Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113
O. Naumenko
The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make a conclusion, that at first time the USSR people’s repatriation had a forcing nature, according to Yalta agreements and clarified protocol to them. But in future, the USA and Great Britain’s governments, especially, after the beginning of Cold War, were giving all kinds of legal and material help DPs, which, because of personal reasons and motives, didn’t aspire to come back, that, in return, on the other hand, considerably deteriorated inter union relations. The Soviet government sought to return all displaced people without any exception, while the Great Britain gave an alternative to all those people, who didn’t want to return to their homeland. In view of this claim, such people were transferred automatically from the category of displaced people to the category of refugees eligible for shelter in Western Europe. The approaches of the British side to different ethnic groups of repatriates are traced; the categories of displaced persons who have not been able to avoid forced return to the USSR under interstate agreements have been identified. As of the end of 1945, with the rise of crisis trends between the governments of the Big Three countries and the controversy surrounding the repatriation issue, the British government decided to halt the forced return of Soviet DPs. In particular, its concerned soldiers of the Waffen SS Galychyna Division, who did not partially come under the conditions of forced return to the USSR, but were able to use the refugee shelter in the Great Britain.
{"title":"Politics of the British government for the repatriation of soviet DPs from Western Europe in 1944-1948","authors":"O. Naumenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make a conclusion, that at first time the USSR people’s repatriation had a forcing nature, according to Yalta agreements and clarified protocol to them. But in future, the USA and Great Britain’s governments, especially, after the beginning of Cold War, were giving all kinds of legal and material help DPs, which, because of personal reasons and motives, didn’t aspire to come back, that, in return, on the other hand, considerably deteriorated inter union relations.\u0000\u0000The Soviet government sought to return all displaced people without any exception, while the Great Britain gave an alternative to all those people, who didn’t want to return to their homeland. In view of this claim, such people were transferred automatically from the category of displaced people to the category of refugees eligible for shelter in Western Europe. The approaches of the British side to different ethnic groups of repatriates are traced; the categories of displaced persons who have not been able to avoid forced return to the USSR under interstate agreements have been identified.\u0000\u0000As of the end of 1945, with the rise of crisis trends between the governments of the Big Three countries and the controversy surrounding the repatriation issue, the British government decided to halt the forced return of Soviet DPs. In particular, its concerned soldiers of the Waffen SS Galychyna Division, who did not partially come under the conditions of forced return to the USSR, but were able to use the refugee shelter in the Great Britain.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116960601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.9
A. Valodzkin
Foreign policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in post-Soviet decades have been prominent for their continuity and consistency. Since identity is usually considered as one of the major factors of consistency and continuity of politics, the goal was set to examine the role of different identity factors in formation of foreign policies of the three Baltic states in the period from international recognition of their independence in August 1991 to the Ukrainian Crisis of spring 2014 in European politics. The analysis of literature and sources suggests some assumptions on how identity-related factors influenced foreign policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, They could be summarized in a hypothesis that making of the Baltic foreign policies was deeply influenced by “ethnocratic” nature of political regimes, establishedin Baltic states, ideological constructs based on their historical memories and memory politics as well as geopolitical identities of being “small states” and being influenced by the “Baltic unity” idea. Examining of these assumptions allows to conclude that effects of some identity factors, like ethnic identities, are often overestimated, while others really played very important, sometimes decisive, role in developments of major foreign policy vectors of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.The deterioration of their relations with Russia in the period under review was largelydetermined by ideological constructs of legal state continuity and Soviet occupation deeply rooted in the XX century historical memories of Baltic states. While Western vectors of their foreign policies and first of all their relations with the USA developed in line with the logic of securitization based on self-perception of Baltic political elites of being “small states”.
{"title":"IDENTITY FACTORS IN THE MAKING OFBALTIC STATES’ FOREIGN POLICY COURSEIN 1991–2014","authors":"A. Valodzkin","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.9","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in post-Soviet decades have been prominent for their continuity and consistency. Since identity is usually considered as one of the major factors of consistency and continuity of politics, the goal was set to examine the role of different identity factors in formation of foreign policies of the three Baltic states in the period from international recognition of their independence in August 1991 to the Ukrainian Crisis of spring 2014 in European politics. The analysis of literature and sources suggests some assumptions on how identity-related factors influenced foreign policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, They could be summarized in a hypothesis that making of the Baltic foreign policies was deeply influenced by “ethnocratic” nature of political regimes, establishedin Baltic states, ideological constructs based on their historical memories and memory politics as well as geopolitical identities of being “small states” and being influenced by the “Baltic unity” idea. Examining of these assumptions allows to conclude that effects of some identity factors, like ethnic identities, are often overestimated, while others really played very important, sometimes decisive, role in developments of major foreign policy vectors of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.The deterioration of their relations with Russia in the period under review was largelydetermined by ideological constructs of legal state continuity and Soviet occupation deeply rooted in the XX century historical memories of Baltic states. While Western vectors of their foreign policies and first of all their relations with the USA developed in line with the logic of securitization based on self-perception of Baltic political elites of being “small states”.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125938472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.101-120
O. Buturlimova
The article traces the responses of the Church of England, Roman – Catholic Church and “free churches” on the development of the Labour Party. The author underlines that Labour party was assisted by those Christian churches. It is mentioned also that Labour Church and Ethic Church as Labour supporters too. The article touches upon such problems as social inequality in British society, secularization of the working class in urban cotton towns and ports. Anglican Church’s help to the low-income working class is investigated also. The author underlines that British Labour party was deeply influenced by Christian Socialism so it made its relations with Church of England closer. Chaplains supported the Labour party in their sermons, letters and church press. Such favour was especially crucial in rural areas where Labour party had lower election results in comparison with Liberal and Conservative parties. The author analyses contribution of the “free churches” to the development of the Labour party. It is widely recognized that “free churches” are identified as traditional ally of the Liberal party. The author confirmed that “free churches” did not give wide electoral support to the Labour party but gave considerable amount of candidates who were active in trade unions, local Labour parties and in the British Parliament. The author also considers that the Roman – Catholic communities mainly represented by Irish immigrants and their descendants as an important part of the wide social base of the Labour Party. The author comes to conclusion that strong ties between Christian churches and the British Labour party help us to explain its program and election successes in the first third of the XX century.
{"title":"Relations Between Labour Party and Christian Churches in England at the End of XIX – the First Third of the XX cc.","authors":"O. Buturlimova","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.101-120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.101-120","url":null,"abstract":"The article traces the responses of the Church of England, Roman – Catholic Church and “free churches” on the development of the Labour Party. The author underlines that Labour party was assisted by those Christian churches. It is mentioned also that Labour Church and Ethic Church as Labour supporters too.\u0000\u0000The article touches upon such problems as social inequality in British society, secularization of the working class in urban cotton towns and ports. Anglican Church’s help to the low-income working class is investigated also.\u0000\u0000The author underlines that British Labour party was deeply influenced by Christian Socialism so it made its relations with Church of England closer. Chaplains supported the Labour party in their sermons, letters and church press. Such favour was especially crucial in rural areas where Labour party had lower election results in comparison with Liberal and Conservative parties.\u0000\u0000The author analyses contribution of the “free churches” to the development of the Labour party. It is widely recognized that “free churches” are identified as traditional ally of the Liberal party. The author confirmed that “free churches” did not give wide electoral support to the Labour party but gave considerable amount of candidates who were active in trade unions, local Labour parties and in the British Parliament.\u0000\u0000The author also considers that the Roman – Catholic communities mainly represented by Irish immigrants and their descendants as an important part of the wide social base of the Labour Party.\u0000\u0000The author comes to conclusion that strong ties between Christian churches and the British Labour party help us to explain its program and election successes in the first third of the XX century.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124549977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.114-146
I. Sribniak
The article seeks to represent the peculiarities of everyday life of the Ukrainian camp organization «Independent Ukraine» through a combination of textual and visual approaches. The organization discussed was founded by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in camp Rastatt. The intensive cultural, educational and later organizational and national work started there thanks to persistent efforts of camp activists as well as members of the Enlightenment department. The camp saw the emergence of several autonomous organizations established by prisoners of war who supported cultural and art centers (national theatre, choirs, orchestra) as well as educational ones (primary schools and courses). Prisoners of war had a possibility to attend camp church and canteen («Chayinia», or «Tea Room»). Moreover, they could work at camp «Kustarnia» as well where they were involved in woodcarving and manufacturing faience, as well as learned basics of visual art. Ukrainian camp activists did an enormous amount of work, seeking to influence Ukrainian POWs who stayed apart from Rastatt for a longer time laboring in work teams. Thanks to such initiatives, more and more captives were joining the organization «Independent Ukraine», whose internal activity was based on the principles of self-governance. Nonetheless, this situation could not be used for the benefit of Ukraine because the UNR did not succeed in the facilitation of massive repatriation. Therefore, the captives’ emotional state was considerably challenged, along with the worsening of food quality. In summer of 1918, the «Committee of Cultural Assistance to Ukrainians in Germany» assumed the responsibility upon Ukrainian prisoners of war but its activity had an only temporary effect. In autumn of 1918, Ukrainian camp organization was closed down and its members returned to Ukraine.
{"title":"The Camp for Ukrainian Prisoners of War of the Russian Army in Rastatt, Germany (1916-1918) according to photo-documents","authors":"I. Sribniak","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.114-146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.114-146","url":null,"abstract":"The article seeks to represent the peculiarities of everyday life of the Ukrainian camp organization «Independent Ukraine» through a combination of textual and visual approaches. The organization discussed was founded by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in camp Rastatt. The intensive cultural, educational and later organizational and national work started there thanks to persistent efforts of camp activists as well as members of the Enlightenment department. The camp saw the emergence of several autonomous organizations established by prisoners of war who supported cultural and art centers (national theatre, choirs, orchestra) as well as educational ones (primary schools and courses).\u0000\u0000Prisoners of war had a possibility to attend camp church and canteen («Chayinia», or «Tea Room»). Moreover, they could work at camp «Kustarnia» as well where they were involved in woodcarving and manufacturing faience, as well as learned basics of visual art. Ukrainian camp activists did an enormous amount of work, seeking to influence Ukrainian POWs who stayed apart from Rastatt for a longer time laboring in work teams. Thanks to such initiatives, more and more captives were joining the organization «Independent Ukraine», whose internal activity was based on the principles of self-governance.\u0000\u0000Nonetheless, this situation could not be used for the benefit of Ukraine because the UNR did not succeed in the facilitation of massive repatriation. Therefore, the captives’ emotional state was considerably challenged, along with the worsening of food quality. In summer of 1918, the «Committee of Cultural Assistance to Ukrainians in Germany» assumed the responsibility upon Ukrainian prisoners of war but its activity had an only temporary effect. In autumn of 1918, Ukrainian camp organization was closed down and its members returned to Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114320901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.4
N. Zalietok
The article compares the peculiarities of the activities and life of British and Soviet women-spies during WWIIto deepen the available information about their participation in the war and find out the common and different in the policies of totalitarian and democratic regimes concerning it. The author states that during WWII, Great Britain and the USSR recruited women into the intelligence service. Both countries taught them the necessary military skills, including the handling of various weapons. Their operational tasks in the service included the performance of combat roles too.Nevertheless, the British authorities, in contrast to the Soviet ones, denied the fact that women used lethal weapons. There was an official taboo on this in the country. Therefore, we must state the insincerity of the British government on this issue. Analyzing the level of training of agents, we see that the British government made more efforts and spent more time on it.There may be several reasons of it, but among the main ones we see the fact that the country was in a less difficult situation during WWII. After all, it managed to avoid invasion on it territories, and its military contingent was less involved in theaters of operations than the Soviet. Hence the smaller number of combat losses that needed to be urgently replaced by new military personnel.For example, the British women had the opportunity to practice skydiving during training, in contrast to the Soviet female spies – according to the testimonies of some of them, the jump during the combat mission was the first in their lives. There were also cases when Soviet intelligence groups trained only for a few weeks before the mission. In Great Britain, on the other hand, there was a multi–level school for the training of agents. The life of spies on the service differed, depending on the peculiarities of their missions, their venues and the ability to take care of themselves during their completion.
{"title":"SERVICE OF BRITISH AND SOVIET WOMEN IN INTELLIGENCE DURING WORLD WAR II","authors":"N. Zalietok","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article compares the peculiarities of the activities and life of British and Soviet women-spies during WWIIto deepen the available information about their participation in the war and find out the common and different in the policies of totalitarian and democratic regimes concerning it.\u0000\u0000The author states that during WWII, Great Britain and the USSR recruited women into the intelligence service. Both countries taught them the necessary military skills, including the handling of various weapons. Their operational tasks in the service included the performance of combat roles too.Nevertheless, the British authorities, in contrast to the Soviet ones, denied the fact that women used lethal weapons. There was an official taboo on this in the country. Therefore, we must state the insincerity of the British government on this issue. Analyzing the level of training of agents, we see that the British government made more efforts and spent more time on it.There may be several reasons of it, but among the main ones we see the fact that the country was in a less difficult situation during WWII. After all, it managed to avoid invasion on it territories, and its military contingent was less involved in theaters of operations than the Soviet. Hence the smaller number of combat losses that needed to be urgently replaced by new military personnel.For example, the British women had the opportunity to practice skydiving during training, in contrast to the Soviet female spies – according to the testimonies of some of them, the jump during the combat mission was the first in their lives. There were also cases when Soviet intelligence groups trained only for a few weeks before the mission. In Great Britain, on the other hand, there was a multi–level school for the training of agents. The life of spies on the service differed, depending on the peculiarities of their missions, their venues and the ability to take care of themselves during their completion.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"12 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114323119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27
Аnatolii Demeshchuk
This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
{"title":"Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)","authors":"Аnatolii Demeshchuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121550493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.249-270
A. Martynov, O. Mashevskyi, E. Khan
The article touches upon the research work of the Science and Research Department of Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv within the framework of developing the scientific theme «Ukraine in the European historic processes: in search of the civilization choice» in 2016 – 2018. During the research process, a wide range of source materials and innovative methods of research have been utilized to analyze the concepts of the European civilization’s evolution and to outline the specifics of Ukraine’s civilization belonging during different époques. The moments crucial for the following civilization development of Ukraine have been emphasized upon, the political and etc ideological background of the European choice has been given. The key factors of social and economic development in different époques have been outlined, the social and economic specifics of Ukraine and the historical background of shaping thereof have been analyzed. The article as well investigates the consequences of Ukraine being part of different political entities and the role of Ukrainians in social and economic development of European countries. The impact of the West upon the contemporary processes of transformation and the prospects of the European integration of Ukraine has been delivered. The article explores the role of culture of Ukraine in today’s Europe and its evolution given the external and internal factors. The influence of Ukrainian culture on the social development of European countries, in particular, states, which included Ukrainian lands, was analyzed. The cultural interactions of peoples and ethnic groups inhabiting Ukraine have been examined, the religious element of the social transformations has been inspected. The moral, cultural and religious features of people inhabiting different regions have been studied, the possible principles and methods of further strengthening of the Ukrainian political nation and the civil society reinforcement have been researched. Basic scientific events held by the Science and Research Department of Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv within the framework of developing the scientific theme, i.a. international conferences, scientific and methodic seminars, workshops, panel discussions, expert discussions etc. have been presented.
{"title":"The Scientific Achievements of the Science and Research Department of History Faculty of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (2016 – 2018)","authors":"A. Martynov, O. Mashevskyi, E. Khan","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.249-270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.249-270","url":null,"abstract":"The article touches upon the research work of the Science and Research Department of Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv within the framework of developing the scientific theme «Ukraine in the European historic processes: in search of the civilization choice» in 2016 – 2018.\u0000\u0000During the research process, a wide range of source materials and innovative methods of research have been utilized to analyze the concepts of the European civilization’s evolution and to outline the specifics of Ukraine’s civilization belonging during different époques. The moments crucial for the following civilization development of Ukraine have been emphasized upon, the political and etc ideological background of the European choice has been given. The key factors of social and economic development in different époques have been outlined, the social and economic specifics of Ukraine and the historical background of shaping thereof have been analyzed. The article as well investigates the consequences of Ukraine being part of different political entities and the role of Ukrainians in social and economic development of European countries. The impact of the West upon the contemporary processes of transformation and the prospects of the European integration of Ukraine has been delivered. The article explores the role of culture of Ukraine in today’s Europe and its evolution given the external and internal factors. The influence of Ukrainian culture on the social development of European countries, in particular, states, which included Ukrainian lands, was analyzed. The cultural interactions of peoples and ethnic groups inhabiting Ukraine have been examined, the religious element of the social transformations has been inspected. The moral, cultural and religious features of people inhabiting different regions have been studied, the possible principles and methods of further strengthening of the Ukrainian political nation and the civil society reinforcement have been researched.\u0000\u0000Basic scientific events held by the Science and Research Department of Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv within the framework of developing the scientific theme, i.a. international conferences, scientific and methodic seminars, workshops, panel discussions, expert discussions etc. have been presented.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"523 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132030128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.8
O. Sukhobokova
The publication is devoted to a review of humanitarian aid to Ukraine provided by the Baltic States in the first three months of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war (February 24 – May 2022). Coverage of this topic is explained by the fact that it is important to record and analyze the support of Ukraine by Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. They, as well as Poland, were the first in the European Union start to provide assistance to Ukraine. Humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the Baltic countries is considered in the article in the context and against the background of active political support, protection of Ukraine’s interests in the international arena, lobbying for the provision of military-technical assistance by the EU and NATO countries. They consider Ukraine not just a victim of Russian aggression. They see Ukraine as a country that is fighting not only for its sovereignty and territorial integrity in the war with Russia, but also for defending Europe and the entire Western world. This caused unprecedented support for Ukraine by the Baltic states. The study found that humanitarian aid to Ukraine is provided by the Baltic States at several levels: state (through state authorities at the expense of the state budget), regional and local (individual regions and cities independently provide assistance to Ukraine, its communities, cities or regions), at the level of charitable and public organizations and initiatives through the collection of donations from citizens. The assistance provided at each of these levels is illustrated by specific examples. It has been determined that during the first three months of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war, hundreds of tons of humanitarian goods have already been delivered to Ukraine from the Baltic states through cooperation with Ukrainian authorities and public and charitable organizations. This assistance came to most regions of Ukraine – to areas affected by hostilities and temporary occupation, and to regions receiving internally displaced persons. At the same time, each of the Baltic states accepted tens of thousands of Ukrainian refugees, providing for their material, psychological and cultural needs.
{"title":"HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FROM THE BALTIC STATES TO UKRAINE AT THE BEGINNING OF RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE WAR AGAINST UKRAINE (February – May 2022)","authors":"O. Sukhobokova","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.8","url":null,"abstract":"The publication is devoted to a review of humanitarian aid to Ukraine provided by the Baltic States in the first three months of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war (February 24 – May 2022). Coverage of this topic is explained by the fact that it is important to record and analyze the support of Ukraine by Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. They, as well as Poland, were the first in the European Union start to provide assistance to Ukraine. Humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the Baltic countries is considered in the article in the context and against the background of active political support, protection of Ukraine’s interests in the international arena, lobbying for the provision of military-technical assistance by the EU and NATO countries. They consider Ukraine not just a victim of Russian aggression. They see Ukraine as a country that is fighting not only for its sovereignty and territorial integrity in the war with Russia, but also for defending Europe and the entire Western world. This caused unprecedented support for Ukraine by the Baltic states. The study found that humanitarian aid to Ukraine is provided by the Baltic States at several levels: state (through state authorities at the expense of the state budget), regional and local (individual regions and cities independently provide assistance to Ukraine, its communities, cities or regions), at the level of charitable and public organizations and initiatives through the collection of donations from citizens. The assistance provided at each of these levels is illustrated by specific examples. It has been determined that during the first three months of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war, hundreds of tons of humanitarian goods have already been delivered to Ukraine from the Baltic states through cooperation with Ukrainian authorities and public and charitable organizations. This assistance came to most regions of Ukraine – to areas affected by hostilities and temporary occupation, and to regions receiving internally displaced persons. At the same time, each of the Baltic states accepted tens of thousands of Ukrainian refugees, providing for their material, psychological and cultural needs.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130168911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.05
T. Perga
The article addresses the concept of resilience, which has been extensively developed in recent decades both in the scientific and public discourse of the European Union and in its practical application. It was concluded that this was caused by threats and challenges such as the financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, climate change, the increase in numerous natural disasters, the pandemic od coronavirus COVID-19, which has demonstrated the EU’s growing vulnerability. Understanding of resilience by the European Union reflected in European Commission documents has been revealed. The main directions of implementation the concept of sustainability into European Union policies have been analyzed, including: foreign and domestic policies, financial and economic sustainability, assistance to countries vulnerable to various shocks, combating climate change. It has been found that the EU recognizes that the challenge of COVID-19 cannot be prevented, and therefore it seeks to increase the resilience not only of the entire Union, but also of member states. It has been suggested that building resilience is gradually becoming a new way to ad ance the European Union’s value agenda, both in the European Community and in the international arena. European resilience discourse has been analyzed. The main trends of its development before and after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic have been demonstrated. It is noted that the spread of coronavirus has had a significant impact on public debate in the EU. In particular, there has been a shift in focus and emphasis on the internal transformations induced by the pandemic and the increasing resilience of health systems, as well as on such actual threats as misinformation and cyberterrorism. It has been established that an important issue that remains open is the identification of the most effective resources that will contribute to better addressing and building resilience to existing and new challenges (coronavirus, climate change) as well as new one.
{"title":"Consept of resilience in the policy of European Union","authors":"T. Perga","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.05","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the concept of resilience, which has been extensively developed in recent decades both in the scientific and public discourse of the European Union and in its practical application. It was concluded that this was caused by threats and challenges such as the financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, climate change, the increase in numerous natural disasters, the pandemic od coronavirus COVID-19, which has demonstrated the EU’s growing vulnerability. Understanding of resilience by the European Union reflected in European Commission documents has been revealed. The main directions of implementation the concept of sustainability into European Union policies have been analyzed, including: foreign and domestic policies, financial and economic sustainability, assistance to countries vulnerable to various shocks, combating climate change. It has been found that the EU recognizes that the challenge of COVID-19 cannot be prevented, and therefore it seeks to increase the resilience not only of the entire Union, but also of member states. It has been suggested that building resilience is gradually becoming a new way to ad ance the European Union’s value agenda, both in the European Community and in the international arena. European resilience discourse has been analyzed. The main trends of its development before and after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic have been demonstrated. It is noted that the spread of coronavirus has had a significant impact on public debate in the EU. In particular, there has been a shift in focus and emphasis on the internal transformations induced by the pandemic and the increasing resilience of health systems, as well as on such actual threats as misinformation and cyberterrorism. It has been established that an important issue that remains open is the identification of the most effective resources that will contribute to better addressing and building resilience to existing and new challenges (coronavirus, climate change) as well as new one.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134333873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.51-66
T. Perga
The article explores the reasons, directions and stages of the wildlife conservation activities which is an important direction of European environmental policy. Author examines the essence of the concept “wilderness” which is used in the official documents of the European Union and EU member states. It has concluded that wilderness is understood as a territory regulated by natural processes, consisting of natural habitats and species, sufficient for the effective ecological functioning of natural processes; it is unchanged or slightly modified and does not undergo changes from the side people, settlements, and infrastructure; its landscape has not undergone any visual changes. The policy of the EU member states concerning the formation of the relevant legislation and practical steps for the creation of protected areas of wildlife are analyzed. It was found that unlike the USA, where in the late nineteenth century the protection of wildlife has stimulated the development of environmental policy, in European Union activities in this area began to develop in the last third of the twentieth century. It was seen as one of the directions of biodiversity conservation within the framework of the regional environmental protection policy. The author concluded that the peculiarity of the European wildlife protection model is the formation of strategic guidelines and development them by the member states in accordance with their national specifics. This leads to a variety of approaches to activities in this the protection of the wildlife. The main disadvantages of the Ukrainian legislation on wildlife conservation as well as problems for its development are revealed. The article state that at the moment, Ukraine has done the first step in the wildlife protection – in 2017, the Law on the protection of virgin forests was adopted. It is concluded that Ukraine’s move to European integration requires not only the adaptation of the national environmental legislation to EU legal norms but also the development of wildlife conservation activities as an important direction of environmental policy.
{"title":"Wilderness in the Environmental Policy of the European Union","authors":"T. Perga","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.51-66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.51-66","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the reasons, directions and stages of the wildlife conservation activities which is an important direction of European environmental policy. Author examines the essence of the concept “wilderness” which is used in the official documents of the European Union and EU member states. It has concluded that wilderness is understood as a territory regulated by natural processes, consisting of natural habitats and species, sufficient for the effective ecological functioning of natural processes; it is unchanged or slightly modified and does not undergo changes from the side people, settlements, and infrastructure; its landscape has not undergone any visual changes. The policy of the EU member states concerning the formation of the relevant legislation and practical steps for the creation of protected areas of wildlife are analyzed. It was found that unlike the USA, where in the late nineteenth century the protection of wildlife has stimulated the development of environmental policy, in European Union activities in this area began to develop in the last third of the twentieth century. It was seen as one of the directions of biodiversity conservation within the framework of the regional environmental protection policy. The author concluded that the peculiarity of the European wildlife protection model is the formation of strategic guidelines and development them by the member states in accordance with their national specifics. This leads to a variety of approaches to activities in this the protection of the wildlife. The main disadvantages of the Ukrainian legislation on wildlife conservation as well as problems for its development are revealed. The article state that at the moment, Ukraine has done the first step in the wildlife protection – in 2017, the Law on the protection of virgin forests was adopted. It is concluded that Ukraine’s move to European integration requires not only the adaptation of the national environmental legislation to EU legal norms but also the development of wildlife conservation activities as an important direction of environmental policy.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"244 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132570248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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