{"title":"An Introduction to The Legal System of Quebec, Written for a Diplomat","authors":"Michel Morin","doi":"10.7202/1098441ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1098441ar","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71265268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Oonagh E. Fitzgerald, Valerie Hughes et Mark Jewett, dir., Reflections on Canada’s Past, Present and Future in International law/Réflexions sur le passé, le présent et l’avenir du Canada en droit international, Waterloo, Cigi Press, 2018","authors":"Philippe Granger","doi":"10.7202/1098442ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1098442ar","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71265310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Le propos de cet article entend clarifier le debat juridique autour des fondements de la conformite des Etats de l’Afrique subsaharienne au droit international des droits humains. L’analyse proposee tend a souligner l’originalite de la position de l’auteur qui, sans toutefois recuser le formalisme juridique, demontre que c’est principalement hors du droit que reside le fondement de la conformite des Etats de l’Afrique subsaharienne au droit international des droits humains. En tenant compte de la fragilite economique et strategique de ces Etats, il soutient que le fondement substantiel de leur conformite est du a la pression economique, financiere et politique qu’ils subissent de la part des sujets puissants de la societe internationale. Par ailleurs, il propose comme fondement subsidiaire l’influence de la culture juridique occidentale et la recherche de la credibilite de ces Etats faibles sur le plan international.
{"title":"Les fondements de la conformité des États de l’Afrique subsaharienne au droit international des droits humains","authors":"Éléazar Michel Nkoue","doi":"10.7202/1079423ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1079423ar","url":null,"abstract":"Le propos de cet article entend clarifier le debat juridique autour des fondements de la conformite des Etats de l’Afrique subsaharienne au droit international des droits humains. L’analyse proposee tend a souligner l’originalite de la position de l’auteur qui, sans toutefois recuser le formalisme juridique, demontre que c’est principalement hors du droit que reside le fondement de la conformite des Etats de l’Afrique subsaharienne au droit international des droits humains. En tenant compte de la fragilite economique et strategique de ces Etats, il soutient que le fondement substantiel de leur conformite est du a la pression economique, financiere et politique qu’ils subissent de la part des sujets puissants de la societe internationale. Par ailleurs, il propose comme fondement subsidiaire l’influence de la culture juridique occidentale et la recherche de la credibilite de ces Etats faibles sur le plan international.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71211467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the end goal of international treaties is full participation, states are often resistant to ratification. As such, it is worthwhile to examine the effects that international law, including international treaties, have on states prior to ratification. This paper endeavors to determine the extent to which non-state-parties utilize international legal instruments, including the ways in which such law is included in domestic legal regimes and by looking at case studies where international law, used as a proxy for “rejoining the international community” has played a significant role in policy making despite a lack of ratification. The paper also examines the pushback on this framing and potential negatives. By examining the effects of international law on non-state-parties it opens up new forms of advocacy based on international legal norms and instruments, even in states that have not ratified such instruments in conjunction with advocacy efforts on ratification.
{"title":"Compliance without Ratification. Using International Law in Non-Binding Scenarios","authors":"A. Friedman","doi":"10.7202/1079426ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1079426ar","url":null,"abstract":"While the end goal of international treaties is full participation, states are often resistant to ratification. As such, it is worthwhile to examine the effects that international law, including international treaties, have on states prior to ratification. This paper endeavors to determine the extent to which non-state-parties utilize international legal instruments, including the ways in which such law is included in domestic legal regimes and by looking at case studies where international law, used as a proxy for “rejoining the international community” has played a significant role in policy making despite a lack of ratification. The paper also examines the pushback on this framing and potential negatives. By examining the effects of international law on non-state-parties it opens up new forms of advocacy based on international legal norms and instruments, even in states that have not ratified such instruments in conjunction with advocacy efforts on ratification.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71211663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"L’application du mandat d’arrêt européen par Eurojust et le Parquet européen","authors":"Aziz En-nefkhaoui","doi":"10.7202/1098438ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1098438ar","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71265137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper sheds light on factors affecting the ratification and commitment of African countries to treaties, to change and to improve their conduct according to the obligations present in those treaties. As a way of example, this work uses the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (“Maputo Protocol”), considered as the pillar of women’s human rights protection in Africa. This paper considers the effect of the breaches on the sovereign rights of African states to determine the content of their domestic law and if they have made any progress in the protection of women’s rights on the continent. I wonder that because there is significant concern as to how the Maputo Protocol can be implemented given that, for example, several rights in the Protocol clash with established cultural and national traditions. That is why many of the provisions contained in the Maputo Protocol are not currently achievable given also the present socio-economic conditions in many countries of the continent. In addition, the Maputo Protocol fails to recognise several rights, deemed particularly relevant for refugees in Africa, such as the right to a fair trial and the rights of convicted and detained women. When human rights norms are emerging, as it is the case with those contained in the Maputo Protocol, strong international legal commitment generates greater public support for compliance compared to weak commitment. Conversely, when a human rights norm is domesticated, stronger state commitment does not always generate greater public support compared to a weaker commitment. That is why the effort to promote the Maputo Protocol should be dine at a continental level and not leaving it to a single country or to a small group of them.
{"title":"Are Africans States Willing to Ratify and Commit to Human Rights Treaties? The Example of the Maputo Protocol","authors":"C. d’Orsi","doi":"10.7202/1079427ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1079427ar","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sheds light on factors affecting the ratification and commitment of African countries to treaties, to change and to improve their conduct according to the obligations present in those treaties. As a way of example, this work uses the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (“Maputo Protocol”), considered as the pillar of women’s human rights protection in Africa. This paper considers the effect of the breaches on the sovereign rights of African states to determine the content of their domestic law and if they have made any progress in the protection of women’s rights on the continent. I wonder that because there is significant concern as to how the Maputo Protocol can be implemented given that, for example, several rights in the Protocol clash with established cultural and national traditions. That is why many of the provisions contained in the Maputo Protocol are not currently achievable given also the present socio-economic conditions in many countries of the continent. In addition, the Maputo Protocol fails to recognise several rights, deemed particularly relevant for refugees in Africa, such as the right to a fair trial and the rights of convicted and detained women. When human rights norms are emerging, as it is the case with those contained in the Maputo Protocol, strong international legal commitment generates greater public support for compliance compared to weak commitment. Conversely, when a human rights norm is domesticated, stronger state commitment does not always generate greater public support compared to a weaker commitment. That is why the effort to promote the Maputo Protocol should be dine at a continental level and not leaving it to a single country or to a small group of them.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71211666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper observes compliance theories on transnational advocacy networks in the Mediterranean Sea; a multinational border region being widely considered as the “deadliest border” in the world. This situation has led to a measurable “rush to the sea” of organisations which belong to Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) or define themselves as “humanitarians”. Part of today’s theory on the impact of transnational advocacy networks is that consistent and continuous engagement of TAN leads to increased norm commitment and even norm compliance in states with strong institutions. However, after the implementation of a system of bilateral treaties (2017 Italy - Libya, 2016 Turkey and European Union (EU)) by the EU, the number of travellers reaching EU soil has significantly decreased. Additionally, changing political circumstances in Libya and internal policies of EU member states have contributed to lowering the number of arrivals.
{"title":"Calling for Compliance. Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Mediterranean Sea. A Case Study on Norm Compliance at Europe’s Liquid Borders","authors":"Julianne Lindner","doi":"10.7202/1079429ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1079429ar","url":null,"abstract":"The paper observes compliance theories on transnational advocacy networks in the Mediterranean Sea; a multinational border region being widely considered as the “deadliest border” in the world. This situation has led to a measurable “rush to the sea” of organisations which belong to Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) or define themselves as “humanitarians”. Part of today’s theory on the impact of transnational advocacy networks is that consistent and continuous engagement of TAN leads to increased norm commitment and even norm compliance in states with strong institutions. However, after the implementation of a system of bilateral treaties (2017 Italy - Libya, 2016 Turkey and European Union (EU)) by the EU, the number of travellers reaching EU soil has significantly decreased. Additionally, changing political circumstances in Libya and internal policies of EU member states have contributed to lowering the number of arrivals.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71211698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Spanish State is among the countries with high standards of compliance with its international obligations on human rights. Regardless of the reasons that explain the respect for such commitments, it is surprising to note that the degree of compliance differs depending on the international guarantee mechanism. Compliance with treaties whose oversights is attributed to a court, such as the European Court of Human Rights, is stricter than compliance with covenants under the United Nations, whose supervision is recognised to the committee established by each treaty or by their annexed protocols. Even though the Committees also respond to individual complaints raised by persons subject to the Spanish State jurisdiction, the binding nature of their resolutions is questioned by some State institutions. Both members of the executive and the judiciary. This paper analyses the grounds that justify this two-speed compliance and questions the institutional arguments that support such reality. Our reflection insists that the obligations derived from all human rights treaties ratified by Spain are identical and demand an equal response from the State institutions. The international human rights law and the Spanish Constitution itself so require it.
{"title":"Strategies for Compliance with Non-Binding International Decisions: The Spanish Case","authors":"Carmen Montesinos Padilla, Itziar Gómez Fernández","doi":"10.7202/1079424ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1079424ar","url":null,"abstract":"The Spanish State is among the countries with high standards of compliance with its international obligations on human rights. Regardless of the reasons that explain the respect for such commitments, it is surprising to note that the degree of compliance differs depending on the international guarantee mechanism. Compliance with treaties whose oversights is attributed to a court, such as the European Court of Human Rights, is stricter than compliance with covenants under the United Nations, whose supervision is recognised to the committee established by each treaty or by their annexed protocols. Even though the Committees also respond to individual complaints raised by persons subject to the Spanish State jurisdiction, the binding nature of their resolutions is questioned by some State institutions. Both members of the executive and the judiciary. This paper analyses the grounds that justify this two-speed compliance and questions the institutional arguments that support such reality. Our reflection insists that the obligations derived from all human rights treaties ratified by Spain are identical and demand an equal response from the State institutions. The international human rights law and the Spanish Constitution itself so require it.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71211599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Corruption et développement économique et social : esquisse d’un droit de l’homme à l’interdiction de la corruption ?","authors":"Narcisse Mideso","doi":"10.7202/1098437ar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7202/1098437ar","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71265073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Les Accords de Bretton Woods sont souvent présentés comme étant le premier système monétaire et financier mondial. Or, la régulation des questions monétaires avait déjà pris les traits d’un ordre spontané dès le XIX siècle. En effet, après la guerre opposant la France à la Prusse entre 1870 et 1871, les États exerçant l’essentiel du commerce international avaient adopté de facto l’étalon-or. Ce système spontané avait pour objet de garantir la monnaie nationale et d’éviter les crises de confiance dans le billet de banque, introduit au XIX siècle par des banques commerciales privées, en lieu et place de l’utilisation presque exclusive des métaux précieux qui avait cours auparavant. Les billets émis par ces dernières n’avaient pas toujours eu d’équivalent en réserves de métaux et des crises de confiance s’en suivaient occasionnellement, générant une instabilité du système. L’apparition des banques centrales ayant le monopole de l’émission de monnaie, et l’adoption de l’étalon-or ont ainsi donné naissance à un ordre international monétaire sui generis.
{"title":"Le Fonds monétaire international","authors":"David Pavot","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv18pgm1c.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18pgm1c.7","url":null,"abstract":"Les Accords de Bretton Woods sont souvent présentés comme étant le premier système monétaire et financier mondial. Or, la régulation des questions monétaires avait déjà pris les traits d’un ordre spontané dès le XIX siècle. En effet, après la guerre opposant la France à la Prusse entre 1870 et 1871, les États exerçant l’essentiel du commerce international avaient adopté de facto l’étalon-or. Ce système spontané avait pour objet de garantir la monnaie nationale et d’éviter les crises de confiance dans le billet de banque, introduit au XIX siècle par des banques commerciales privées, en lieu et place de l’utilisation presque exclusive des métaux précieux qui avait cours auparavant. Les billets émis par ces dernières n’avaient pas toujours eu d’équivalent en réserves de métaux et des crises de confiance s’en suivaient occasionnellement, générant une instabilité du système. L’apparition des banques centrales ayant le monopole de l’émission de monnaie, et l’adoption de l’étalon-or ont ainsi donné naissance à un ordre international monétaire sui generis.","PeriodicalId":39264,"journal":{"name":"Quebec Journal of International Law","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68785335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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