Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2
A. Martynov
In the history of international relations, discussions continue on the definition of criteria and chronological boundaries of different systems of international relations. The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical problems of positioning the European Union in the postmodern system of international relations. The Modern period was characterized by a block approach to security. The postmodern system of international security is based on a combination of hierarchical and network characteristics of the international system. The sovereign states of the European Union are often critical of each other, although this fact may for some time be masked by the need for solidarity in relations with the outside world and its risks. As soon as the factor of identity or proximity of interests is leveled off, the motives for concerted joint action disappear. Real politics is also influenced by the idea of European integration of many speeds. Following the enlargement of the EU to 28 member states (before the withdrawal of the United Kingdom), the core of European integration (the six founding members of the European Communities) and the concentric circles touching the core stood out. The accession of new EU member states to the highest achievements of European integration is possible at different speeds. Neutral EU countries such as Finland and Sweden have responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine by applying to join NATO. The United States still has a special consolidating role in the alliance. The postmodern multipolar system of international relations will consist of several hierarchical structures. First, it will be transformed military-political blocs, and secondly, networks of interaction between states that are regional leaders in their regions. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has consolidated the European Union and the United States. The Euro-Atlantic space is in fact a consolidated pole of power in the postmodern system of international relations. The United Kingdom is ensuring the expansion of the Euro-Atlantic space through the AUCUS into the Pacific. The postmodern system of international relations is multipolar. It is not limited to bipolar US-China confrontation. In the postmodern system of international relations, the European Union is not only a pole of power, but also its typological symbol.
{"title":"The European Union in the postmodern system of international relations","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2","url":null,"abstract":"In the history of international relations, discussions continue on the definition of criteria and chronological boundaries of different systems of international relations. The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical problems of positioning the European Union in the postmodern system of international relations. The Modern period was characterized by a block approach to security. The postmodern system of international security is based on a combination of hierarchical and network characteristics of the international system. The sovereign states of the European Union are often critical of each other, although this fact may for some time be masked by the need for solidarity in relations with the outside world and its risks. As soon as the factor of identity or proximity of interests is leveled off, the motives for concerted joint action disappear. Real politics is also influenced by the idea of European integration of many speeds. Following the enlargement of the EU to 28 member states (before the withdrawal of the United Kingdom), the core of European integration (the six founding members of the European Communities) and the concentric circles touching the core stood out. The accession of new EU member states to the highest achievements of European integration is possible at different speeds. Neutral EU countries such as Finland and Sweden have responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine by applying to join NATO. The United States still has a special consolidating role in the alliance. The postmodern multipolar system of international relations will consist of several hierarchical structures. First, it will be transformed military-political blocs, and secondly, networks of interaction between states that are regional leaders in their regions. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has consolidated the European Union and the United States. The Euro-Atlantic space is in fact a consolidated pole of power in the postmodern system of international relations. The United Kingdom is ensuring the expansion of the Euro-Atlantic space through the AUCUS into the Pacific. The postmodern system of international relations is multipolar. It is not limited to bipolar US-China confrontation. In the postmodern system of international relations, the European Union is not only a pole of power, but also its typological symbol.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"167 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131824468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100
V. Yakuba
The article considers the European integration of Ukraine as its important strategic foreign policy priority. This is an even more urgent task, since Russia’s unfolding hybrid war against Ukraine has already led to the widespread use of armed forces, violation of the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of a sovereign state, the erosion of its will regarding its own civilized choice. The increase in the volume and intensity of aggressive actions against Ukraine is being advanced by Russia to the practice of state terrorism. The ideological sabotage that preceded and followed Russia’s armed aggression was aimed at discrediting the state system of Ukraine and weakening its central government control, creating problems for the security and economic sectors of our state, and legitimizing the separatist movement of the southeastern Ukraine in the eyes of the international community. In the unstable hybrid war, the policy of historical memory is one of the central places. Practice shows that in the information field of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation with the policy of memory there is far not all historical knowledge, but the most valuable, meaningful, productive, suitable for the creative life-support of the nation. In this sense, historical memory should be considered as a kind of intellectual and psychological equipment of the spiritual immunity of a national community or an individual as a necessary (though not sufficient!) Matrix-sieve, which serves to sift the flow of historical events, phenomena and facts. An analysis of the formation of the pro-European identity of Ukraine in the context of the events of the last four years (Crimean annexation, Russian hybrid warfare, European integration course) has been analyzed. It was concluded that just after the events of EuroMaydan, Ukraine had an incentive to more consciously identify itself with the European community.
{"title":"European Integration of Ukraine in the Context of Geopolitical Contrasting «Russia-West»","authors":"V. Yakuba","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the European integration of Ukraine as its important strategic foreign policy priority. This is an even more urgent task, since Russia’s unfolding hybrid war against Ukraine has already led to the widespread use of armed forces, violation of the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of a sovereign state, the erosion of its will regarding its own civilized choice. The increase in the volume and intensity of aggressive actions against Ukraine is being advanced by Russia to the practice of state terrorism. The ideological sabotage that preceded and followed Russia’s armed aggression was aimed at discrediting the state system of Ukraine and weakening its central government control, creating problems for the security and economic sectors of our state, and legitimizing the separatist movement of the southeastern Ukraine in the eyes of the international community. In the unstable hybrid war, the policy of historical memory is one of the central places. Practice shows that in the information field of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation with the policy of memory there is far not all historical knowledge, but the most valuable, meaningful, productive, suitable for the creative life-support of the nation. In this sense, historical memory should be considered as a kind of intellectual and psychological equipment of the spiritual immunity of a national community or an individual as a necessary (though not sufficient!) Matrix-sieve, which serves to sift the flow of historical events, phenomena and facts.\u0000\u0000An analysis of the formation of the pro-European identity of Ukraine in the context of the events of the last four years (Crimean annexation, Russian hybrid warfare, European integration course) has been analyzed. It was concluded that just after the events of EuroMaydan, Ukraine had an incentive to more consciously identify itself with the European community.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131862078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7
Serhii Sаrаnоv
The presented article discusses the general characteristics of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament» of Cardinal Richelieu. The «Political testament» reflects the key issues of the state development of France of the 30-40 s. XVII century. The scale of the questions covered and problems, the level of theoretical understanding of the actual material gives this work special significance. Not studied for a long time at a complex level, quoted selectively and template, the «political will» today receives proper coverage in the works of representatives of French historiography. Of particular importance is the consideration of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament». When characterizing the methodological foundations of the presented article, the author defines the category of «peace» as including all aspects of the development of religion (ideology) and political means of achieving political goals that are not related to the war. The category of “peace” in the interpretation of the author also acts as a common views on the state and law. Thus, the category of «peace» is considered in a wider angle. Based on the proposed definition, the author traces the possibilities of its application as part of the analysis of the text of the «Political testament». When assessing the content side of the «peace» category, the degree of ratio of moral aspects in it with the problems of achieving a political goal, the need to also take into account elements of general historiographic discussions regarding the key aspects of the “peace” category in the “Political testament”. The difference between Richelieu and Machiavelli is, from the author’s point of view, one of the key aspects that allow us to understand at the methodological level the cardinal’s interpretation of the category of “peace” in full. The positions of modern French historiography of the researched question are also analyzed. The author concludes that when analyzing the category of «peace» in the «Political testament», the cardinal’s negative attitude towards militarism in “pure form” becomes obvious. Richelieu’s goal was to create an «ideal», closed and not accessible for external and internal hostile influences of the political space embodied in the state, withdrawn from the «reasonable policy of the mind». In the light of this, it retains the cognitive character and methodological significance in the analysis of the «peace» category model of the three -term characteristics of Richelieu, the French historian Rolan Munier, which allows him to see him as «prelates», «noble» and «man» of King Louis XIII. This model also allows us to outline further prospects for the study of the problems of the «peace» category in the «Political testament», taking into account the considerations expressed by the author.
{"title":"THE CATEGORY OF «PEACE» IN RICHELIEU’S «POLITICAL TESTAMENT»: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS","authors":"Serhii Sаrаnоv","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7","url":null,"abstract":"The presented article discusses the general characteristics of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament» of Cardinal Richelieu. The «Political testament» reflects the key issues of the state development of France of the 30-40 s. XVII century. The scale of the questions covered and problems, the level of theoretical understanding of the actual material gives this work special significance. Not studied for a long time at a complex level, quoted selectively and template, the «political will» today receives proper coverage in the works of representatives of French historiography. Of particular importance is the consideration of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament». When characterizing the methodological foundations of the presented article, the author defines the category of «peace» as including all aspects of the development of religion (ideology) and political means of achieving political goals that are not related to the war. The category of “peace” in the interpretation of the author also acts as a common views on the state and law. Thus, the category of «peace» is considered in a wider angle. Based on the proposed definition, the author traces the possibilities of its application as part of the analysis of the text of the «Political testament». When assessing the content side of the «peace» category, the degree of ratio of moral aspects in it with the problems of achieving a political goal, the need to also take into account elements of general historiographic discussions regarding the key aspects of the “peace” category in the “Political testament”. The difference between Richelieu and Machiavelli is, from the author’s point of view, one of the key aspects that allow us to understand at the methodological level the cardinal’s interpretation of the category of “peace” in full. The positions of modern French historiography of the researched question are also analyzed. The author concludes that when analyzing the category of «peace» in the «Political testament», the cardinal’s negative attitude towards militarism in “pure form” becomes obvious. Richelieu’s goal was to create an «ideal», closed and not accessible for external and internal hostile influences of the political space embodied in the state, withdrawn from the «reasonable policy of the mind». In the light of this, it retains the cognitive character and methodological significance in the analysis of the «peace» category model of the three -term characteristics of Richelieu, the French historian Rolan Munier, which allows him to see him as «prelates», «noble» and «man» of King Louis XIII. This model also allows us to outline further prospects for the study of the problems of the «peace» category in the «Political testament», taking into account the considerations expressed by the author.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133726540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.9
N. Shevchenko, Nazar Machynsky
The article analyzes the evolution of relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain in the context of the question about Gibraltar from 1873 to 1969. That is the period between Aliens’ Order in council adoption and land border closing by Spanish. The scientific novelty of the research lies in distinguishing the period of the question about Gibraltar transformation in the historical context of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain, its periodization, determining British and Spanish contribution to overcome the question and finding out of its influence on present day situation. The problem’s political content and the long interaction period between the two states, which was and is aimed at solving this issue, allow us to trace various critical processes that accompanied these relations. In the end of XVIII century, Spain gave up trying to return Gibraltar by military solution and Spanish society accepted its loss. Geopolitical changes in Europe promoted the rapprochement of the United Kingdom and Spain and different contacts between their citizens in the first half of XIX century. But, in a result of Gibraltarians natiogenesis process and building a naval base in the colony – the United Kingdom started to limit Spanish-Gibraltarians civil rights. And not everyone was ready to revise their positions, many people had a historical memory of the interrelationships and rivalry between the states, to which economic factors were added, namely the powerful lag in development between Great Britain and Spain. This led to deterioration of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain, plenty diplomatic scandals and predicted emergencies the inquiries about returning Gibraltar peninsular back to Spain. Spain draw closer to British rivals, declared the claims on Gibraltar, raised the issue in international level, made the economic blockade and the land border closing. By the way, the United Kingdom made some concessions but could not leave Gibraltar because of its strategical status and national prestige. Value principles of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain are using today in the context of question about Gibraltar.
{"title":"EVOLUTION OF RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND SPAIN IN THE CONTEXT OF THE «GIBRALTAR QUESTION», 1873–1969","authors":"N. Shevchenko, Nazar Machynsky","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.9","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the evolution of relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain in the context of the question about Gibraltar from 1873 to 1969. That is the period between Aliens’ Order in council adoption and land border closing by Spanish. The scientific novelty of the research lies in distinguishing the period of the question about Gibraltar transformation in the historical context of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain, its periodization, determining British and Spanish contribution to overcome the question and finding out of its influence on present day situation. The problem’s political content and the long interaction period between the two states, which was and is aimed at solving this issue, allow us to trace various critical processes that accompanied these relations. In the end of XVIII century, Spain gave up trying to return Gibraltar by military solution and Spanish society accepted its loss. Geopolitical changes in Europe promoted the rapprochement of the United Kingdom and Spain and different contacts between their citizens in the first half of XIX century. But, in a result of Gibraltarians natiogenesis process and building a naval base in the colony – the United Kingdom started to limit Spanish-Gibraltarians civil rights. And not everyone was ready to revise their positions, many people had a historical memory of the interrelationships and rivalry between the states, to which economic factors were added, namely the powerful lag in development between Great Britain and Spain. This led to deterioration of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain, plenty diplomatic scandals and predicted emergencies the inquiries about returning Gibraltar peninsular back to Spain. Spain draw closer to British rivals, declared the claims on Gibraltar, raised the issue in international level, made the economic blockade and the land border closing. By the way, the United Kingdom made some concessions but could not leave Gibraltar because of its strategical status and national prestige. Value principles of the relationships between the United Kingdom and Spain are using today in the context of question about Gibraltar.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114978240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.2
A. Martynov
The article shows the dynamics of changes in the dominant social values in the European Union and the impact of this trend on the peculiarities of political processes. The pandemic has accelerated the process of crystallization of liberal-democratic and authoritarian models of modern global capitalism. Social changes provoke a conflict of values. Socialist, liberal and conservative parties are losing credibility. The situation is being used by populists. The historical period of uncertainty disorients public opinion. The crisis of traditional liberal-democratic values creates an ideological vacuum. The manifestation of this trend is a change under the influence of changing social stratification of socio-political identities of individuals and societies. The post-industrial European information society is creating a shortage of traditional ideas about work and Christian morality. This process destroys trade union and social democratic political practices. The dominant information socio-political sphere is characterized by the blurring of the criteria of truthfulness and falsity of information. Gone is the idea of a rational, well-informed voter capable of making a conscious political choice in favor of one’s own and the public’s interests. The article shows the correlation between the change of values and the political culture of Western, Eastern, Southern and Northern Europe. The choice in favor of a “green economy” stimulates a change in social values and everyday practices of human behavior. The pandemic created a crisis of power legitimacy. Quarantine “shutdowns” of the economy creates a crisis of administrative rationality. The consequence of these trends is a crisis of motivation of government and society due to stressful overload of competing values. The conclusions prove that value differentiation in the European Union is a consequence of the peculiarities of the development of national history. These trends are evident during the intergovernmental conference on the future of the European Union. Uncertainty about the European Union’s development strategy freezes the EU’s enlargement process. The realization of the tendency to harmonize different values is hypothetical.
{"title":"VALUE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: HISTORICAL PREREQUISITES AND TRENDS","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows the dynamics of changes in the dominant social values in the European Union and the impact of this trend on the peculiarities of political processes. The pandemic has accelerated the process of crystallization of liberal-democratic and authoritarian models of modern global capitalism. Social changes provoke a conflict of values. Socialist, liberal and conservative parties are losing credibility. The situation is being used by populists. The historical period of uncertainty disorients public opinion. The crisis of traditional liberal-democratic values creates an ideological vacuum. The manifestation of this trend is a change under the influence of changing social stratification of socio-political identities of individuals and societies. The post-industrial European information society is creating a shortage of traditional ideas about work and Christian morality. This process destroys trade union and social democratic political practices. The dominant information socio-political sphere is characterized by the blurring of the criteria of truthfulness and falsity of information. Gone is the idea of a rational, well-informed voter capable of making a conscious political choice in favor of one’s own and the public’s interests. The article shows the correlation between the change of values and the political culture of Western, Eastern, Southern and Northern Europe. The choice in favor of a “green economy” stimulates a change in social values and everyday practices of human behavior. The pandemic created a crisis of power legitimacy. Quarantine “shutdowns” of the economy creates a crisis of administrative rationality. The consequence of these trends is a crisis of motivation of government and society due to stressful overload of competing values. The conclusions prove that value differentiation in the European Union is a consequence of the peculiarities of the development of national history. These trends are evident during the intergovernmental conference on the future of the European Union. Uncertainty about the European Union’s development strategy freezes the EU’s enlargement process. The realization of the tendency to harmonize different values is hypothetical.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115132193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.58-72
N. Gorodnia
This paper is intended to describe and discuss the major concepts of global history, and to elucidate connections between global history, world history, and globalization. The research reveals that global history is a field of study and a methodology of historical research. These two concepts supplement each other. As a field of study global history is understood in two ways – a form of world history, based on some methodological principles, and a history of globalization. Global history appeared in 1980-1990s as a reaction on globalization, and it was influenced by its different concepts. Debates on globalization impacted world history, its themes and methods of research. Those world historians, who accepted the «global turn», began to practice global history. For the reason, the terms «global history» and «(new) world history» may be used as synonyms. A part of historians understand global history as a history of globalization. However, this definition is disputable because of numerous concepts of globalization and the absence of consensus on the issues. As a methodology global history consolidates different approaches, such as world systems theory, postcolonial history, transnational history, subaltern history, imperial history, and others. They share similar principles that include a rejection of Eurocentrism, an understanding of the past as an integrated unit, interdisciplinary approach, and a focus on connections, interactions and mutual influences that transcend borders (national, cultural, and others). Global history prefers some specific research topics that are trans-national and trans-cultural in nature, because in these cases it has the strongest explanatory power. However, as a methodology it can be applied to different scales of human experience, including events and processes at local, national, and regional levels by studying them from a wider, global perspective.
{"title":"Global history, world history and globalization","authors":"N. Gorodnia","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.58-72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.58-72","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is intended to describe and discuss the major concepts of global history, and to elucidate connections between global history, world history, and globalization. The research reveals that global history is a field of study and a methodology of historical research. These two concepts supplement each other. As a field of study global history is understood in two ways – a form of world history, based on some methodological principles, and a history of globalization. Global history appeared in 1980-1990s as a reaction on globalization, and it was influenced by its different concepts. Debates on globalization impacted world history, its themes and methods of research. Those world historians, who accepted the «global turn», began to practice global history. For the reason, the terms «global history» and «(new) world history» may be used as synonyms. A part of historians understand global history as a history of globalization. However, this definition is disputable because of numerous concepts of globalization and the absence of consensus on the issues. As a methodology global history consolidates different approaches, such as world systems theory, postcolonial history, transnational history, subaltern history, imperial history, and others. They share similar principles that include a rejection of Eurocentrism, an understanding of the past as an integrated unit, interdisciplinary approach, and a focus on connections, interactions and mutual influences that transcend borders (national, cultural, and others). Global history prefers\u0000some specific research topics that are trans-national and trans-cultural in nature, because in these cases it has the strongest explanatory power. However, as a methodology it can be applied to different scales of human experience, including events and processes at local, national, and regional levels by studying them from a wider, global perspective.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"136 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116723412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.1
Z. Svyaschenko
The article examines the processes of European integration during the «Cold War» period and analyzes the position of the USSR regarding European integration processes in Western Europe. It is noted that the political leadership of the USSR interpreted the process of European integration as part of the political and economic struggle of «world and European imperialism» with socialist countries. It is emphasized that at the initial stage of European integration, many of its supporters were against the participation of the USSR in European economic integration, not to mention political integration, which was impossible in principle. Insignificant economic relations between the European Communities with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries took place during the period of «detente». They were determined not only by political considerations, but also by economic factors. It is noted that the attitude of the European Community to the Council of Economic Mutual Assistance (CEC) was also negative. The community did not see the latter as a necessary trading partner. The Soviet Union, in its turn, directed its main efforts to the development of trade and economic cooperation with the socialist countries that were part of the REV. At the same time, the USSR did not pay attention to the economic successes of the EU, calling them temporary. It was concluded that the USSR negatively evaluated the European integration processes, especially during the first twenty years. But the successes of Western European integration, the creation of integration organizations in many regions of the world, which took an example from the European Union, forced the Soviet leadership to change its position and also urgently engage in its own integration projects, such as the establishment of the Council for Economic Mutual Assistance (CMEA). Despite all the efforts of the Soviet leadership, CMEA could not become the core of integration in its true sense, because at the very beginning of the association’s existence, such key principles of integration processes as voluntariness and equality were grossly violated.
{"title":"European integration during the «Сold War» period and the position of the USSR","authors":"Z. Svyaschenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the processes of European integration during the «Cold War» period and analyzes the position of the USSR regarding European integration processes in Western Europe. It is noted that the political leadership of the USSR interpreted the process of European integration as part of the political and economic struggle of «world and European imperialism» with socialist countries. It is emphasized that at the initial stage of European integration, many of its supporters were against the participation of the USSR in European economic integration, not to mention political integration, which was impossible in principle. Insignificant economic relations between the European Communities with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries took place during the period of «detente». They were determined not only by political considerations, but also by economic factors. It is noted that the attitude of the European Community to the Council of Economic Mutual Assistance (CEC) was also negative. The community did not see the latter as a necessary trading partner. The Soviet Union, in its turn, directed its main efforts to the development of trade and economic cooperation with the socialist countries that were part of the REV. At the same time, the USSR did not pay attention to the economic successes of the EU, calling them temporary. It was concluded that the USSR negatively evaluated the European integration processes, especially during the first twenty years. But the successes of Western European integration, the creation of integration organizations in many regions of the world, which took an example from the European Union, forced the Soviet leadership to change its position and also urgently engage in its own integration projects, such as the establishment of the Council for Economic Mutual Assistance (CMEA). Despite all the efforts of the Soviet leadership, CMEA could not become the core of integration in its true sense, because at the very beginning of the association’s existence, such key principles of integration processes as voluntariness and equality were grossly violated.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121452898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.5
O. Ivanov, Danylo Matviienko
Based on the analysis of published sources, and the research of German, Soviet and Russian historians, the reasons and preconditions that led to the remilitarization of West Germany are clarified. Moreover, the authors also aim to highlight the processes of preparation and political decision-making, as well as the role of historical figures who influenced the construction of the West German army and directly participated in this process. Where as this problem has not been the subject of special analysis in Ukrainian historiography yet, this to some extent determines the scientific novelty of this article. The authors pay special attention to the factors that influenced on the creation of the West German army, namely the internal political circumstances: the split of Germany and the need to build a new sovereign West German state, increasing military power in East Germany. External factors included the development of the Cold War in the world, one of the objects of which was post-war Germany, as well as the beginning of the Korean War, which caused a violation of the balance of military power in Europe. As a result of theresearch, the authors came to the conclusion that the decisive factor in the creation of the West German armed forces were international factors. This is confirmed by the fact that at international meetings of representatives of the United States, Great Britain and France, as well as during bilateral dialogues between the West German and American leadership, the issue of remilitarization of Germany was constantly in the spotlight. After all, without information of the US militar administration, which was then in Germany, it would be impossible to begin conceptual and legislative support for the construction of the army, conscription, development of strategic and tactical plans for its use.
{"title":"PREREQUISITES AND REASONS FOR THE REMILITARIZATION OF GERMANY AND THE FORMATION OF THE BUNDESWER (1949–1957)","authors":"O. Ivanov, Danylo Matviienko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.5","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the analysis of published sources, and the research of German, Soviet and Russian historians, the reasons and preconditions that led to the remilitarization of West Germany are clarified. Moreover, the authors also aim to highlight the processes of preparation and political decision-making, as well as the role of historical figures who influenced the construction of the West German army and directly participated in this process. Where as this problem has not been the subject of special analysis in Ukrainian historiography yet, this to some extent determines the scientific novelty of this article. The authors pay special attention to the factors that influenced on the creation of the West German army, namely the internal political circumstances: the split of Germany and the need to build a new sovereign West German state, increasing military power in East Germany. External factors included the development of the Cold War in the world, one of the objects of which was post-war Germany, as well as the beginning of the Korean War, which caused a violation of the balance of military power in Europe. As a result of theresearch, the authors came to the conclusion that the decisive factor in the creation of the West German armed forces were international factors. This is confirmed by the fact that at international meetings of representatives of the United States, Great Britain and France, as well as during bilateral dialogues between the West German and American leadership, the issue of remilitarization of Germany was constantly in the spotlight. After all, without information of the US militar administration, which was then in Germany, it would be impossible to begin conceptual and legislative support for the construction of the army, conscription, development of strategic and tactical plans for its use.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123549642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3
Hanna Melnyk
The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.
{"title":"LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND 2014–2022","authors":"Hanna Melnyk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131088579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232
Іhor Sribniak, Anna Khlebina
The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving. Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.
{"title":"Everydays Life of the Interned Ukrainian Soldiers in the Libereс Camp (Czechoslovakia): Endeavour of Visualization (by Materials of the Central State Archives of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine and Slavonic Library in Prague)","authors":"Іhor Sribniak, Anna Khlebina","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232","url":null,"abstract":"The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving.\u0000\u0000Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia.\u0000\u0000At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127968288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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