Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025213-1
Alina S. Isakova
The article aims to consider the problem of correlating the concept of “law” in the Achaemenid Empire, expressed by the word dāta-, with the ideological concept of “order”, metaphorically denoted by the word gāϑu-, i.e. “place”. The article examines in detail the word gāϑu-, which denotes not only the imperial world order, but also the royal throne. In Old Persian royal inscriptions, the expression “I established in its place” is often used in those texts that testify of the restoration of political stability after a series of uprisings and turmoil. The return of the kingdom “to its original place” was obviously thought of as the restoration of the power of the Achaemenids over the entire Persian Empire, and the people – as the return of their property. The statement that Darius “put the royal house in its original place” could mean that he restored order in the succession to the throne by removing Gaumata the Magus. The “return to the place” of the rebellious satrapy meant the pacification of this uprising. If in the Elamite version of the Achaemenid inscriptions the word kat in the meaning of “place” was most likely a loanword from the Old Persian gāϑu-, then in the Babylonian version the Akkadian word ašru has its own tradition of use as early as the pre-Achaemenid period in inscriptions from the Mesopotamian region. As for the term dāta-, it refers not only to the judicial and administrative state of affairs in the Achaemenid Empire, but also reflects the religious and political-ideological ideas of the Achaemenids, including those related to their perception of the idea of justice.
{"title":""I established kingdom on its place": an idea of law and order in the Achaemenid Empire","authors":"Alina S. Isakova","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025213-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025213-1","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to consider the problem of correlating the concept of “law” in the Achaemenid Empire, expressed by the word dāta-, with the ideological concept of “order”, metaphorically denoted by the word gāϑu-, i.e. “place”. The article examines in detail the word gāϑu-, which denotes not only the imperial world order, but also the royal throne. In Old Persian royal inscriptions, the expression “I established in its place” is often used in those texts that testify of the restoration of political stability after a series of uprisings and turmoil. The return of the kingdom “to its original place” was obviously thought of as the restoration of the power of the Achaemenids over the entire Persian Empire, and the people – as the return of their property. The statement that Darius “put the royal house in its original place” could mean that he restored order in the succession to the throne by removing Gaumata the Magus. The “return to the place” of the rebellious satrapy meant the pacification of this uprising. If in the Elamite version of the Achaemenid inscriptions the word kat in the meaning of “place” was most likely a loanword from the Old Persian gāϑu-, then in the Babylonian version the Akkadian word ašru has its own tradition of use as early as the pre-Achaemenid period in inscriptions from the Mesopotamian region. As for the term dāta-, it refers not only to the judicial and administrative state of affairs in the Achaemenid Empire, but also reflects the religious and political-ideological ideas of the Achaemenids, including those related to their perception of the idea of justice.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"2015 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135310678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025273-7
Milana Iliushina
The reign of al-Ẓāhir Barqūq (1382–1389; 1390–1399), the first sultane of the Circassian sultanate (1382–1517), marked the transition from dynastic to non-dynastic principle of succession in the Mamluk State (1250–1517). The Circassian sultans did not create a dynasty in the full sense of the word. Most of them tried to hand the power over to their sons, but the rule of such heirs tended to be nominal and short-lived. Those Circassian sultans who did manage to remain in power generally were not lineal descendants of their predecessors. By the beginning of the third decade of the 15th century the non-dynastic system of succession acquired a stable character, and the short-term rule of the heir sultan began to play the role of a transitional period, during which the amirs united in coalitions and determined the candidacy of the next sultan. The failure of this new system of succession, which had been working properly for more than forty years, occurred after the death of the sultan al-Ẓāhir Khushqadam (1461–1467). This article unravels the complex events of the political crisis in Cairo in 1467–1468 to identify a set of factors that determined the level of stability of the political system based on non-dynastic succession. In order to examine the political upheaval during the reign of al-Ẓāhir Yalbāy and al-Ẓāhir Tamurbughā this paper deals with the conception of the Mamluk Sultanate by A. Levanoni and some modern scholarly approaches to the transformation of Syro-Egyptian political organization, discussed in recent publications of J. Van Steenbergen.
al的统治-Ẓāhir Barqūq (1382-1389;1390-1399)，切尔克斯苏丹国(1382-1517)的第一位苏丹，标志着马穆鲁克国(1250-1517)从王朝继承原则向非王朝继承原则的过渡。切尔克斯苏丹并没有建立一个完全意义上的王朝。他们中的大多数人试图将权力移交给他们的儿子，但这些继承人的统治往往是名义上的和短暂的。那些设法继续掌权的切尔克斯苏丹通常不是他们前任的直系后裔。到15世纪第三个十年初，非王朝继承制度获得了稳定的特征，继承人苏丹的短期统治开始发挥过渡时期的作用，在此期间，埃米尔联合起来决定下一任苏丹的候选人。在苏丹al-Ẓāhir Khushqadam(1461-1467)去世后，这个已经正常运行了四十多年的新继承制度失败了。本文揭示了1467-1468年开罗政治危机的复杂事件，以确定一系列因素，这些因素决定了基于非王朝继承的政治制度的稳定程度。为了考察al-Ẓāhir Yalbāy和al-Ẓāhir Tamurbughā统治时期的政治动荡，本文讨论了A. Levanoni提出的马穆鲁克苏丹国的概念，以及J. Van Steenbergen最近发表的关于叙利亚-埃及政治组织转变的一些现代学术方法。
{"title":"The Political Struggle and Succession in the Mamluk Sultanate during the Reign of al-Ẓāhir Yalbāy and al-Ẓāhir Tamurbughā (1467–1468)","authors":"Milana Iliushina","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025273-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025273-7","url":null,"abstract":"The reign of al-Ẓāhir Barqūq (1382–1389; 1390–1399), the first sultane of the Circassian sultanate (1382–1517), marked the transition from dynastic to non-dynastic principle of succession in the Mamluk State (1250–1517). The Circassian sultans did not create a dynasty in the full sense of the word. Most of them tried to hand the power over to their sons, but the rule of such heirs tended to be nominal and short-lived. Those Circassian sultans who did manage to remain in power generally were not lineal descendants of their predecessors. By the beginning of the third decade of the 15th century the non-dynastic system of succession acquired a stable character, and the short-term rule of the heir sultan began to play the role of a transitional period, during which the amirs united in coalitions and determined the candidacy of the next sultan. The failure of this new system of succession, which had been working properly for more than forty years, occurred after the death of the sultan al-Ẓāhir Khushqadam (1461–1467). This article unravels the complex events of the political crisis in Cairo in 1467–1468 to identify a set of factors that determined the level of stability of the political system based on non-dynastic succession. In order to examine the political upheaval during the reign of al-Ẓāhir Yalbāy and al-Ẓāhir Tamurbughā this paper deals with the conception of the Mamluk Sultanate by A. Levanoni and some modern scholarly approaches to the transformation of Syro-Egyptian political organization, discussed in recent publications of J. Van Steenbergen.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135311984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025827-6
Baatr Kitinov
The origin of the term ‘Dzungar’ (also known as ‘Jungar’, ‘Zhungar’, ‘Zünghar’, ‘Zungar’) has already received general consideration, but it is still not clear, which events contributed to the first use of the term, and what it could actually mean. Its etymology needs further study. The traditional version does not go beyond the definition of the Dzungars as the “left wing” of the military-administrative division of the Oirats, and claims that the term first appeared in the beginning of the 17th c. However, the main factors and reasons of its usage for the nation’s self-designation and state formation require further clarification. In present research we consider the religious factor of consolidation and self-identification of the Dzungars. The aim of the article is to determine the conditions, causes and time of the occurrence and sustaining of the name Dzungar. Our tasks include: 1) studying the influence of related events and processes, such as Oirats migration (from Western Mongolia and the Northern part of future Dzungaria to Siberian rivers); separation of the Elets; appearance of the Derbets and the rise of Choros clan; adoption of Buddhism and the role of Geluk lamas and Dzungar leaders in the actualization of the people names as Choros and Dzungars; 2) identification of the religious factor in the emergence of the Dzungars and its subsequent influence for Manchus’ policy towards them; 3) definition of the mechanism of the Dzungars’ self-identification and the etymology of the term.
{"title":"Dzungar: religion and designation","authors":"Baatr Kitinov","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025827-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025827-6","url":null,"abstract":"The origin of the term ‘Dzungar’ (also known as ‘Jungar’, ‘Zhungar’, ‘Zünghar’, ‘Zungar’) has already received general consideration, but it is still not clear, which events contributed to the first use of the term, and what it could actually mean. Its etymology needs further study. The traditional version does not go beyond the definition of the Dzungars as the “left wing” of the military-administrative division of the Oirats, and claims that the term first appeared in the beginning of the 17th c. However, the main factors and reasons of its usage for the nation’s self-designation and state formation require further clarification. In present research we consider the religious factor of consolidation and self-identification of the Dzungars. The aim of the article is to determine the conditions, causes and time of the occurrence and sustaining of the name Dzungar. Our tasks include: 1) studying the influence of related events and processes, such as Oirats migration (from Western Mongolia and the Northern part of future Dzungaria to Siberian rivers); separation of the Elets; appearance of the Derbets and the rise of Choros clan; adoption of Buddhism and the role of Geluk lamas and Dzungar leaders in the actualization of the people names as Choros and Dzungars; 2) identification of the religious factor in the emergence of the Dzungars and its subsequent influence for Manchus’ policy towards them; 3) definition of the mechanism of the Dzungars’ self-identification and the etymology of the term.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080024249-0
Alexander Fomin
The article deals with the French policy towards Syria, its mandated territory, in the second half of the 1930s. In the fall of 1936, the French Popular Front government concluded the Franco-Syrian treaty, which implied the imminent termination of the Mandate and independence of Syria. It was an obvious departure from France's traditional policy of supporting national and religious minorities against the Arab national movement. For two years (1937-1938) Syria became a practically autonomous state, the role of Mandate authorities was reduced to a minimum. The discontent soon arose in areas densely populated by minorities. It threatened the unity of Syrian state and gave the French opponents of the Treaty excellent "trump cards". The "colonial party" sought at least to revise, and at the most - to cancel it. The author focuses on the situation in Jazeera, the northeastern region of Syria with especially complicated ethno-confessional situation. In summer of 1937, the “separatist” movement against the Syrian authorities led to a political crisis and bloody clashes. The "colonial party" used it in a propaganda campaign against the Treaty "concluded by the Marxists", which culminated in the pompous visit of the Syro-Catholic prelate Cardinal Tappouni to Paris in November 1937. The Mandate authorities tried to exert a deterrent effect on the "separatists", ostensibly adhering to the letter and spirit of the Treaty. The new French government used the “separatist” factor to make the Syrians renegotiate the terms of the Treaty, easily sacrificing this “card” to make deals on other issues.
{"title":"Northeastern Syria (Jazeera) in the Colonial Policy of France in 1936-1938.","authors":"Alexander Fomin","doi":"10.31857/s086919080024249-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024249-0","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the French policy towards Syria, its mandated territory, in the second half of the 1930s. In the fall of 1936, the French Popular Front government concluded the Franco-Syrian treaty, which implied the imminent termination of the Mandate and independence of Syria. It was an obvious departure from France's traditional policy of supporting national and religious minorities against the Arab national movement. For two years (1937-1938) Syria became a practically autonomous state, the role of Mandate authorities was reduced to a minimum. The discontent soon arose in areas densely populated by minorities. It threatened the unity of Syrian state and gave the French opponents of the Treaty excellent "trump cards". The "colonial party" sought at least to revise, and at the most - to cancel it. The author focuses on the situation in Jazeera, the northeastern region of Syria with especially complicated ethno-confessional situation. In summer of 1937, the “separatist” movement against the Syrian authorities led to a political crisis and bloody clashes. The "colonial party" used it in a propaganda campaign against the Treaty "concluded by the Marxists", which culminated in the pompous visit of the Syro-Catholic prelate Cardinal Tappouni to Paris in November 1937. The Mandate authorities tried to exert a deterrent effect on the "separatists", ostensibly adhering to the letter and spirit of the Treaty. The new French government used the “separatist” factor to make the Syrians renegotiate the terms of the Treaty, easily sacrificing this “card” to make deals on other issues.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027524-3
Evgeniya Kukushkina
The study explores texts of Malay literature of 1920-s – early 1940-s focusing on pre-Islamic worldview and magic rituals. These topics were widely represented in Western research, but fiction of the time provides a unique opportunity to contemplate the attitude to traditional beliefs within Malay society itself at the important stage of its historical development. The authors’ evaluation of the whole complex of animistic beliefs and shamanistic practices is studied in the light of Islamic reformist thought. The first decades of the 20th century in British Malaya witnessed the rise of reformism with its preaching of socioeconomic progress based upon the purification of Islam from the remnants of archaic perception of being and upon public education. In the meantime, genres of modern literature were evolving with active participation of the writers who shared reformist ideas. On the one hand, the study reveals negative attitude of these authors towards what they called “dark superstitions”. This position is actualized in the texts of literature aiming to change the reader’s opinion through the revision of his convictions. The authors of early Malay prose aspired to expose the emptiness of traditional beliefs, powerlessness of magic rituals, amorality and deception of shamans. On the other hand, the analysis traces a number of motifs demonstrating the importance of traditional cults and the demand for their practitioners within the Malay community, that made them able to withstand the pressure of reformist thought. The paper specifies factors that contributed to the survival of traditional worldview.
{"title":"Malay Folk Beliefs and Rituals in the Prose Writings by Muslim Reformist Authors in the First Half of 20th Century","authors":"Evgeniya Kukushkina","doi":"10.31857/s086919080027524-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027524-3","url":null,"abstract":"The study explores texts of Malay literature of 1920-s – early 1940-s focusing on pre-Islamic worldview and magic rituals. These topics were widely represented in Western research, but fiction of the time provides a unique opportunity to contemplate the attitude to traditional beliefs within Malay society itself at the important stage of its historical development. The authors’ evaluation of the whole complex of animistic beliefs and shamanistic practices is studied in the light of Islamic reformist thought. The first decades of the 20th century in British Malaya witnessed the rise of reformism with its preaching of socioeconomic progress based upon the purification of Islam from the remnants of archaic perception of being and upon public education. In the meantime, genres of modern literature were evolving with active participation of the writers who shared reformist ideas. On the one hand, the study reveals negative attitude of these authors towards what they called “dark superstitions”. This position is actualized in the texts of literature aiming to change the reader’s opinion through the revision of his convictions. The authors of early Malay prose aspired to expose the emptiness of traditional beliefs, powerlessness of magic rituals, amorality and deception of shamans. On the other hand, the analysis traces a number of motifs demonstrating the importance of traditional cults and the demand for their practitioners within the Malay community, that made them able to withstand the pressure of reformist thought. The paper specifies factors that contributed to the survival of traditional worldview.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025759-1
Irina P. Glushkova
The term ‘South Asia’ in its present meaning was coined in the late 1940s following a reinterpretation of previous approaches to the study of the (ancient) Orient, which had proved to be ill-suited under the conditions of the Second World War. The concept was created by an American Indologist W. Norman Brown (1892–1975) who defined almost the entire territory of British India as such and founded the Department of South Asia Regional Studies at the University of Pennsylvania. The consequence of this innovation was the institutionalization – along with traditional Sanskrit – of the modern socio-political spectrum of disciplines essential for the comprehensive understanding of the region where the languages studied are spoken. As the new idea spread beyond the borders of the United States, and changes continued in the geopolitical structure of the decolonized space, ‘South Asia’ as a concept in the educational strategy and post–war world order began to be replaced by ‘South Asia’ as a construct composed of new states and further reinforced by the formation of many new institutions, first of all SAARC. However, unlike Southeast Asia, the construction of which was also facilitated by external actors during the Second World War, ‘South Asia’ has failed to become a distinct region with its own identity, and its nomenclature is maintained for functional convenience while the search for its unifying factors in various spheres keeps going. The example of the latter is the idea of ‘Southasia’ (in one word), coined in Nepal and currently promoted from Sri Lanka.
目前意义上的“南亚”一词是在20世纪40年代末创造出来的，当时人们重新解释了以前研究(古代)东方的方法，这些方法在第二次世界大战的条件下被证明是不合适的。这一概念是由美国印度学家W. Norman Brown(1892-1975)提出的，他将英属印度的几乎整个领土都定义为这样，并在宾夕法尼亚大学建立了南亚区域研究系。这一创新的结果是将现代社会政治领域的学科与传统梵语一起制度化，这对于全面了解所研究语言的使用地区至关重要。随着这种新思想传播到美国之外，以及非殖民化空间地缘政治结构的持续变化，“南亚”作为教育战略和战后世界秩序中的一个概念开始被“南亚”所取代，作为一个由新国家组成的结构，并因许多新机构的形成而进一步加强，首先是南盟。然而，与东南亚不同的是，“南亚”在第二次世界大战期间也受到了外部行动者的推动，它未能成为一个具有自己身份的独特地区，它的命名是为了功能上的方便，而在各个领域寻找其统一因素的努力仍在继续。后者的例子是“南亚”(一个词)的概念，在尼泊尔创造，目前从斯里兰卡推广。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025674-8
Lana M. Ravandi-Fadai
The second part of this article on the clandestine activities of Iranian female communists explores the case of Zuleykha Asadi, a young woman who earned a medical degree in Moscow just before the start of the Second World War. Her story can be told with unusual immediacy thanks to the preservation of her correspondence in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, published here for the first time. Zuleykha’s father’s letters to her in Moscow chart the difficulties and decisions his daughter faced and are suffused with a parent’s anxious concern for his daughter and a deep belief in the Soviet Union and its mission. Upon returning to Iran, ostensibly to practice medicine, Zuleykha also acted as a Soviet operative, keeping her handlers in Moscow apprised of her activities in letters that are a striking mix of ciphered intelligence reporting and emotional frankness about her personal life and experiences, such as her feelings for her newborn daughter and absent husband. She gathered intelligence about the wartime mood, conditions and activity of Nazi agents in the country, liaised with Iranian communists, and planned to set up a safe house. Within two years, for reasons unstated, Moscow decided to cut her loose. The case file of this idealistic young woman is emblematic of the magnetic pull of Communist ideals for many in the working class of Iran in the first half of the 20th Century.
这篇关于伊朗女共产主义者秘密活动的文章的第二部分探讨了Zuleykha Asadi的案例，她是一名年轻女子，在第二次世界大战开始前在莫斯科获得了医学学位。由于俄罗斯国家社会和政治史档案馆(Russian State Archive of Social and Political History)保存了她的信件，她的故事得以以不同寻常的即时性被讲述出来。Zuleykha的父亲在莫斯科写给她的信中记录了女儿所面临的困难和决定，充满了父母对女儿的焦虑和对苏联及其使命的坚定信念。回到伊朗后，祖莱伊卡表面上是为了行医，但她同时也扮演了苏联特工的角色，通过信件让她在莫斯科的联络人了解她的活动，这些信件令人吃惊地混合了加密情报报告和情感坦率的个人生活和经历，比如她对刚出生的女儿和不在身边的丈夫的感情。她收集了有关战时情绪、纳粹特工在该国的状况和活动的情报，与伊朗共产党人保持联系，并计划建立一个安全屋。两年后，出于未说明的原因，莫斯科决定与她断绝关系。20世纪上半叶，这位理想主义年轻女子的案件档案象征着共产主义理想对许多伊朗工人阶级的吸引力。
{"title":"Shadows in the Garden: Women Agents Underground and Communist Activism in Mid-20th Century Iran Part II","authors":"Lana M. Ravandi-Fadai","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025674-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025674-8","url":null,"abstract":"The second part of this article on the clandestine activities of Iranian female communists explores the case of Zuleykha Asadi, a young woman who earned a medical degree in Moscow just before the start of the Second World War. Her story can be told with unusual immediacy thanks to the preservation of her correspondence in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, published here for the first time. Zuleykha’s father’s letters to her in Moscow chart the difficulties and decisions his daughter faced and are suffused with a parent’s anxious concern for his daughter and a deep belief in the Soviet Union and its mission. Upon returning to Iran, ostensibly to practice medicine, Zuleykha also acted as a Soviet operative, keeping her handlers in Moscow apprised of her activities in letters that are a striking mix of ciphered intelligence reporting and emotional frankness about her personal life and experiences, such as her feelings for her newborn daughter and absent husband. She gathered intelligence about the wartime mood, conditions and activity of Nazi agents in the country, liaised with Iranian communists, and planned to set up a safe house. Within two years, for reasons unstated, Moscow decided to cut her loose. The case file of this idealistic young woman is emblematic of the magnetic pull of Communist ideals for many in the working class of Iran in the first half of the 20th Century.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"344 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080024658-0
Vladimir Morozov
The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of assessments of the Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations in the period from 1993 to 2000, known as the Oslo process. The dynamics of the conflict itself, the emergence of new data, as well as the development of new theoretical concepts in the study of international negotiations and conflict resolution have determined the constant change in the general academic assessment of the designated stage in Western literature. The main trends of modern research can be considered the predominance of opinion about the unlikely resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace track in the near future, as well as an increase in the number of interdisciplinary studies and an increase in the depth of analysis.
{"title":"Evolution of Assessment of the Oslo Agreements in the Modern International Relations","authors":"Vladimir Morozov","doi":"10.31857/s086919080024658-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024658-0","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of assessments of the Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations in the period from 1993 to 2000, known as the Oslo process. The dynamics of the conflict itself, the emergence of new data, as well as the development of new theoretical concepts in the study of international negotiations and conflict resolution have determined the constant change in the general academic assessment of the designated stage in Western literature. The main trends of modern research can be considered the predominance of opinion about the unlikely resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace track in the near future, as well as an increase in the number of interdisciplinary studies and an increase in the depth of analysis.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027280-5
Natalia V. Ivkina
The article is devoted to the problem of the defense identity formation of the European Union (EU) in the context of peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that there is still no consensus in the EU countries regarding the deepening of integration and the need for military operations outside the area of responsibility of the organization member states. Contradictions on the issue of defense identity have an impact on cooperation with individual state and non-state actors in world politics and generally affect stability in the European security system. Using the example of the EU military operations in Somalia (EUTM Somalia) and the CAR (EUTM RCA), the process of forming the EU's defense identity is considered. Constructivism is proposed as the theoretical basis of the study, which explains the behavioral model of an individual actor, fully revealing his identity. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach combining historical and political aspects. Thus, a historical and genetic method was used to track the evolution of the EU's peacekeeping potential and a comparative method was used to compare the potential of EU operations in Africa. The instrumental and empirical analysis allowed not only to collect the necessary data on operations in Somalia and the CAR, but also to correlate the results obtained with the criteria that the authors identify as necessary for considering role identity. In conclusion, an assessment is given of how far the EU has progressed in the process of building a European defense identity, taking into account the achievements in military operations in Somalia and the CAR.
{"title":"The Problem of the Eu's Defense Identity: the Peacekeeping Experience in Africa","authors":"Natalia V. Ivkina","doi":"10.31857/s086919080027280-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027280-5","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the problem of the defense identity formation of the European Union (EU) in the context of peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that there is still no consensus in the EU countries regarding the deepening of integration and the need for military operations outside the area of responsibility of the organization member states. Contradictions on the issue of defense identity have an impact on cooperation with individual state and non-state actors in world politics and generally affect stability in the European security system. Using the example of the EU military operations in Somalia (EUTM Somalia) and the CAR (EUTM RCA), the process of forming the EU's defense identity is considered. Constructivism is proposed as the theoretical basis of the study, which explains the behavioral model of an individual actor, fully revealing his identity. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach combining historical and political aspects. Thus, a historical and genetic method was used to track the evolution of the EU's peacekeeping potential and a comparative method was used to compare the potential of EU operations in Africa. The instrumental and empirical analysis allowed not only to collect the necessary data on operations in Somalia and the CAR, but also to correlate the results obtained with the criteria that the authors identify as necessary for considering role identity. In conclusion, an assessment is given of how far the EU has progressed in the process of building a European defense identity, taking into account the achievements in military operations in Somalia and the CAR.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027531-1
Vyacheslav Y. Belokrenitsky
{"title":"Belokrenitsky V.Ya. [Rec. on:] Russian policy on the southern borders (on the 100th anniversary of the treaties with Iran, Afghanistan and Turkey). Collective monograph. Rep. ed. N.M. Mamedova, comp. O.E. Mitrofanenkova. M.: IO RAS, 2022. 278 p.","authors":"Vyacheslav Y. Belokrenitsky","doi":"10.31857/s086919080027531-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027531-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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