Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080026514-2
Dmitriy M. Timokhin
Among the monuments of Muslim historiography several works can be distinguished, the authors of which build in their works a clear continuity between the Qutlugh Khanids dynasty that ruled within Kerman, whose founder was khajib Barak, and the previously existing Qara-Khitay power. In one of the earlier works, the author of this article called these Muslim writings «late Qara-Khitay historiography» and within the framework of the presented research I would like to substantiate the validity of such a statement. To do this, it is necessary to once again understand how and why Muslim historians distinguish the connection between khajib Barak and his successors, whether they label them «Qara-Khitay» and how else the connection between the Qutlugh Khanids and the Gur-Khans is distinguished. In addition, the author of the article intends to demonstrate the evolution of the description of the biography of Barak in several monuments of the XIII – XV in order to demonstrate clearly how Muslim authors cite new elements linking him with the Qara-Khitay, as well as his heirs. Undoubtedly, such a historiographical phenomenon should have an explanation, as well as the origin, that is, the author who initiated such a tradition. The author of this article comes to the conclusion that Nasir al-Din Munshi Kermani could have been the ancestor of this tradition in the historical work, which, «Simt al-'Ula lil-Khadra al-'Uliya», probably for the first time traces most of the markers that make it possible to link the Qutlugh Khanids dynasty with the Qara-Khitay state.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025899-5
Ivan Ladynin
The article deals with a number of monuments in the Egyptian collection of the A.S. Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts showing Egyptian deities in the guise of Roman warriors: I, 1a 2985 (the best known and widely reproduced object) – a statuette of the falcon-headed god Horus in the double crown and in the Roman armour and dress (bronze); I, 1a 2794 – a similar statuette of smaller size and worse preservation (bronze with traces of gilding); I, 1a 6667 – a statuette of the dog-or jackal-headed god Anubis in the Roman armour and dress (bronze); I, 1a 3389 – a bust showing the falcon-headed god Horus wearing nemes, with the sun-disc and snake over his head (glass paste); I, 1a 5382 – a stela showing the sphinx-god Tutu with a lion head being a part of the armour-plate on his chest. Aside from republishing these objects, the aim of the article is to propose an interpretation of the iconographic type, to which they belong (this type also includes a number of Apius’ images and a singular image of Khnum in the Roman guise). The most multiple group in this type are the images of Horus, which, in author’s view, reflect the concept of the Roman principes’ rule in Egypt shaped by Egyptians: they were ruled not so much by a specific Roman strong-man as by the god Hous embodied in him and largely absorbing his personality. This concept of Egyptian rulers’ “derivative sacrality” dated back to the First Persian Domination and played largely a compensatory role, as it made a foreign and unfriendly rule more tolerable for Egyptians. In the Roman time it was reflected in emperors’ titularies, in which the Horus’ name was shaped of a set of epithets conveying upon a ruler the qualities of the god Horus. Probably the concept manifested itself in the images of Horus and Anubis, perhaps Khnum in the Roman guise; the images of Tutu and, perhaps, Apis rather show a transfer on them of the iconographic standard developed in the imagery of Horus.
这篇文章涉及了普希金美术博物馆(A.S. Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts)埃及收藏的一些纪念碑，这些纪念碑展示了以罗马战士为伪装的埃及神:I, 1a 2985(最著名和最广泛复制的物品)-一尊戴着双冠、身穿罗马盔甲和礼服的鹰头神荷鲁斯(Horus)雕像(青铜);I, 1a 2794 -一个类似的小雕像，尺寸较小，保存较差(有镀金痕迹的青铜);I, 1a 6667 -一尊穿着罗马盔甲和衣服的狗或豺狼头的阿努比斯神的雕像(青铜);I, 1a 3389 -一个半身像，显示鹰头神荷鲁斯戴着nemes，太阳盘和蛇在他的头上(玻璃糊);I, 1a 5382 -一块石碑，显示狮身人面像神图图，狮头是他胸前盔甲板的一部分。除了重新发布这些物品外，本文的目的是对它们所属于的图像类型提出解释(这种类型还包括许多Apius的图像和罗马伪装下的Khnum的单一图像)。这一类型中最多元的一组是荷鲁斯的形象，在笔者看来，这些形象反映了由埃及人塑造的罗马君主统治埃及的概念:与其说他们是由一个具体的罗马强人统治，不如说是由他身上体现的豪斯神统治，豪斯神在很大程度上吸收了他的个性。这种埃及统治者的“衍生神圣性”的概念可以追溯到第一波斯统治时期，它在很大程度上起了一种补偿作用，因为它使埃及人更能容忍外国和不友好的统治。在罗马时代，它反映在皇帝的头衔中，荷鲁斯的名字是由一组表达统治者荷鲁斯神品质的绰号所塑造的。也许这个概念在荷鲁斯和阿努比斯的形象中表现出来，也许在罗马伪装下的克努姆;图图的形象，也许还有阿比斯的形象，更像是荷鲁斯形象中发展起来的一种图像标准的转移。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027608-5
Elena Lepekhova
This study is devoted to the cult of goddess Benzaiten (Saraswati) in Japan. As an Indian goddess Saraswati, who in the Vedic period was revered as the deity of the river of the same name, under the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism turned into the patroness of music and the embodiment of eloquence. In the Far East, China and Japan, she was known as Biancaitian (Jp. Benzaiten). However, in addition to her connection with music, Benzaiten retained the association with water inherent in the original Saraswati, which was expressed in her veneration as a goddess incarnated in a water deity-dragon or commanding them. At the same time, due to the ambivalence of her nature, ambiguously interpreted in various Buddhist sources, Benzaiten turned into a universal deity, identified with many other gods from the Shinto-Buddhist pantheon. For this reason, later she took a firm place in Japanese folklore, being included among the Seven Gods of Happiness (Jp. Shichifukujin). Based on a comparative analysis, it is concluded that if the deity of the Saraswati River in the Rig Veda is a stormy, water element that cannot be controlled, but can only be propitiated with hymns and offerings, then the Japanese Benzaiten, which sometimes manifests itself in the form of an unbridled dragon or snake, can be subjugated through the Buddhist rituals. This fact shows the importance of Buddhism in fixing religious cultural codes that originated in ancient India, and their subsequent spread across the territory of Central Asia and the Far East.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025831-1
Archil S. Balakhvantsev
In the following note, the authors again refer to the squeeze of the NorthWest Semitic inscription from the collection of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople published in 2022. The reading of two problematic places in the inscription is specified, the corrected reading and drawing are published. First of all, a new understanding of the symbols no. 8–10 should be noted. Instead of three letters – ṣade, aleph, pe – we now see only two here – waw and ṣade. The closest and only analogy to the last sign is found in the Ammān citadel inscription dating back to the 9th century BC. It was discovered only in 1961. This circumstance once again testifies to the groundlessness of doubts about the authenticity of the studied inscription. The second correction concerns the missing letter in the previous drawing, following the bet (no. 19). The sign is very poorly distinguishable, due to its location on the crease of the estampage. Based on the combination of the preserved vertical and the straight horizontal crossing it at the level of the base of the bet’s head, there is nothing left to do but assume that this is a tav. Thus, the new reading of the inscription is as follows: z d t h š m y w ṣ k b h m l n ḥ z b t h w y d b r k ʕ l s k y r y n k y ? n
在下面的注释中，作者再次提到了来自君士坦丁堡俄罗斯考古研究所于2022年出版的收藏中的西北闪米特铭文的压榨。对题词中两个有问题的地方进行了说明，并公布了改正后的阅读和绘图。首先，重新认识符号no。应注意8-10。我们现在只看到两个字母——waw和ṣade，而不是三个字母——ṣade, aleph, pe。与最后一个符号最接近也是唯一相似的是在公元前9世纪的Ammān城堡铭文中发现的。它直到1961年才被发现。这种情况再次证明了对所研究铭文的真实性的怀疑是毫无根据的。第二次更正是关于在之前的抽奖中缺失的字母，在下注(no。19)。由于该标志位于邮票的折痕上，因此很难区分。根据保留的垂直线和在赌注头部底部的水平交叉的直线水平线的组合，除了假设这是一个tav之外，没有什么可做的了。因此,新阅读碑文如下:z d t hšm y wṣk b h m l nḥz b t h w y d b r kʕl s k y y y n k ?n
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080026516-4
Arsen Shahinyan
This publication presents the materials extracted from the multivolume “History of the Prophets and Kings” (Ta’rīḫ ar-Rusul wa-l-Mulūk) by “the father of the Muslim historiography”, an Arabic spoken Iranian Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr (Djarir) aṭ-Ṭabarī (839–923), whichoutlines the general history from the Creation to 302 AH (914/5). These are absolutely all the materials that are devoted to the last uprising against the power of the ‘Abbasids (750–1258) in the Arab vilayet of Arminiya, which consisted of the Greater-Armenian, and South Caucasian Lands occupied by the Muslims. We are talking about the uprising of 850–855, in which both the leaders of the autonomous Armenian and Albanian principalities, as well as the Arab emirates created in Arminiya at the beginning of the 9th C., took part. These passages were extracted from the classic critical edition carried out in three series and 15 volumes in Leiden (1879–1901), edited by the famous Dutch Arabist Michael Jan de Goeje (1836–1909).The selected passages are translated by Arsen K. Shahinyan from Classical Arabic into Russian for the first time in Oriental science. The introductory article, detailed text notes and scholarly comments based on the historical and geographical narratives of the Antiquity, and in the languages of the peoples of the Christian and Muslim Orient are attached by the author of the publication to his translated materials as well. Preparing these notes and comments, he also took into account the data that are reflected in the leading scientific, reference (encyclopedic) and educational publications of the world.
本出版物介绍了从“穆斯林史学之父”、讲阿拉伯语的伊朗人Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr (Djarir) AH . -Ṭabarī(839-923)的多卷本《先知和国王的历史》(Ta ' r ar-Rusul wa-l-Mulūk)中摘录的材料，该书概述了从创世到伊斯兰历302年(914/5)的一般历史。这些绝对是所有关于最后一次反抗阿拔斯王朝(750-1258)的起义的材料，起义发生在阿拉伯的阿米尼亚村庄，该村庄由穆斯林占领的大亚美尼亚和南高加索地区组成。我们讨论的是850-855年的起义，其中亚美尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚自治公国的领导人，以及9世纪初在阿米尼亚建立的阿拉伯酋长国，都参加了起义。这些段落摘自莱顿(1879-1901)的经典批判版，由著名的荷兰阿拉伯学家迈克尔·扬·德·戈耶(1836-1909)编辑，分为三个系列，共15卷。精选的段落由Arsen K. Shahinyan从古典阿拉伯语翻译成俄语，这在东方科学中是第一次。引言文章、详细的文本注释和基于古代历史和地理叙述的学术评论，以及以东方基督教和穆斯林民族的语言写成的评论，也由出版物的作者附在他的翻译材料上。在准备这些笔记和评论时，他还考虑了世界上领先的科学、参考(百科全书式)和教育出版物中反映的数据。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025426-5
Ekaterina Belkina
The “Bukharian Collection” of Vladimir A. Ivanov included dozens of Jewish manuscripts. They came to the Asian Museum in St. Petersburg in 1915, and Alexander A. Freiman systematized some of them – in Judeo-Persian only – by 1918. Over the past century, there have been several (re-)inventories, so nowadays one cannot rely on those obsolete publications, working with these monuments. Part of the provenance has been lost. Basing on Ivanov’s archive and the inventory books of different years, this article is an attempt to update the information on all Jewish manuscripts acquired in Bukhara. The Aramaic and Hebrew manuscripts are new to the scientific circulation, the provenance of the Judeo-Persian manuscripts is clarified. Ivanov’s personal notes for each manuscript are scarce. Nevertheless, they are the primary source about the manuscripts, and today his “notebook” on the “Collection” is kept in the Archive of Orientalists of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS. Using Ivanov’s list of manuscripts and their description by Freiman, as well as the current inventory, I managed to restore the provenance of almost all monuments. Some last Hebrew manuscripts in this list are particularly difficult to identify, while other monuments within the Jewish fund have been erroneously attributed to the “Collection” for a long time. Only one manuscript from Bukhara has remained unidentified. Checking the rest of the manuscripts for Ivanov’s notes at the margins in his “notebook” helped to match and connect the archival data with the source data of the manuscripts.
弗拉基米尔·a·伊万诺夫(Vladimir A. Ivanov)的“布哈里收藏”(Bukharian Collection)包括数十份犹太手稿。1915年，它们来到圣彼得堡的亚洲博物馆(Asian Museum)，亚历山大·a·弗里曼(Alexander A. Freiman)在1918年之前将其中的一些作品系统化——只有犹太-波斯语版本。在过去的一个世纪里，有几次(重新)清单，所以现在人们不能依靠那些过时的出版物来处理这些古迹。部分出处已经丢失。根据伊万诺夫的档案和不同年份的库存书籍，本文试图更新在布哈拉获得的所有犹太手稿的信息。阿拉姆语和希伯来语手稿是新的科学流通，犹太-波斯手稿的来源得到澄清。伊万诺夫对每份手稿的个人注释很少。然而，它们是手稿的主要来源，今天他关于“收藏”的“笔记本”保存在RAS东方研究所的东方学家档案中。利用伊万诺夫的手稿清单和弗莱曼的描述，以及目前的库存，我设法恢复了几乎所有纪念碑的来源。这份名单中一些最后的希伯来手稿特别难以辨认，而犹太基金内的其他纪念碑长期以来一直被错误地归为“收藏”。只有一份来自布哈拉的手稿仍然身份不明。在其余手稿的空白处检查伊万诺夫的笔记，有助于将档案数据与手稿的源数据相匹配并联系起来。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080024664-7
Boris M. Gorelik
The South African War, also known as the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902, was one of the most important armed conflicts of the age of imperialism. The war evoked an immense public response in Russia; not even the power circles remained unmoved. Russian public opinion supported the struggle for the independence of the Boer republics, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. For their part, the governments of the two republics convinced their fellow citizens that the Russian Empire, as the initiator of the Hague Peace Conference and the only great power that never had colonies in Africa, would be able to unite other states of Europe and the United States to help the Boers in countering British imperialism. By June 1900, it had become clear that the Great Powers would not take military action in defence of the South African republics. Moreover, they were unable to overlook their geopolitical differences in order to offer collective mediation or good offices to the belligerents. On behalf of the official Boer delegation, who was visiting the United States, the Transvaal envoy conveyed to the foreign offices of Russia and its ally France a request for a joint protectorate over the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Documentary evidence of this demarche, which has not yet received sufficient coverage in historiography, has been preserved in the archive of the Transvaal envoy Leyds, as well as in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. Appealing to Russia and France, the Boer delegates assumed that these powers, for humanitarian reasons, would provide friendly guardianship to the two republics in South Africa. However, the European governments of the period understood protectorate as a form of colonial dependence. Besides, Russia and France did not want a military confrontation with the mighty British Empire for the sake of the Boer states that were outside the sphere of their political and colonial interests. The attempt of the representatives of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State to secure a Russo-French protectorate for their republics was predestined to fail.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025599-5
Dordzhi G. Kukeev
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025821-0
Vitaly V. Prudnikov
This work is devoted to the consideration of the tradition of using the geographical term Khorasan in the Latin chronicles of the first crusade. The founder of this tradition can rightfully be called the anonymous author of The Acts of the Franks and Other Jerusalemites. This book is of particular interest to researchers, because. this work not only became the first of its kind report on the invasion of the Crusader knights, immigrants from Western Europe to the Middle East, but also served as the main source of information for the works of other chroniclers. In the 11th century. the civilization of the medieval West for the first time in many years moved from a deaf defense to a systematic offensive, which forced contemporaries to take a fresh look at phenomena that had previously been hidden by a veil of myths and secrets. It is all the more interesting to learn about what ideas were formed about the historical region of Khorasan that really existed in that era among Latin authors, among whom, after Anonymous, are: monk and others. In the view of the Anonymous, “Khorasan” denoted the center of the Seljuk state, but it is quite natural to assume that this term also has a number of other meanings and meanings that have yet to be clarified and analyzed. At the same time, the very fact of the use of this term in the works of the listed authors points to going beyond the limits of traditions.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080026352-4
Mikhail Apenko
The cult of Arsinoë II Philadelphus is considered one of the most significant cults in Hellenistic Egypt. It originated from the Greek oriented cult of Theoi-Adelphoi after Arsinoë’s death and soon became a vital part of both Greek and Egyptian religious life. What is even more important, Arsinoë became the first member of Ptolemaic dynasty to receive such a cult in Egyptian temples. Yet we still do not quite understand why was it so prominently established there. This article proposes a possible answer to this question. Based on the information from Sais inscription, a source from the reign of Ptolemy II, we can conclude that the main reason for the spread of the cult of Arsinoë in Egyptian temples was the natural conditions that developed in Egypt in the mid-260s. BCE. The text mentions a certain deficiency of the land during the king’s visit to Sais in 265/64 BCE. It seems that at this time Egypt faced low floods of the Nile, which could possibly lead to a lack of crops throughout the country. This in turn could threaten the legitimacy of Ptolemy II, who, as a king of Egypt, was viewed as the one responsible for the floods of the Nile river. Thus an event like this could become a cause for major instability in society or even a revolt. Under these circumstances the cult of Arsinoë II Philadelphus was used to promote royal legitimacy and bind part of the Egyptian priesthood to the ruling house of the Ptolemies.
Arsinoë II Philadelphus的邪教被认为是希腊化埃及最重要的邪教之一。它起源于Arsinoë死后希腊人对忒奥伊-阿德尔菲的崇拜，并很快成为希腊和埃及宗教生活的重要组成部分。更重要的是，Arsinoë成为托勒密王朝的第一个成员，在埃及的寺庙接受这样的崇拜。然而，我们仍然不太明白为什么它在那里如此显眼。本文对这个问题提出了一个可能的答案。根据来自托勒密二世统治时期的赛斯铭文的信息，我们可以得出结论，Arsinoë崇拜在埃及寺庙中传播的主要原因是260年代中期埃及发展的自然条件。公元前。文本提到了国王在公元前265/64年访问赛斯时土地的某种短缺。似乎在这个时候，埃及面临着尼罗河的低洪水，这可能会导致全国农作物歉收。这反过来又会威胁到托勒密二世的合法性，作为埃及国王，他被认为是尼罗河洪水的罪魁祸首。因此，像这样的事件可能成为社会不稳定甚至叛乱的原因。在这种情况下，Arsinoë II Philadelphus的崇拜被用来促进王室的合法性，并将部分埃及祭司与托勒密王朝的统治联系起来。
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