Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2264714
Aritra Majumdar
ABSTRACTThe addition of the First Amendment to the Indian Constitution is considered a crucial moment in the constitutional history of liberty of speech and expression, and by extension, freedom of the press, in postcolonial India. Aimed at limiting the right to free speech and expression through several caveats, the attempt to pass the amendment roused fierce press protest led by the All-India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC). Such protest notwithstanding, the Nehru government succeeded in passing the amendment through Parliament. This article seeks to revisit the months of April to July 1951 to understand how the press and, in particular, its primary organization—AINEC—understood the threat to their liberty and organized against it. In particular, the arguments put forth by AINEC and the methods applied by its leaders to unify the press shall be studied through the letters, meetings, and editorials of AINEC and its major functionaries. The reactions these endeavors elicited, in turn, shall be studied to explain why the attempted unity, and the larger protest, ultimately failed, and what this failure can explain about the limits of press unity and the difficulties of opposing a nationalist government in early postcolonial India.KEYWORDS: AINECFirst Amendment (India)Indian Constitutionpostcolonial Indiapress freedom Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Jagdish Natarajan, History of Journalism in India (New Delhi, India: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1955), 173–75, 250.2. Robin Jeffrey, “Mission, Money and Machinery: Indian Newspapers in the Twentieth Century,” Institute of South Asian Studies Working Paper, no. 117 (November 25, 2010): 17, https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/media/isas_papers/ISAS%20Working%20Paper%20117%20Mission,%20Money%20and%20Machinery.pdf.3. Emily Rook-Koepsel, “Dissenting against the Defence of India Rules: Emergency Regulations and the Space of Extreme Government Action,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 41, no. 3 (August 2, 2018): 650–54, https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.20181485475.4. Rook-Koepsel, “Dissenting against the Defence of India Rules,” 654.5. Devika Sethi, War over Words; Censorship in India: 1930–1960 (New Delhi, India: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 204–7.6. For a study of how the First Amendment has been interpreted by Marxist and liberal historians and scholars, see Nivedita Menon, “Citizenship and the Passive Revolution: Interpreting the First Amendment,” Economic and Political Weekly 39, no. 18 (2004): 1812–19.7. Geerpuram Nadadur Srinivasa Raghavan, The Press in India (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 1994), 138–43.8. V. Krishna Ananth, Between Freedom and Unfreedom: The Press in Independent India (New Delhi, India: Alcove, 2020), 46–57.9. Tripurdaman Singh, Sixteen Stormy Days (New Delhi, India: Penguin Random House, 2020), 90–98.10. Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, “The Iron Ca
【摘要】印度宪法第一修正案的加入被认为是后殖民时期印度言论和表达自由以及新闻自由宪政史上的关键时刻。该修正案旨在通过若干警告限制言论自由和表达的权利，试图通过该修正案引起了由全印度报纸编辑会议(AINEC)领导的激烈新闻界抗议。尽管有这样的抗议，尼赫鲁政府还是成功地在议会通过了修正案。本文试图回顾1951年4月至7月这几个月，以了解新闻界，特别是其主要组织- -非洲新闻联会- -如何了解对其自由的威胁并组织起来反对这种威胁。特别是，要通过新闻联委会和主要工作人员的书信、会议、社论等，研究新闻联委会提出的主张和领导人统一媒体的方法。这些努力所引发的反应，反过来，应该被研究，以解释为什么团结的尝试，以及更大的抗议，最终失败了，以及这种失败可以解释新闻团结的局限性和反对民族主义政府在早期后殖民印度的困难。关键词:印度宪法第一修正案(印度)印度宪法后殖民印度新闻自由披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。Jagdish Natarajan，《印度新闻史》(印度新德里:印度政府信息和广播部，1955年)，173 - 75,250.2。罗宾·杰弗里，《使命、金钱和机器:20世纪的印度报纸》，南亚研究所工作论文，第2期。117(2010年11月25日):17,https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/media/isas_papers/ISAS%20Working%20Paper%20117%20Mission，%20Money%20and%20Machinery.pdf.3。Emily luke - koepsel，“反对保卫印度规则:紧急条例和极端政府行动的空间”，《南亚研究杂志》第41期，第2期。3(2018年8月2日):650-54,https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.20181485475.4。luke - koepsel，“反对印度防卫规则”，第654.5页。Devika Sethi《War over Words》;印度的审查制度:1930-1960(印度新德里:剑桥大学出版社，2019)，204-7.6。关于马克思主义和自由主义历史学家和学者如何解释第一修正案的研究，见妮维达·梅农，“公民身份和被动革命:解释第一修正案”，《经济与政治周刊》第39期。18(2004): 1812-19.7。格尔普兰·纳达杜尔·斯里尼瓦萨·拉格哈万，《印度出版社》(新德里:吉安出版社，1994)，138-43.8页。V. Krishna Ananth，自由与不自由之间:独立印度的新闻(新德里，印度:Alcove, 2020)， 46-57.9。特里普达曼·辛格，《十六天暴风雨》(印度新德里:企鹅兰登书屋，2020)，90-98.10。Paul J. DiMaggio, Walter W. Powell，“再访铁笼:组织领域的制度同构与集体理性”，《美国社会学评论》第48期。2(1983年4月):147-60,https://doi.org/10.2307/2095101;理查德·斯科特，《机构与组织:观念、利益与身份》(加州千橡市:Sage出版社，2014)，147-57.11页。Matthias Nordqvist, Robert C. Picard, Ossi Pesamaa，《行业协会作为变革推动者:报业协会的制度角色》，《媒体商业研究》第7期。3 (2010): 51-69, https://doi.org/10.1080/16522354.2010.11073511.12。Marco Althaus，《魏玛共和国的“新闻议会”:1918 - 1933年柏林政府每日新闻发布会的制度化》，《新闻史》第44期。4(2019年12月):208,https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2019.12059213。13.对于匿名审稿人提出的在包括制度理论在内的现有理论探索的范围内探讨国际经济合作委员会的发展和功能的建议，笔者表示感谢。Natarajan在书中没有讨论他的消息来源。这可能是因为这本书是第一新闻委员会报告的第二部分，报告的第一部分提供了委员会的来源和方法。关于第一新闻委员会的资料来源和方法，见印度政府，《新闻委员会报告》(新德里:印度政府新闻和广播部，1955年)，第1-12页。Natarajan的历史在10.14页。Sethi，《舌战》，201-14.15。Ananth，在自由与不自由之间，33-58.16。Raghavan，印度出版社，239-40.17。其中，《印度快报》和《印度时报》的日发行量超过10万份。报纸登记员，印度报纸登记员年度报告(新德里:印度政府出版物司，1958年)，38-39.18。报纸注册处处长，印度报纸注册处处长年度报告，51-72.19。 《孟买纪事报》当时是一份周刊，而《经济周刊》是一份新创办的期刊。之所以咨询这两家公司，主要是因为它们的档案分别由孟买亚洲协会和Sameeksha信托基金会进行了数字化。《印度斯坦时报》在1958年的RNI报告中被列为日报。然而，在1951年，它是周报。Boobli George Verghese，《第四等级的战士:快车的Ramnath Goenka》(印度新德里:Viking出版社，2005)，84-92页;和T. J. S. George，编，《葛印卡书信:印度快报中的痛苦与狂喜》(印度新德里:Pinnacle Books, 2006)， 1 - 12,183 - 84,191, 250-55.21。B. Shiva Rao，《印度宪法的制定:精选文件》(印度新德里:印度公共行政学院，1967年)，v-ix.22。Kanchan Karopady Bannerjee，《贝宁兄弟:一个家庭的故事及其时代1864-1975》(印度浦那:Ameya Prakashan出版社，2010)，82-106.23页。Arvind Elangovan，《作为纪律的宪政:Benegal Shiva Rao与印度宪法被遗忘的历史》，《南亚》第41期，第2期。3 (2018): 605-20, https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2018.1481596.24。约阿希姆·阿尔瓦、他的妻子维奥莱特·阿尔瓦、他们的儿子尼兰扬和儿媳玛格丽特·阿尔瓦都曾是国会议员和公众人物。然而，只有玛格丽特·阿尔瓦(Margaret Alva)在她的自传《勇气与承诺:自传》(新德里，印度:鲁帕出版社，2016)第23-32页中写了阿尔瓦家族的第一手资料。除了粗略地提到约阿希姆·阿尔瓦是她的岳父外，这本书中没有太多关于他的内容。K. Rama Rao，《笔是我的剑》(印度孟买:Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan出版社，1965)，第7 - 8页，230页;M. Chalapathi Rau，印度出版社(新德里，印度:联合出版社，1968)，48-61.26。换句话说，他们试图证实发表评论的人是他们所叙述的事件的“目击者”和“参与者”。luke - koepsel，“反对保卫印度规则”，第643页。因此，AINEC是一个由编辑组成的团体，
{"title":"“A Paper Agitation”: The All India Newspaper Editors’ Conference, the Indian State, and the Struggle Over the First Amendment","authors":"Aritra Majumdar","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2264714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2264714","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe addition of the First Amendment to the Indian Constitution is considered a crucial moment in the constitutional history of liberty of speech and expression, and by extension, freedom of the press, in postcolonial India. Aimed at limiting the right to free speech and expression through several caveats, the attempt to pass the amendment roused fierce press protest led by the All-India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC). Such protest notwithstanding, the Nehru government succeeded in passing the amendment through Parliament. This article seeks to revisit the months of April to July 1951 to understand how the press and, in particular, its primary organization—AINEC—understood the threat to their liberty and organized against it. In particular, the arguments put forth by AINEC and the methods applied by its leaders to unify the press shall be studied through the letters, meetings, and editorials of AINEC and its major functionaries. The reactions these endeavors elicited, in turn, shall be studied to explain why the attempted unity, and the larger protest, ultimately failed, and what this failure can explain about the limits of press unity and the difficulties of opposing a nationalist government in early postcolonial India.KEYWORDS: AINECFirst Amendment (India)Indian Constitutionpostcolonial Indiapress freedom Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Jagdish Natarajan, History of Journalism in India (New Delhi, India: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1955), 173–75, 250.2. Robin Jeffrey, “Mission, Money and Machinery: Indian Newspapers in the Twentieth Century,” Institute of South Asian Studies Working Paper, no. 117 (November 25, 2010): 17, https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/media/isas_papers/ISAS%20Working%20Paper%20117%20Mission,%20Money%20and%20Machinery.pdf.3. Emily Rook-Koepsel, “Dissenting against the Defence of India Rules: Emergency Regulations and the Space of Extreme Government Action,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 41, no. 3 (August 2, 2018): 650–54, https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.20181485475.4. Rook-Koepsel, “Dissenting against the Defence of India Rules,” 654.5. Devika Sethi, War over Words; Censorship in India: 1930–1960 (New Delhi, India: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 204–7.6. For a study of how the First Amendment has been interpreted by Marxist and liberal historians and scholars, see Nivedita Menon, “Citizenship and the Passive Revolution: Interpreting the First Amendment,” Economic and Political Weekly 39, no. 18 (2004): 1812–19.7. Geerpuram Nadadur Srinivasa Raghavan, The Press in India (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 1994), 138–43.8. V. Krishna Ananth, Between Freedom and Unfreedom: The Press in Independent India (New Delhi, India: Alcove, 2020), 46–57.9. Tripurdaman Singh, Sixteen Stormy Days (New Delhi, India: Penguin Random House, 2020), 90–98.10. Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, “The Iron Ca","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"13 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135567937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2251357
Teri Finneman, Ryan J. Thomas
ABSTRACT This study builds upon historical scholarship of the royal family and the British press to examine a critical incident in 2012 involving future queen Kate Middleton. After radio deejays hoaxed a hospital where Middleton was a patient, a nurse inadvertently involved with the prank died by suicide, creating a global sensation. This study examines how the British press and public reacted to this breach of media ethics. Although some in the press condemned the incident, victim-blaming illustrated an evasion of responsibility when it comes to media and the royal family. The public, via letters to the editor, tended to take a firmer stance and were more apt to contextualize the hoax against a history of invasive media coverage. Overall, this study suggests the British press remains wedded to historical strategies of distancing and victim-blaming, providing little optimism about how the relationship between the press and the royal family might change.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2232251
Harlen Makemson
ABSTRACT Charles Dana Gibson’s leadership of the Division of Pictorial Publicity, part of the US government’s Committee on Public Information (CPI), during World War I has been thoroughly studied, yet scant attention has been given to his own art during the conflict. This study examines Gibson’s illustrations that appeared in the illustrated humor magazine Life during World War I, with the primary purpose of examining how he employed the female image to not only garner support for the war, but also define women’s responsibilities and limitations in time of war. Examination of Life during the war indicates that the Gibson Girl’s “Beauty” or “Sentimental” typologies had limited utility in convincing Americans that the battle in Europe was worth fighting. Instead, Gibson was more likely to use two female forms that had long ago become well-recognized American propaganda devices—the “Protecting Angel,” who assumed roles as nurses, aid workers, and, by extension, mothers of soldiers; and the “Amazon Warrior,” always attired in gowns, usually in large (if not colossal) scale, and most often bearing conceptual labels such as Freedom or Democracy.
查尔斯·达纳·吉布森(Charles Dana Gibson)在第一次世界大战期间领导美国政府公共信息委员会(CPI)下属的画报宣传部(Division of Pictorial Publicity)，这一点已经得到了深入的研究，但他在战争期间的艺术作品却很少受到关注。本研究考察了吉布森在第一次世界大战期间出现在幽默杂志《生活》上的插图，主要目的是研究他如何利用女性形象来获得对战争的支持，同时也定义了女性在战争时期的责任和局限性。对战争期间生活的审视表明，吉布森女孩的“美丽”或“感伤”类型在说服美国人在欧洲的战斗是值得的方面效用有限。相反，吉布森更倾向于使用两种早已成为美国宣传工具的女性形象——“保护天使”，她们扮演护士、救援人员，以及士兵的母亲;还有“亚马逊战士”，他们总是穿着长袍，通常是大号的(如果不是巨大的)，而且通常带有诸如自由或民主之类的概念标签。
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2236524
J. M. Friedman
ABSTRACT Croatans, Melungeons, Redbones, Wesorts. In US society at the turn of the twentieth century, as in other times, racial identity brought power and powerlessness. Triracial isolates—with their presumed blend of Indian, European, and African ancestry—puzzled early newsmen who marveled about and ridiculed them. This qualitative content analysis pulls apart newspaper coverage of such groups to explore its underpinnings. Analysis of news stories (N = 125) spanning sixty-three years, from 1880 to 1943, reveals the themes of Mysterious Origins; Description, especially racial comparison; and Anecdote, from history to humor. The articles’ presence in publications hundreds, even thousands, of miles from these communities evidences a kind of racial campfire story, taken out, burnished, and repeated for entertainment. Group members’ voices are largely excluded from narratives. The coverage illustrates society’s deep-seated desire to name, claim, and defame based upon perceived race, as well as news conventions of othering.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2230444
Tim Gleason
ABSTRACT Irish People was a New York-based newspaper with the single mission of supporting Catholics in Northern Ireland as they faced discrimination from the British-controlled Ulster government. While Irish American magazines promoted a romantic view of Ireland that encouraged tourism to the Republic of Ireland, Irish People reported on political and social conflict. This article examines Irish People’s role as a propaganda newspaper that targeted the American presidencies of the 1980s and 1990s. While it was mostly a “white propaganda” operation—truthful and overt propaganda—that reported British offenses and applied pressure on the American government to intervene, some of the money the newspaper helped to raise for Northern Irish charities may have gone to the Irish Republican Army.
{"title":"The Irish People and the American Presidency","authors":"Tim Gleason","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2230444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2230444","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Irish People was a New York-based newspaper with the single mission of supporting Catholics in Northern Ireland as they faced discrimination from the British-controlled Ulster government. While Irish American magazines promoted a romantic view of Ireland that encouraged tourism to the Republic of Ireland, Irish People reported on political and social conflict. This article examines Irish People’s role as a propaganda newspaper that targeted the American presidencies of the 1980s and 1990s. While it was mostly a “white propaganda” operation—truthful and overt propaganda—that reported British offenses and applied pressure on the American government to intervene, some of the money the newspaper helped to raise for Northern Irish charities may have gone to the Irish Republican Army.","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"49 1","pages":"215 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45093927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-23DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2222617
Mary V. Heckman, Arden Bastia
ABSTRACT This article explores consciousness raising in the Boston Globe’s Confidential Chat column, documenting how, during the second wave of feminism, it became a venue where women educated themselves about reproductive health. The Chat’s nonhierarchical, participatory nature allowed women to discuss abortion, contraception, infertility, and related topics during a time when the role of women in society was undergoing profound change. Boston’s deep Catholic roots added complexities to these discussions. The findings provide historical context for modern social media discourse around reproductive choice.
{"title":"Expecting Advice: Reproductive Health and Consciousness Raising in the Boston Globe’s Confidential Chat Column","authors":"Mary V. Heckman, Arden Bastia","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2222617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2222617","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores consciousness raising in the Boston Globe’s Confidential Chat column, documenting how, during the second wave of feminism, it became a venue where women educated themselves about reproductive health. The Chat’s nonhierarchical, participatory nature allowed women to discuss abortion, contraception, infertility, and related topics during a time when the role of women in society was undergoing profound change. Boston’s deep Catholic roots added complexities to these discussions. The findings provide historical context for modern social media discourse around reproductive choice.","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"49 1","pages":"201 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45915150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2203025
Kerith M. Woodyard
ABSTRACT Grounded in Jenell Johnson’s theory of visceral publics, this study examines 229 letters published in the Smasher’s Mail, an American temperance newspaper edited by Progressive-era reformer Carrie (or Carry) Nation 1 at the height of her 1901 saloon-smashing crusade to enforce Kansas prohibition. Because the newspaper printed letters from citizens who energetically endorsed saloon-smashing as a tactic of pro-temperance agitation and from those who vociferously opposed it, this analysis illuminates how Nation’s paper functioned as an important platform for fervid public deliberation over the perceived necessity of temperance reform and the best means of achieving it. Exploring what the smashing controversy meant to real people and the powerful feelings it elicited on both sides of the debate, this study demonstrates the emergence of two oppositional visceral publics bound by shared intense feelings over perceived boundary violations involving the borders of the human body, the home, private enterprise, law and order, and the “woman’s sphere.” Pro-smashing writers, who elevated their alcohol-free vision of the common good over the individual rights of saloonkeepers and their patrons, saw saloon-smashing as justified, even necessary, to protect society from the consequences of intemperance. In contrast, smashing opponents, rejecting prohibitionist calls to regulate private behavior for the common good, prioritized saloonkeepers’ and patrons’ individual rights of life, liberty, and property.
{"title":"“Letters from Honest People” and “Letters from Hell”: Emergent Visceral Publics in Carrie Nation’s Smasher’s Mail","authors":"Kerith M. Woodyard","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2203025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2203025","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Grounded in Jenell Johnson’s theory of visceral publics, this study examines 229 letters published in the Smasher’s Mail, an American temperance newspaper edited by Progressive-era reformer Carrie (or Carry) Nation 1 at the height of her 1901 saloon-smashing crusade to enforce Kansas prohibition. Because the newspaper printed letters from citizens who energetically endorsed saloon-smashing as a tactic of pro-temperance agitation and from those who vociferously opposed it, this analysis illuminates how Nation’s paper functioned as an important platform for fervid public deliberation over the perceived necessity of temperance reform and the best means of achieving it. Exploring what the smashing controversy meant to real people and the powerful feelings it elicited on both sides of the debate, this study demonstrates the emergence of two oppositional visceral publics bound by shared intense feelings over perceived boundary violations involving the borders of the human body, the home, private enterprise, law and order, and the “woman’s sphere.” Pro-smashing writers, who elevated their alcohol-free vision of the common good over the individual rights of saloonkeepers and their patrons, saw saloon-smashing as justified, even necessary, to protect society from the consequences of intemperance. In contrast, smashing opponents, rejecting prohibitionist calls to regulate private behavior for the common good, prioritized saloonkeepers’ and patrons’ individual rights of life, liberty, and property.","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"49 1","pages":"110 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46738555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2203026
Lindsay M. McCluskey, J. Hamilton, Amy Reynolds
ABSTRACT With the emergence of systematic, pervasive government information programs and the rise of persuasion as a new profession, the words propaganda and publicity became definitional in the twentieth century. This historical qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the New York Times provides a basis for understanding the usage of propaganda and publicity during the years leading up to, during, and after World War I. At the turn of the nineteenth century, propaganda had a benign, narrow meaning. Propaganda became a negative word during World War I. Publicity also did not come out of the war unscathed. This research provides a more granular understanding of the emergence of persuasion as a profession and helps the readers understand the forces behind the emergence of mass communication as a field of study.
{"title":"When Propaganda Became a Dirty Word","authors":"Lindsay M. McCluskey, J. Hamilton, Amy Reynolds","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2203026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2203026","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With the emergence of systematic, pervasive government information programs and the rise of persuasion as a new profession, the words propaganda and publicity became definitional in the twentieth century. This historical qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the New York Times provides a basis for understanding the usage of propaganda and publicity during the years leading up to, during, and after World War I. At the turn of the nineteenth century, propaganda had a benign, narrow meaning. Propaganda became a negative word during World War I. Publicity also did not come out of the war unscathed. This research provides a more granular understanding of the emergence of persuasion as a profession and helps the readers understand the forces behind the emergence of mass communication as a field of study.","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"49 1","pages":"140 - 157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44538907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00947679.2023.2203021
Elizabeth Atwood
ABSTRACT Despite the press freedom enshrined in the First Amendment, at least sixty-four journalists were intentionally killed in the United States between 1829 and 2023 because of their work. The victims included veteran and novice reporters who worked at news outlets in big cities and small towns throughout the country. This study aims to provide an account of those attacks in order to develop a typology to explain the violence against American journalists. The insights give clues for how the risk of violence might be mitigated. The study categorizes fatal attacks on journalists as: violence against individuals, violence against ideas, violence to stop investigations, and violence against institutions.
{"title":"Deadline: A History of Journalists Murdered in the United States","authors":"Elizabeth Atwood","doi":"10.1080/00947679.2023.2203021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2023.2203021","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the press freedom enshrined in the First Amendment, at least sixty-four journalists were intentionally killed in the United States between 1829 and 2023 because of their work. The victims included veteran and novice reporters who worked at news outlets in big cities and small towns throughout the country. This study aims to provide an account of those attacks in order to develop a typology to explain the violence against American journalists. The insights give clues for how the risk of violence might be mitigated. The study categorizes fatal attacks on journalists as: violence against individuals, violence against ideas, violence to stop investigations, and violence against institutions.","PeriodicalId":38759,"journal":{"name":"Journalism history","volume":"49 1","pages":"158 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41918231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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