 Tournoi (Oxford, Bodleian MS Douce 308). Read and copied, festival books became a model for the aspirations and festive practices of new generations.","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134396868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Scholars have often conceptualized premodern theater as a socially equalizing medium through which the lower proletarian classes may voice their opinions and concerns via humor and political satire. A famous example is Pierre Gringore’s Sottie du Prince des Sotz et Mère Sotte (Play of the Prince of Fools), which features both the king and the pope as fools. As Cynthia J. Brown’s The Shaping of History and Poetry in Late Medieval France: Propaganda and Artistic Expression in the Works of the Rhétoriqueurs has demonstrated, comic theater of the sixteenth century often functions to temporarily reveal “the joyful relativity of all structure and order.” In this study I show the Intronati Academy of Siena harnessing the power of theater to similar ends. However, rather than representing the relativity of social structure and class order, their plays elevated comedy and studies of humanism more generally to a noble position in the city of Siena during the century. I consider the Intronati’s L’Amor Costante, written for the entrance of the Holy Roman emperor, Charles V, into Siena in 1536, and L’Ortensio, composed for the entrance of Grand Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici in 1561, in light of their relevant paratexts to show that the Intronati not only used theater to give a voice to the citizens of the city but also employed comedy in entrance festivities to negotiate the power of the academy over the people.
摘要:学者们经常将前现代戏剧定义为一种社会平等的媒介，下层无产阶级可以通过幽默和政治讽刺来表达他们的意见和关注。著名的例子是皮埃尔·格林戈尔的《愚人王子的戏剧》，其中国王和教皇都是愚人。正如辛西娅·j·布朗(Cynthia J. Brown)的《中世纪晚期法国历史与诗歌的塑造:雷姆萨托克作品中的宣传与艺术表达》所表明的那样，16世纪的喜剧戏剧常常起到暂时揭示“所有结构和秩序的快乐相对性”的作用。在这项研究中，我展示了锡耶纳Intronati学院利用戏剧的力量达到类似的目的。然而，他们的戏剧并没有代表社会结构和阶级秩序的相对性，而是将喜剧和人文主义研究更普遍地提升到世纪锡耶纳市的崇高地位。我认为Intronati的《L’amor Costante》(1536年为神圣罗马皇帝查理五世进入锡雅纳而写)和《L’ortensio》(1561年为大公科西莫一世·德·美第奇(Cosimo I de ' Medici)进入锡雅纳而写)的相关文本表明，Intronati不仅使用戏剧来表达城市公民的声音，而且在入场庆祝活动中使用喜剧来谈判学院对人民的权力。
{"title":"The Gift of Comedy: Presenting and Representing Political Authority in Sixteenth-Century Siena","authors":"A. Dal Molin","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Scholars have often conceptualized premodern theater as a socially equalizing medium through which the lower proletarian classes may voice their opinions and concerns via humor and political satire. A famous example is Pierre Gringore’s Sottie du Prince des Sotz et Mère Sotte (Play of the Prince of Fools), which features both the king and the pope as fools. As Cynthia J. Brown’s The Shaping of History and Poetry in Late Medieval France: Propaganda and Artistic Expression in the Works of the Rhétoriqueurs has demonstrated, comic theater of the sixteenth century often functions to temporarily reveal “the joyful relativity of all structure and order.” In this study I show the Intronati Academy of Siena harnessing the power of theater to similar ends. However, rather than representing the relativity of social structure and class order, their plays elevated comedy and studies of humanism more generally to a noble position in the city of Siena during the century. I consider the Intronati’s L’Amor Costante, written for the entrance of the Holy Roman emperor, Charles V, into Siena in 1536, and L’Ortensio, composed for the entrance of Grand Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici in 1561, in light of their relevant paratexts to show that the Intronati not only used theater to give a voice to the citizens of the city but also employed comedy in entrance festivities to negotiate the power of the academy over the people.","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133109235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Medieval French Literary Culture Abroad by Jane Gilbert, Simon Gaunt and William Burgwinkle (review)","authors":"Andrew S. Taylor","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121835583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What literacies are needed in order to read the medieval object today? Conversely, what light can readings mediated through medieval objects shed on the contemporary world? The aim of this issue of Digital Philology is to explore how the opacity of medieval objects, their very strangeness, makes them a useful lens for thinking through contemporary technologies and contemporary formulations of the digital corpus. Here strange should not be understood as “odd” but in its more etymological sense: “outside,” “external,” “distant.” What happens when medieval strangers are brought to bear on contemporary questions from which they might seem especially distant? What meanings are produced when we think through things that make themselves felt through their absence, or through things that highlight the gaps between and within themselves? With the language of thinking through, I mean to capture two ways of thinking: using modern technologies as an analytical tool and taking modern technologies themselves as an object of medievalist analysis. In thus defining this issue’s stakes, I am thinking specifically of Bill Brown’s use of a dirty window to illustrate his distinction between objects and things.1 Simply put, a clean window, through which we can look at something else in order to make meaning, is an object; a dirty window, no longer transparent, is a thing that draws attention to its own materiality and creates a new kind of subject-object relation. Increasingly, computers, networks, and digital artifacts are the windows through which today’s researchers view medieval books and artworks. When we use these tools, what are we truly looking at? An enormous body of literature has been devoted in recent years to the practical and theoretical implications of the digitization of medieval texts: mostly laudatory, occasionally skeptical, but always impassioned. And with good reason: “the computer rules our research and studies.”2 The availability of digital surrogates is beginning to rival the availability of accessible modern editions as one of “the primary determinants of
{"title":"Stranger/Medieval Things: An Introduction","authors":"Julie Singer","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0001","url":null,"abstract":"What literacies are needed in order to read the medieval object today? Conversely, what light can readings mediated through medieval objects shed on the contemporary world? The aim of this issue of Digital Philology is to explore how the opacity of medieval objects, their very strangeness, makes them a useful lens for thinking through contemporary technologies and contemporary formulations of the digital corpus. Here strange should not be understood as “odd” but in its more etymological sense: “outside,” “external,” “distant.” What happens when medieval strangers are brought to bear on contemporary questions from which they might seem especially distant? What meanings are produced when we think through things that make themselves felt through their absence, or through things that highlight the gaps between and within themselves? With the language of thinking through, I mean to capture two ways of thinking: using modern technologies as an analytical tool and taking modern technologies themselves as an object of medievalist analysis. In thus defining this issue’s stakes, I am thinking specifically of Bill Brown’s use of a dirty window to illustrate his distinction between objects and things.1 Simply put, a clean window, through which we can look at something else in order to make meaning, is an object; a dirty window, no longer transparent, is a thing that draws attention to its own materiality and creates a new kind of subject-object relation. Increasingly, computers, networks, and digital artifacts are the windows through which today’s researchers view medieval books and artworks. When we use these tools, what are we truly looking at? An enormous body of literature has been devoted in recent years to the practical and theoretical implications of the digitization of medieval texts: mostly laudatory, occasionally skeptical, but always impassioned. And with good reason: “the computer rules our research and studies.”2 The availability of digital surrogates is beginning to rival the availability of accessible modern editions as one of “the primary determinants of","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127618180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The Middle English prose Brut chronicle survives in nearly two hundred manuscripts. This corpus has been the subject of extensive study for more than a hundred years. The most recent research, however, has turned out to be the most fragile. In 2017, the multiyear digital humanities project “Imaging History: Perspectives on Late Medieval Vernacular Historiography” disappeared from the live Internet, only a decade after its publication. We describe the website’s lifecycle as well as our progress so far in creating a new dataset for the Brut corpus, “Re-Imagining History,” part of the ongoing project “Remix the Manuscript: A Chronicle of Digital Experiments.” Because the dataset is relatively small, we are using it to explore ongoing challenges in manuscript studies related to discoverability, interoperability, and sustainability. Our research questions address the interface between digital data and manuscripts themselves. How do catalogue and database structures impact research outcomes? How can we ethically represent the relative authority of disparate sources? How can we enable users to discover things they don’t already know? How do we plan for longevity and growth? We combine social, technical, and historical factors in order to account for “digital things” as complex networks of relationships. By laying bare the data design process, this essay deepens the dialogue between medieval studies and critical infrastructure studies.
{"title":"Re-Imagining Digital Things: Sustainable Data in Medieval Manuscript Studies","authors":"M. Warren, Neil Weijer","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The Middle English prose Brut chronicle survives in nearly two hundred manuscripts. This corpus has been the subject of extensive study for more than a hundred years. The most recent research, however, has turned out to be the most fragile. In 2017, the multiyear digital humanities project “Imaging History: Perspectives on Late Medieval Vernacular Historiography” disappeared from the live Internet, only a decade after its publication. We describe the website’s lifecycle as well as our progress so far in creating a new dataset for the Brut corpus, “Re-Imagining History,” part of the ongoing project “Remix the Manuscript: A Chronicle of Digital Experiments.” Because the dataset is relatively small, we are using it to explore ongoing challenges in manuscript studies related to discoverability, interoperability, and sustainability. Our research questions address the interface between digital data and manuscripts themselves. How do catalogue and database structures impact research outcomes? How can we ethically represent the relative authority of disparate sources? How can we enable users to discover things they don’t already know? How do we plan for longevity and growth? We combine social, technical, and historical factors in order to account for “digital things” as complex networks of relationships. By laying bare the data design process, this essay deepens the dialogue between medieval studies and critical infrastructure studies.","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126196959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Animal Skins and the Reading Self in Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries by Sarah Kay (review)","authors":"Stephen G. Nichols","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128265481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Medieval Iberian Crusade Fiction and the Mediterranean World by David A. Wacks (review)","authors":"Albert Lloret","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126409388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hawk disrupts traditional scholarship on Anglo-Saxon sermons, preaching, and religion by examining the use of apocryphal material in Anglo-Saxon media through a confluence of methodology that includes media studies and network theory. Early medieval scholars acknowledge the value of cross-linguistic transmissions between Latin and vernacular texts, but Hawk takes this a step further by building a methodological frame that can allow for developing a deeper understanding of not only these early medieval texts but also modern culture and media, “dem-onstrating how media across centuries are ineluctably connected and mutually help us to make sense of past and present” (21). Considering the current state of the early northern medieval field, and its problematic past, this scholarly intervention is valuable both as a change from traditional scholarship and as a way to become more politically aware of the effects of our studies. In this latter sense, its methodology can benefit not only those in early medieval studies but also scholars of other fields who study premodern texts, digital humanities, and media.
{"title":"Preaching Apocrypha in Anglo-Saxon England by Brandon W. Hawk (review)","authors":"Natalie Whitaker","doi":"10.1353/dph.2021.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dph.2021.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Hawk disrupts traditional scholarship on Anglo-Saxon sermons, preaching, and religion by examining the use of apocryphal material in Anglo-Saxon media through a confluence of methodology that includes media studies and network theory. Early medieval scholars acknowledge the value of cross-linguistic transmissions between Latin and vernacular texts, but Hawk takes this a step further by building a methodological frame that can allow for developing a deeper understanding of not only these early medieval texts but also modern culture and media, “dem-onstrating how media across centuries are ineluctably connected and mutually help us to make sense of past and present” (21). Considering the current state of the early northern medieval field, and its problematic past, this scholarly intervention is valuable both as a change from traditional scholarship and as a way to become more politically aware of the effects of our studies. In this latter sense, its methodology can benefit not only those in early medieval studies but also scholars of other fields who study premodern texts, digital humanities, and media.","PeriodicalId":387346,"journal":{"name":"Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125285120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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