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Audience Repair as Paradigm Repair: Fixing the ‘Gamer’ in Games Journalism 作为范式修复的受众修复:修复游戏新闻中的“玩家
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2203022
G. Perreault, Leonardo Caberlon, Cameron Stuart
ABSTRACT Gaming journalism began its existence under attack from the rest of the journalistic field and from US culture as a result of its audience: young, diverse, and progressive. This study argues that early gaming magazines (n = 150) repaired the gaming paradigm during the development of gaming’s mainstream acceptance from 1991–1995 by challenging stereotypes of gamers: imagining gamers as diverse, social, and mature.
游戏新闻是在其他新闻领域和美国文化的攻击下开始存在的,因为它的受众是年轻的、多样化的和进步的。该研究认为,早期的游戏杂志(n = 150)在1991年至1995年的游戏主流接受发展过程中,通过挑战对玩家的刻板印象(将玩家想象成多样化、社交化和成熟的)修复了游戏范式。
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引用次数: 0
Commercial Television’s Secret Goldmine: The Hidden Riches Generated by US Network TV News, 1960–1970 商业电视的秘密金矿:美国网络电视新闻产生的隐藏财富,1960-1970
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2195346
M. Socolow
Network television news, in the United States, has been profitable since its inception. Yet network executives, scholars, and journalists continually repeat the myth that the commercial television networks historically provided news as a money-losing public service in the public interest. In testimony before the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and Congress, in public relations materials, and in memoirs and interviews, network news employees asserted, and continue to claim, that sacrificing advertising revenue while absorbing the costs incurred in producing news programs proved networks operated in the public interest. Yet much evidence reveals the inaccuracy of such assertions. News programming on American television attracted significant advertising revenue from its inception in the 1940s, as the success of commercial news shows such as NBC’s Camel News Caravan and CBS’s Television News with Douglas Edwards (sponsored by Oldsmobile), proved. But TV news only matured into the most lucrative form of commercial television programming during the 1960s. That transformative decade began the year John F. Kennedy was elected president, and ended in 1970, when ten years of overall television advertising revenue growth plateaued as the American economy began to retrench. The decade was filled with sensational and historic events relayed—often live, through innovative new technologies—directly into the homes of the American citizenry. The American populace’s increasing TV news habit during the 1960s attracted a growing roster of advertisers and sponsors who funded the expansion of news divisions, an increase in news programs, and, ultimately, the growing profitability of network TV news. The crucial moment in American broadcast journalism’s commercial evolution occurred in November 1963 when President Kennedy was murdered in Dallas. The coverage of the assassination and the ensuing drama involving the president’s funeral, and the murder of presumed assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, riveted a remarkably high percentage of Americans to their television sets. The reliability and professionalism of broadcast journalism over those days intensified, and propelled, the burgeoning attraction of commercial sponsors to television news. Within two years, news would emerge as the most lucrative genre of broadcasting on the commercial airwaves—with top news shows generating more gross advertising revenue for the broadcasting corporations than entertainment or sport programming. This distinct aspect of American television’s economic history has been largely ignored in both scholarship and public commentary on TV news. Instead, the myth that news failed to earn corporate profits prior to the emergence of the CBS News program 60 Minutes in the
在美国,网络电视新闻从一开始就盈利。然而,电视网高管、学者和记者不断重复这样一个神话,即商业电视网在历史上提供新闻是为了公众利益而赔钱的公共服务。在联邦通信委员会(FCC)和国会的证词中,在公共关系材料、回忆录和采访中,网络新闻员工断言并继续声称,在吸收制作新闻节目的成本的同时牺牲广告收入,证明网络的运营符合公众利益。然而,许多证据表明这种断言是不准确的。美国电视台的新闻节目从20世纪40年代开始就吸引了大量的广告收入,NBC的《骆驼新闻大篷车》和CBS的《道格拉斯·爱德华兹电视新闻》(由Oldsmobile赞助)等商业新闻节目的成功证明了这一点。但电视新闻在20世纪60年代才成熟为最有利可图的商业电视节目形式。这一变革性的十年始于约翰·F·肯尼迪当选总统的那一年,结束于1970年,当时随着美国经济开始紧缩,十年的整体电视广告收入增长趋于平稳。这十年充满了耸人听闻的历史性事件,这些事件经常通过创新的新技术直接传播到美国公民的家中。20世纪60年代,美国民众日益增长的电视新闻习惯吸引了越来越多的广告商和赞助商,他们资助了新闻部门的扩张、新闻节目的增加,并最终推动了网络电视新闻日益增长的盈利能力。1963年11月,肯尼迪总统在达拉斯被谋杀,这是美国广播新闻商业发展的关键时刻。对暗杀事件的报道以及随后发生的涉及总统葬礼的戏剧性事件,以及被认为是暗杀者的李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德被谋杀的事件,吸引了相当高比例的美国人观看他们的电视机。在那些日子里,广播新闻的可靠性和专业性增强并推动了商业赞助商对电视新闻的迅速吸引力。两年内,新闻将成为商业广播中最赚钱的广播类型,顶级新闻节目为广播公司带来的广告总收入将超过娱乐或体育节目。美国电视经济史的这一独特方面在学术界和电视新闻的公开评论中都被忽视了。相反,在哥伦比亚广播公司新闻节目《60分钟》出现之前,新闻未能赚取企业利润的神话
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引用次数: 0
Covering Terror at the 1972 Summer Olympics: ABC Sports and the Evolution of Live Broadcast News 1972年夏季奥运会恐怖报道:ABC体育与直播新闻的演变
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2195347
Raymond McCaffrey
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引用次数: 0
“If Ever Saints Wept and Hell Rejoiced, It Must Have Been Over the Passage of That Law”: The 1850 Fugitive Slave Act in Detroit River Borderland Newspapers, 1851-1852 “如果曾经有圣人哭泣,地狱欢欣,那一定是因为那条法律的通过”:1850年《底特律河边境报》上的《逃亡奴隶法案》,1851-1852
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2161800
Anna E. Lindner, Michael Fuhlhage, D. Frazier, Keena S. Neal
ABSTRACT The passage of the Fugitive Slave Act in 1850 raised the stakes for antislavery Whites and people of African descent in the United States by making resistance to slave catchers a federal crime. This study uses historical theme analysis to examine the rhetoric employed by newspapers in the Detroit River Borderland, which connected Michigan to Canada West, to promote or resist the Fugitive Slave Act from 1851 to 1852. While the Canada-based Voice of the Fugitive, edited by the formerly enslaved Henry Bibb, and the Michigan Christian Herald, a Baptist antislavery newspaper in Detroit, argued that the Fugitive Slave Act was unconstitutional and immoral, the proslavery Detroit Free Press supported the Act. These differing stances evince the divisiveness of the Fugitive Slave Act, which had been developed as a compromise measure a decade before the US was divided by civil war.
摘要1850年《逃亡奴隶法》的通过,将反抗奴隶贩子定为联邦犯罪,增加了美国反奴隶制白人和非洲人后裔的风险。本研究采用历史主题分析法,考察了1851年至1852年间,连接密歇根州和加拿大西部的底特律河边境地区的报纸宣传或抵制《逃亡奴隶法》的言论。由前奴隶亨利·毕布编辑的总部位于加拿大的《逃亡者之声》和底特律的浸信会反奴隶制报纸《密歇根基督教先驱报》认为《逃亡奴隶法》违宪且不道德,而反奴隶制的底特律自由报支持该法。这些不同的立场表明了《逃亡奴隶法案》的分歧,该法案是在美国内战分裂十年前作为一项妥协措施制定的。
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引用次数: 0
Wear the Blue Star: Frontier Values vs. Environmentalism in News Coverage of Colorado River Dams, 1954-1956 佩戴蓝星:1954-1956年科罗拉多河大坝新闻报道中的前沿价值观与环保主义
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2161787
Glen Feighery
ABSTRACT This study examines news coverage of a federal project that resulted in the building of Glen Canyon Dam on the Colorado River and sparked an environmental controversy. The project pitted boosters against conservationists, and this research illustrates how western newspapers promoted growth through dams and irrigation. Acknowledging the region in which several newspapers operated, this study uses New Western History to better understand journalism history by highlighting the harsh landscape and the persistence of pioneer values in the 1950s. This research also introduces a new element of environmental journalism history by adding to understanding of such reporting in the 1950s and by approaching the dam controversy from the perspective of journalism rather than environmentalism. Whether newspapers focused on growth and prosperity or preserving natural beauty, their coverage reflected the complexity of the region and its ecosystem.
摘要本研究调查了一个联邦项目的新闻报道,该项目导致在科罗拉多河上建造格伦峡谷大坝,并引发了环境争议。该项目使支持者与环保主义者对立起来,这项研究说明了西方报纸是如何通过水坝和灌溉促进增长的。本研究承认了几家报纸经营的地区,通过强调20世纪50年代严酷的环境和先锋价值观的坚持,利用新西方史来更好地理解新闻史。这项研究还引入了环境新闻史的一个新元素,增加了对20世纪50年代此类报道的理解,并从新闻而非环保主义的角度来处理大坝争议。无论报纸关注的是增长和繁荣,还是保护自然美景,它们的报道都反映了该地区及其生态系统的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Editor’s Note 编者按
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2159192
Pam Parry
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引用次数: 0
Manipulating the Sphere: Mississippi’s Post-Brown Offensive Against White Journalists 操纵球体:密西西比州对白人记者的后布朗攻势
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2161866
Edgar C. Simpson
ABSTRACT In the months after the US Supreme Court struck down the doctrine of separate but equal in its Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Mississippi legislature passed a series of laws designed to thwart desegregation. Among them was the creation of the state Sovereignty Commission. This study examines the commission’s actions within the context of the public sphere and its attempts to spy on and intimidate White state journalists. This study argues that examining how the commission functioned as a particularly nefarious manifestation of White supremacy within the context of public information is vital to understanding how debate and policy can be shaped.
摘要在美国最高法院在“布朗诉教育委员会案”判决中推翻了“分离但平等”的原则后的几个月里,密西西比州立法机构通过了一系列旨在阻止种族隔离的法律。其中包括成立国家主权委员会。这项研究考察了委员会在公共领域的行动,以及其监视和恐吓白人国家记者的企图。这项研究认为,研究该委员会如何在公共信息背景下作为白人至上主义的一种特别邪恶的表现,对于理解如何形成辩论和政策至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Arizona Republic and the Indianapolis Star: A Comparative Analysis of Content Changes After Purchase by Gannett 《亚利桑那共和国》和《印第安纳波利斯之星》:Gannett购买后内容变化的比较分析
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2161809
Jeanne S. Criswell, Robert H. Gobetz, F. E. May
ABSTRACT Gannett’s purchase of the Arizona Republic and the Indianapolis Star in 2000 created fertile and historically uncommon conditions for considering ownership’s impact on news coverage. This study provides quantitative evidence that a local newspaper’s quality before an ownership change substantially influences whether a new ownership model will have a positive, negative, or neutral effect. The two newspapers’ similar characteristics, shared ownership history, and simultaneous purchase undergird this study’s quantitative evidence and reduce the influence of variables that could account for inconsistencies in previous content analyses, including those specifically examining the effects of a Gannett purchase. In this case, Gannett ownership had a significantly more detrimental impact on the Republic than on the Star. The study also suggests implications for the USA Today Network and the evolutionary arc of commercial journalism, particularly in view of the Gannett and GateHouse merger.
摘要甘尼特于2000年收购了亚利桑那共和国和印第安纳波利斯之星,为考虑所有权对新闻报道的影响创造了丰富而罕见的条件。这项研究提供了定量证据,证明地方报纸在所有权变更前的质量会对新的所有权模式产生积极、消极或中性的影响。这两家报纸的相似特征、共同所有权历史和同时购买为本研究的定量证据提供了基础,并减少了可能导致先前内容分析不一致的变量的影响,包括那些专门研究Gannett购买影响的变量。在这种情况下,甘尼特的所有权对共和国的不利影响要比对明星队的不利影响大得多。这项研究还对《今日美国》网络和商业新闻的发展轨迹提出了启示,特别是考虑到甘尼特和盖特豪斯的合并。
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引用次数: 0
A Commemorative Bind: How the Birmingham News Redressed Past Journalistic Failure through Contemporary Civil Rights Memory 纪念绑定:《伯明翰新闻》如何通过当代民权记忆来重塑过去的新闻失败
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2115734
Lorraine Ahearn, Barbara Friedman
ABSTRACT Ideological clashes over race in American memory reveal an existential divide in journalism, between an ethos of activism and the normative rituals of objectivity. This study examines a crisis of memory that occurred upon a newspaper’s centennial in the 1980s alongside mainstream commemorations of the US civil rights movement amid an age of apology and backlash. The Birmingham News, a White newspaper that in the 1960s used proximity to a national story to conceal rather than bear witness, a generation later sought to reposition itself in a radically changed environment. This study, building on the scholarship of journalism as a site of collective memory, analyzes how a news organization arbitrated a reckoning with the past and its own professional failure. We analyze the strategies by which the News sought forgiveness and redress, and thereby sought to reclaim authority. The case illustrates how notions of journalistic legitimacy collide with the project of truth and reconciliation, and how journalists find a way forward by refashioning collective memory to navigate the present.
摘要美国人记忆中关于种族的意识形态冲突揭示了新闻业中激进主义精神和客观性规范仪式之间的生存鸿沟。这项研究考察了一场记忆危机,这场危机发生在20世纪80年代一家报纸的百年庆典上,当时正值道歉和强烈反对的时代,同时也是美国民权运动的主流纪念活动。《伯明翰新闻》是一家白人报纸,在20世纪60年代,它利用接近全国性的故事来掩盖而不是作证,一代人后来试图在一个彻底改变的环境中重新定位自己。这项研究建立在新闻作为集体记忆场所的学术基础上,分析了新闻机构如何对过去和自己的职业失败进行清算。我们分析了《新闻报》寻求宽恕和补救的策略,从而寻求重新获得权威。这个案例说明了新闻合法性的概念如何与真相与和解项目相冲突,以及记者如何通过重塑集体记忆来驾驭当下来找到前进的道路。
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引用次数: 0
Smoke and Mirrors: The Chicago Defender, Tobacco Sponsorship, and the Health of the African American Public Sphere 烟雾与镜子:芝加哥捍卫者、烟草赞助与非裔美国人公共领域的健康
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2022.2124764
Joseph P. Jones, Earnest L. Perry
ABSTRACT This article examines the relationship between the Chicago Defender and its largest national sponsor, the tobacco industry, from 1947–1975. As a member of the Black press during an age of increasing civil rights activism and intensified media competition, the Defender had difficulty attracting national commercial sponsorship. Tobacco companies were the lone exception and patronage meant more than advertising space. Analyzing editorials, articles, feature columns, advertising, letters to the editor, and internal tobacco industry documents, the authors found a purposeful commercial sponsor given a disproportionate voice. The Defender provided tobacco companies access to a constituting force of the African American 1 social imaginary and an outlet to embed themselves in the African American community and Black identity. Tobacco executives intentionally targeted Black media outlets, and sponsorship extended far beyond the Defender. Placed in historical context and considering an advocacy press’s primary role of serving a community, the authors question the independence allotted by such funding. By studying the best traditions of the Black press—and how it was influenced by its most important commercial sponsor—this study reaffirms journalism’s foundational purpose as a principled and inclusive tool of democratic worldmaking.
本文考察了1947年至1975年间《芝加哥后卫报》与其最大的国家赞助商烟草业之间的关系。在民权运动日益激烈和媒体竞争加剧的时代,作为黑人新闻界的一员,《捍卫者》很难吸引到全国性的商业赞助。烟草公司是唯一的例外,赞助不仅仅意味着广告空间。通过分析社论、文章、专题专栏、广告、给编辑的信件和烟草业内部文件,作者们发现,一个有目的的商业赞助商被赋予了不成比例的话语权。《捍卫者》为烟草公司提供了接触非裔美国人社会想象的构成力量的途径,以及将自己融入非裔美国人社区和黑人身份的途径。烟草公司高管有意将目标对准黑人媒体,赞助范围远远超出了《捍卫者》。在历史背景下,考虑到倡导新闻的主要作用是为社区服务,作者质疑这种资助分配的独立性。通过研究黑人新闻界的最佳传统,以及它是如何受到其最重要的商业赞助者的影响,本研究重申了新闻业作为民主世界形成的原则和包容性工具的基本目的。
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引用次数: 1
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Journalism history
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