Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025672-6
Konstantin Asmolov
China’s relations with the DPRK have been steadily developing since 2018: at every opportunity, PRC & DPRK emphasize the unbreakable friendship based on an alliance of socialist parties. North Korean diplomats and the media constantly speak out in support of Beijing’s course, criticizing the US’ accusations, and China calls for taking into account the North Korean position on the nuclear issue. Conducting a nuclear test may cool down the relations between the two countries, but Beijing’s specific reaction will depend on the foreign policy situation and will not necessarily be reduced to condemnation, similar to the situation in 2017. Relations between China and the Republic of Korea have not yet undergone any significant changes, despite the change of power in Seoul. China is the country’s leading economic partner, but the United States remains the main security ally and ideological sovereign, which forces the Republic of Korea to maneuver. President Yoon Suk-yeol, representing the conservatives, despite his pro-American rhetoric, is trying to continue the policy of “balancing” and avoid spoiling relations with Beijing, except for the separation on the issue of so-called “three NO’s” (no additional deployment of THAAD in South Korea beyond the existing one, no participation in the US regional missile defense system and no participation in a trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan). However, President Yoon is under strong political pressure, both internal & external, and against the backdrop of increased confrontation between the United States and China, his reversal from China seems quite inevitable in the medium term.
{"title":"Сhina and the states of the Korean peninsula in 2022 – before and after Yoon Seok Yeol","authors":"Konstantin Asmolov","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025672-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025672-6","url":null,"abstract":"China’s relations with the DPRK have been steadily developing since 2018: at every opportunity, PRC & DPRK emphasize the unbreakable friendship based on an alliance of socialist parties. North Korean diplomats and the media constantly speak out in support of Beijing’s course, criticizing the US’ accusations, and China calls for taking into account the North Korean position on the nuclear issue. Conducting a nuclear test may cool down the relations between the two countries, but Beijing’s specific reaction will depend on the foreign policy situation and will not necessarily be reduced to condemnation, similar to the situation in 2017. Relations between China and the Republic of Korea have not yet undergone any significant changes, despite the change of power in Seoul. China is the country’s leading economic partner, but the United States remains the main security ally and ideological sovereign, which forces the Republic of Korea to maneuver. President Yoon Suk-yeol, representing the conservatives, despite his pro-American rhetoric, is trying to continue the policy of “balancing” and avoid spoiling relations with Beijing, except for the separation on the issue of so-called “three NO’s” (no additional deployment of THAAD in South Korea beyond the existing one, no participation in the US regional missile defense system and no participation in a trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan). However, President Yoon is under strong political pressure, both internal & external, and against the backdrop of increased confrontation between the United States and China, his reversal from China seems quite inevitable in the medium term.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025616-4
Dinara V. Dubrovskaya
The paper discusses the reasons that led to the identification of China in Europe as a country described by Venetian merchant Marco Polo under the name “Cathay” (formerly a silk-producing country, with which the Roman Empire indirectly traded). Based on the observa-tions and notes of travelers and diplomats, at the end of the 16th century the Jesuits put for-ward a hypothesis about the correspondence of the semi-mythical Kingdom of Prester John, Cathay and Sinae, as European travelers called southern Ming China. The task was solved by the Portuguese Jesuit traveler Bento de Góis (1562–1607), who, under the unlikely guise of an Armenian merchant, made a dangerous multi-stage journey from Indian Agra to Suzhou (in the Pamir part of the route, he became the only European traveler for more than half a thou-sand years between the expedition of Marco Polo and the explorers of the 19th century). In modern Xinjiang, de Góis, having talked to the Kashgarian merchants returning with a cara-van from China, was able to unequivocally correlate Jambala (Marco Polo’s Khanbalik) with Beijing, seeing a piece of paper with the Jesuits’ records. Making sure that the hypothesis of the Chinese Jesuits about the correspondence of Cathay to China was correct, de Góis set off again, but soon died of poisoning. The conclusion about the location and identification of Chi-na was finally made in Beijing by the leader of the Jesuit mission, Matteo Ricci, who correlated the information of de Góis, and the evidence of the Chinese Jew Ai Tian.
本文探讨了导致中国在欧洲被认定为威尼斯商人马可波罗以“国泰”(前身为丝绸生产国，罗马帝国与之间接贸易)为名的国家的原因。16世纪末，根据旅行者和外交家的观察和笔记，耶稣会士提出了一种假设，认为普雷斯特·约翰、国泰和西奈的半神话王国是对应的，欧洲旅行者称之为南明中国。这个任务被葡萄牙耶稣会旅行者Bento de Góis(1562-1607)解决了，他伪装成一个亚美尼亚商人，从印度的阿格拉到苏州进行了一次危险的多段旅行(在路线的帕米尔部分，他成为了在马可·波罗和19世纪探险队之间超过5000年的唯一一个欧洲旅行者)。在现代的新疆，de Góis在与乘坐货车从中国返回的喀什商人交谈后，看到了一张写有耶稣会士记录的纸，他能够明确地将Jambala(马可波罗的汗巴利克)与北京联系起来。为了确定中国耶稣会士关于中国与中国通信的假设是正确的，de Góis再次出发，但很快就中毒而死。最后，耶稣会传教士利玛窦(Matteo Ricci)在北京将de Góis的信息与中国犹太人艾田(Ai Tian)的证据联系起来，得出了关于中国的位置和鉴定的结论。
{"title":"From Marco Polo’s Cathay to Matteo Ricci’s Sinae: Why China Is Called This Way","authors":"Dinara V. Dubrovskaya","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025616-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025616-4","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses the reasons that led to the identification of China in Europe as a country described by Venetian merchant Marco Polo under the name “Cathay” (formerly a silk-producing country, with which the Roman Empire indirectly traded). Based on the observa-tions and notes of travelers and diplomats, at the end of the 16th century the Jesuits put for-ward a hypothesis about the correspondence of the semi-mythical Kingdom of Prester John, Cathay and Sinae, as European travelers called southern Ming China. The task was solved by the Portuguese Jesuit traveler Bento de Góis (1562–1607), who, under the unlikely guise of an Armenian merchant, made a dangerous multi-stage journey from Indian Agra to Suzhou (in the Pamir part of the route, he became the only European traveler for more than half a thou-sand years between the expedition of Marco Polo and the explorers of the 19th century). In modern Xinjiang, de Góis, having talked to the Kashgarian merchants returning with a cara-van from China, was able to unequivocally correlate Jambala (Marco Polo’s Khanbalik) with Beijing, seeing a piece of paper with the Jesuits’ records. Making sure that the hypothesis of the Chinese Jesuits about the correspondence of Cathay to China was correct, de Góis set off again, but soon died of poisoning. The conclusion about the location and identification of Chi-na was finally made in Beijing by the leader of the Jesuit mission, Matteo Ricci, who correlated the information of de Góis, and the evidence of the Chinese Jew Ai Tian.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080026530-0
Alina L. Filimonova
The research focuses on the specifics of defining and classifying individuals with non-binary gender identity in Pakistan. On the one hand, within Muslim society which is oriented toward traditional values such persons are largely marginalized and perceived as a wholesomely negative phenomenon, scrutinizing which is reprehensible per se. However, we have determined a considerable number of terms which are applied to “third gender” (and applied rather randomly, due to the disparaging attitude to such people). The main reason behind existing terminological variety is that the “third gender” is traditionally viewed in Pakistan through the prism of hijra – unique South Asian communities that include those who, while not being biological females, are unwilling or unable to act according to societal expectations from the male gender. Thus, the unsystematic character of contemporary approach to non-binary gender discourse in Pakistan is predetermined by deep historical roots of this phenomenon and its autonomous development in the region. Upon analyzing a broad range of sources, we classified their suggested terms for “third gender” in the light of theoretical works on gender. It allowed us to establish five discourses (physiological, psychological, Islamic, colonial, legal) with their own specific nomenclature, the practical applicability of which was assessed in this article. Comparative analysis of existing classifications demonstrates that various nomenclatures exist autonomously, which considerably hinders the unification of terminology. This situation can be regarded as an instance of a larger problem within Pakistani society – namely, incoordination of different societal fields and mechanisms of political and legal action.
{"title":"From Eunuchs to Transgenders: the Issue of “Third Gender” Terminology in Pakistan","authors":"Alina L. Filimonova","doi":"10.31857/s086919080026530-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080026530-0","url":null,"abstract":"The research focuses on the specifics of defining and classifying individuals with non-binary gender identity in Pakistan. On the one hand, within Muslim society which is oriented toward traditional values such persons are largely marginalized and perceived as a wholesomely negative phenomenon, scrutinizing which is reprehensible per se. However, we have determined a considerable number of terms which are applied to “third gender” (and applied rather randomly, due to the disparaging attitude to such people). The main reason behind existing terminological variety is that the “third gender” is traditionally viewed in Pakistan through the prism of hijra – unique South Asian communities that include those who, while not being biological females, are unwilling or unable to act according to societal expectations from the male gender. Thus, the unsystematic character of contemporary approach to non-binary gender discourse in Pakistan is predetermined by deep historical roots of this phenomenon and its autonomous development in the region. Upon analyzing a broad range of sources, we classified their suggested terms for “third gender” in the light of theoretical works on gender. It allowed us to establish five discourses (physiological, psychological, Islamic, colonial, legal) with their own specific nomenclature, the practical applicability of which was assessed in this article. Comparative analysis of existing classifications demonstrates that various nomenclatures exist autonomously, which considerably hinders the unification of terminology. This situation can be regarded as an instance of a larger problem within Pakistani society – namely, incoordination of different societal fields and mechanisms of political and legal action.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027696-2
Larisa Andreeva
The article examines the history of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IDN), a Shiite religious organization founded by Ibrahim al-Zakzaki in Zaria in Northern Nigeria. IDM consider itself as an independent socio-political actor that does not recognize the legitimacy of the official government of the country. It is shown that the purpose of the IDN is to create a theocratic Islamic state in Nigeria. IDN is most active not only in the northern states of the country, but has also found supporters in neighboring countries – Niger, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Ghana. The birth of the Movement and its rapid expansion coincided with the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the ideals of which were promoted by the leaders of the IDN. Over the more than 40-year history of its presence in Nigeria, this organization has been able to achieve a fairly broad support of the population, and the share of its members in the 2010’s was up to 17% of all Muslims in the country. Having originated in the university environment, IDN initially recruited representatives of the educated elite, dissatisfied with social injustice, government corruption and lack of ways of self-realization. Subsequently, by promoting the corresponding egalitarian ideals, IDM attracted broad segments of the population. This was facilitated by the experience of successful implementation of socially significant projects in rural areas. Financial and methodological support in the implementation of various IDN projects, including educational ones, was provided by Iran through various channels. The growing popularity of the Movement, coupled with its politicization, became the main reason for its ban by the Nigerian government. At the same time, the authorities, judging by such decisive steps, saw serious political risks in the existence of the IDM, perceived as an agent of foreign policy influence – in addition to the legal ban, it also used repressive tools to suppress this organization. Despite the efforts of the Nigerian authorities, the IDM continues its "underground" existence. The authors consider that the strategy chosen by the official authorities – control of the activities of foreign states in Nigeria and the repression of IDM members – turned out to be ineffective, and deradicalization and depoliticization of this organization is possible only through solving social problems.
{"title":"Ibrahim az-Zakzaky and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria","authors":"Larisa Andreeva","doi":"10.31857/s086919080027696-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027696-2","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the history of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IDN), a Shiite religious organization founded by Ibrahim al-Zakzaki in Zaria in Northern Nigeria. IDM consider itself as an independent socio-political actor that does not recognize the legitimacy of the official government of the country. It is shown that the purpose of the IDN is to create a theocratic Islamic state in Nigeria. IDN is most active not only in the northern states of the country, but has also found supporters in neighboring countries – Niger, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Ghana. The birth of the Movement and its rapid expansion coincided with the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the ideals of which were promoted by the leaders of the IDN. Over the more than 40-year history of its presence in Nigeria, this organization has been able to achieve a fairly broad support of the population, and the share of its members in the 2010’s was up to 17% of all Muslims in the country. Having originated in the university environment, IDN initially recruited representatives of the educated elite, dissatisfied with social injustice, government corruption and lack of ways of self-realization. Subsequently, by promoting the corresponding egalitarian ideals, IDM attracted broad segments of the population. This was facilitated by the experience of successful implementation of socially significant projects in rural areas. Financial and methodological support in the implementation of various IDN projects, including educational ones, was provided by Iran through various channels. The growing popularity of the Movement, coupled with its politicization, became the main reason for its ban by the Nigerian government. At the same time, the authorities, judging by such decisive steps, saw serious political risks in the existence of the IDM, perceived as an agent of foreign policy influence – in addition to the legal ban, it also used repressive tools to suppress this organization. Despite the efforts of the Nigerian authorities, the IDM continues its "underground" existence. The authors consider that the strategy chosen by the official authorities – control of the activities of foreign states in Nigeria and the repression of IDM members – turned out to be ineffective, and deradicalization and depoliticization of this organization is possible only through solving social problems.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080027709-6
Denis Izosimov
The article deals with the main composition of the Abydos’ elite during the Saite Period (664–525 B.C.). The aim of the article is to analyze the changes in Abydos’ elite after the unification of Egypt under the rule of Psamtik I. The author analyzes the data from private inscriptions, mostly the lists of different positions of the monuments’ owners. The vast majority of private stelae and statues belonged to local priests, associated with cults of the VIII (Thinite) nome of Upper Egypt. The data shows the existence of other sacerdotal ranks and titles that can be regarded as superior or inferior in the sacerdotal hierarchy. However, the exact position of the most common priestly titles cannot be determined due to the lack of data on their specific functions. A small part of private monuments, dating back to the reign of last Saite kings, preserved information about the non-priestly positions of their owners that held different military or administrative offices. The absence of data on any sacerdotal posts of these nobles can be explained by the gradual isolation of priesthood from other social groups of Ancient Egypt. The author suggests that this disproportion between priestly and civil offices reflects the development of the royal administration during the Saite Period. Due to Psamtik I’ policy, local priests retained their power over their nomes in exchange for swearing their loyalty to the Saite king. The emergence of civil offices in private inscriptions of the VI century B.C. denotes the strengthening of royal power.
{"title":"THE Priesthood and Administrartion of Abydos during the Saite Period (based on the Data from Private Monuments)","authors":"Denis Izosimov","doi":"10.31857/s086919080027709-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027709-6","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the main composition of the Abydos’ elite during the Saite Period (664–525 B.C.). The aim of the article is to analyze the changes in Abydos’ elite after the unification of Egypt under the rule of Psamtik I. The author analyzes the data from private inscriptions, mostly the lists of different positions of the monuments’ owners. The vast majority of private stelae and statues belonged to local priests, associated with cults of the VIII (Thinite) nome of Upper Egypt. The data shows the existence of other sacerdotal ranks and titles that can be regarded as superior or inferior in the sacerdotal hierarchy. However, the exact position of the most common priestly titles cannot be determined due to the lack of data on their specific functions. A small part of private monuments, dating back to the reign of last Saite kings, preserved information about the non-priestly positions of their owners that held different military or administrative offices. The absence of data on any sacerdotal posts of these nobles can be explained by the gradual isolation of priesthood from other social groups of Ancient Egypt. The author suggests that this disproportion between priestly and civil offices reflects the development of the royal administration during the Saite Period. Due to Psamtik I’ policy, local priests retained their power over their nomes in exchange for swearing their loyalty to the Saite king. The emergence of civil offices in private inscriptions of the VI century B.C. denotes the strengthening of royal power.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080024167-0
Sergey V. Vetokhov
The article analyses the structural and planning aspects of the ancient Egyptian rock-cut tomb of royal official Kaemnefret (LG 63) in the Eastern Field of the Giza Necropolis, including two hypotheses of plan development, characteristics of the burial shafts, possible reasons for the absence of “false doors”, purpose of the two passages from room 63A to room 63B and identity of the four statues. The distinctive feature of the tomb is the location of the mouth of a burial shaft outside the chapel, which is not typical for rock-cut tombs and may be an imitation of a mastaba, as proved by the design of some burial shafts. The main question addressed in the article concerns the order in which the two groups of shafts located in rooms 63A and 63B were constructed. Thus, two hypotheses on the development of the tomb were suggested. The main hypothesis supports the idea of the primary construction of the shafts in room 63B and only the subsequent emergence of additional burial shafts in room 63A. The alternative hypothesis is based on the idea of a reverse sequence. The absence of a false door in the tomb is most possibly related to its destruction during the reconstruction process; previously, it had probably existed in place of one of the two passages to room 63B. As a result, most of the architectural criteria allow to date the tomb fairly broadly to the V–VIth Dynasties and only a few details allow to narrow the dating to the late Vth – VIth Dynasties.
{"title":"Architectural features of the Ancient Egyptian rock-cut tomb of Kaemnefret (LG 63) on the Eastern Field of the Giza Necropolis","authors":"Sergey V. Vetokhov","doi":"10.31857/s086919080024167-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024167-0","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the structural and planning aspects of the ancient Egyptian rock-cut tomb of royal official Kaemnefret (LG 63) in the Eastern Field of the Giza Necropolis, including two hypotheses of plan development, characteristics of the burial shafts, possible reasons for the absence of “false doors”, purpose of the two passages from room 63A to room 63B and identity of the four statues. The distinctive feature of the tomb is the location of the mouth of a burial shaft outside the chapel, which is not typical for rock-cut tombs and may be an imitation of a mastaba, as proved by the design of some burial shafts. The main question addressed in the article concerns the order in which the two groups of shafts located in rooms 63A and 63B were constructed. Thus, two hypotheses on the development of the tomb were suggested. The main hypothesis supports the idea of the primary construction of the shafts in room 63B and only the subsequent emergence of additional burial shafts in room 63A. The alternative hypothesis is based on the idea of a reverse sequence. The absence of a false door in the tomb is most possibly related to its destruction during the reconstruction process; previously, it had probably existed in place of one of the two passages to room 63B. As a result, most of the architectural criteria allow to date the tomb fairly broadly to the V–VIth Dynasties and only a few details allow to narrow the dating to the late Vth – VIth Dynasties.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025205-2
Vitalii A. Meliantsev
The article, based on a number of author’s calculations and models, shows that if in the advanced economies (AEs), despite their preservation of leading positions in modern technologies, due to the loss of their demographic dividend, deindustrialization and contraction in the rate of capital formation, there is a cascade slowdown in the growth rate of per capita GDP and total factor productivity (TFP), the situation in developing countries (DCs) is on the whole more optimistic. Although (a) many DCS are experiencing acute social problems, (b) AEs are pursuing a policy of detainment of the growth of a number of DCs, they on the whole, thanks to the success of China, India, other, predominantly Asian DCs that have implemented pragmatic reforms and export-oriented industrialization, have made significant progress. In the last two decades DCs on the whole outperformed the AEs in terms of capital investment efficiency by 2.5 times, in average growth rates of industrial production and TFP - by five and two times, respectively. Their share in world GDP, which has risen by a factor of 1.5 to 3/5 over the past forty years, may, according to available forecasts, increase to ¾ by the middle of the century. In about three decades, the ratio of economic power of the countries of the East and the South and the countries of the West (in favor of the former) will quite possibly be approximately the same as it was in the planetary economy before the industrial revolution and colonial enslavement of the former by the latter.
{"title":"How Powerfully and Rapidly Are Developing Countries Catching Up with the Advanced Economies?","authors":"Vitalii A. Meliantsev","doi":"10.31857/s086919080025205-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025205-2","url":null,"abstract":"The article, based on a number of author’s calculations and models, shows that if in the advanced economies (AEs), despite their preservation of leading positions in modern technologies, due to the loss of their demographic dividend, deindustrialization and contraction in the rate of capital formation, there is a cascade slowdown in the growth rate of per capita GDP and total factor productivity (TFP), the situation in developing countries (DCs) is on the whole more optimistic. Although (a) many DCS are experiencing acute social problems, (b) AEs are pursuing a policy of detainment of the growth of a number of DCs, they on the whole, thanks to the success of China, India, other, predominantly Asian DCs that have implemented pragmatic reforms and export-oriented industrialization, have made significant progress. In the last two decades DCs on the whole outperformed the AEs in terms of capital investment efficiency by 2.5 times, in average growth rates of industrial production and TFP - by five and two times, respectively. Their share in world GDP, which has risen by a factor of 1.5 to 3/5 over the past forty years, may, according to available forecasts, increase to ¾ by the middle of the century. In about three decades, the ratio of economic power of the countries of the East and the South and the countries of the West (in favor of the former) will quite possibly be approximately the same as it was in the planetary economy before the industrial revolution and colonial enslavement of the former by the latter.","PeriodicalId":39193,"journal":{"name":"Vostok (Oriens)","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135269136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025780-5
Silemonsho Gulomshoev
In order to study the folk calendar and astronomical knowledge of the inhabitants of the Republic of Tajikistan, in summer 2022 an ethnographic expedition was conducted in the Yagnob river valley, where 26 informants from 10 villages were interviewed. In the 1970s, the Yaghnob people were resettled to the plain in the Zafarobod region and the Yaghnob valley became empty. Later, part of the inhabitants returned to their historical places of residence. The collected materials show that the returned population knows, on average, less than the residents of non-relocated villages. Currently, the Yaghnobis celebrate four traditional calendar holidays. Nawruz is the most famous of them. The answers of the informants testify that in Yaghnob there was no single and fixed date for celebrating of Nawruz. Usually it was celebrated in the interval between March 17 and 21. The date was determined by by the onset by sunrise or sunset near conspicuous stones located on the mountain profile. The holidays of Dzhuft baroron (the first plowing), Sada (beginning of preparation for field work) and Mekhrgon (completion of the harvest) are much less well-known. The last two of mentioned holidays have recently received national status. However, residents most often remember Dzhuft baroron. "Sitorai Hunuk" (Sirius, a cold star), "Parmi" (Pleiades), "Tarozu" (three stars of Orion's belt), as well as the Polaris Star, the constellations Ursa Minor and Ursa Major are the stars which the local population knows. The phenomena of the visibility of stars are associated with the events of everyday life until now.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080025179-3
Valentina Bryndina
The article is focused on the clash of two civilizations as a “clash of two colonizations” in East Africa: the centuries-old commercial Arab colonization, which produced a synthesis of cultures and population of mixed origin, and European one that came to the region with the aim of its exploration and further partition. This article analyses accounts of encounters between European explorers and colonial officials of the last third of the 19th century and Hamed bin Mohammed al-Murjabi, better known as Tippu Tip (1837–1905), a representative of the Arab-Swahili elite and the most influential merchant in Central and East Africaof that time. Remarkably, these encounters are reflected both in his Swahili autobiography and in European travelogues and memories. The European views of the Arabs in general and Tippu Tip are of particular interest as they touch upon the racial discourse of that time, the problem of the formation and functioning of group representations and the perception of “the others” as underdeveloped ones: very often this is the view of the “civilizing enlighteners” on the “backward slave traders”. For Tippu Tip, as a bearer of the Arab-Swahili culture, there is no Eurocentric and racial hierarchies. For him, Europeans are strangers, their racial, religious and ethnic identities do not fit into any hierarchy. The article also examines the conflict between Henry M. Stanley and Tippu Tip, which arose during the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, since each of them, as well as the other participants of the Expedition, presents his own version of events.
这篇文章关注的是东非两种文明的冲突，即“两种殖民的冲突”:几个世纪以来的阿拉伯商业殖民产生了混合血统的文化和人口的综合，而欧洲殖民则是为了探索和进一步分割而来到该地区。这篇文章分析了19世纪最后三分之一时期欧洲探险家和殖民官员与Hamed bin Mohammed al-Murjabi(更广为人知的名字是Tippu Tip, 1837-1905)之间的相遇。Hamed bin Mohammed al-Murjabi是阿拉伯-斯瓦希里精英的代表，也是当时中非和东非最有影响力的商人。值得注意的是，这些遭遇都反映在他的斯瓦希里语自传和欧洲游记和记忆中。欧洲人对阿拉伯人和蒂普蒂普人的看法特别有趣，因为它们涉及到当时的种族话语，群体代表的形成和运作问题，以及将“他者”视为不发达群体的看法:这通常是“文明启蒙者”对“落后奴隶贩子”的看法。对于蒂普蒂普来说，作为阿拉伯-斯瓦希里文化的承载者，没有欧洲中心和种族等级制度。对他来说，欧洲人是陌生人，他们的种族、宗教和民族身份不符合任何等级制度。本文还探讨了亨利·m·斯坦利和蒂普·蒂普之间的冲突，这是在艾敏帕夏救济远征期间出现的，因为他们每个人，以及远征的其他参与者，都提出了自己的事件版本。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s086919080026513-1
Ekaterina A. Zavidovskaya
Two hand-written albums on Yunnan from the collection of the Academic library of Saint Petersburg State University have been produced circa first half of the XIX century. The first album is “Illustrated descriptions of yi-barbarians of the South and the West of Yunnan” (Xyl. F-26, preface 1839, 44 illustrations, republished with commentary in 2020), the second album Xyl F-25 is without original cover, title and date, contains 73 maps of various administrative units of Yunnan province (prefectures, regions, counties). Yunnan albums may roughly be divided into two types: 1. Albums depicting ethnic groups similar to “the Miao Albums” characteristic of Guizhou province; 2. Albums containing maps of various administrative units of the province with textual descriptions on these units, with details on various peoples. Earlier versions of Yunnan albums contained descriptive data from no longer extant Ming period writings on the province, but number of the Yunnan ethnic groups mentioned on the albums increased from about 44 in mid-late XVIII century to over 100 by the second half of the XIX century, this rise in numbers is related to the publication of an extended version of “Bo Lin album” of 1818. Upon comparing descriptions from the Xyl F-25 album and official Yunnan gazetteers (Yunnan tongzhi, 1736 and 1835) we draw a conclusion that data from the gazetteers was not borrowed to this album, and its descriptions may be the original work of their unknown author. Album Xyl F-25 did not pursue a goal of providing detailed information on various peoples of Yunnan.
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