Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5
Yurii Latysh
The article considers the attitude of left public intellectuals to the Russian-Ukrainian war. A brief analysis of the concept of “public intellectual”, the roles and functions of intellectuals in society is made. Based on the study of public speeches of famous philosophers and influential intellectuals Noam Chomsky (USA) and Jürgen Habermas (Germany), their views on the causes and possibilities of ending the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the circumstances of their reproduction of individual Russian narratives, were analyzed. The conclusions show that Noam Chomsky and Jürgen Habermas see the role of the public intellectual in the position of a critical dissident. They have traumatic memories of World War II, using of nuclear weapons, and the Cold War. Therefore, they seek to avoid a recurrence of these events. Chomsky wants to keep the chance for Europe as a “third power” between the United States and Russia and for the space of security from the Atlantic to Vladivostok. Habermas seeks to preserve the post-national and post-heroic mentality of the Germans as a guarantee of the revival of German militarism, which led to two world wars. Chomsky focuses on the problems of the global world order (and because of this he is ready to sacrifice Ukraine to the idea of a single European security space). Habermas is primarily concerned with internal German issues and fears the influence of an overly national Ukraine. He supports the Social Democrats and the moderate policies of Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Ukraine is not in the center of their attention, although they have sympathy for Ukraine. Russia abuses the fears of intellectuals, especially of a nuclear war. But they cannot be branded as agents of the Kremlin. We need to look for arguments for these authoritative and wise people how to make Ukraine interesting for them.
{"title":"WHY DON’T LEFT PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS UNDERSTAND UKRAINE? (CASES OF NOAM CHOMSKY AND JÜRGEN HABERMAS)","authors":"Yurii Latysh","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the attitude of left public intellectuals to the Russian-Ukrainian war. A brief analysis of the concept of “public intellectual”, the roles and functions of intellectuals in society is made. Based on the study of public speeches of famous philosophers and influential intellectuals Noam Chomsky (USA) and Jürgen Habermas (Germany), their views on the causes and possibilities of ending the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the circumstances of their reproduction of individual Russian narratives, were analyzed. The conclusions show that Noam Chomsky and Jürgen Habermas see the role of the public intellectual in the position of a critical dissident. They have traumatic memories of World War II, using of nuclear weapons, and the Cold War. Therefore, they seek to avoid a recurrence of these events. Chomsky wants to keep the chance for Europe as a “third power” between the United States and Russia and for the space of security from the Atlantic to Vladivostok. Habermas seeks to preserve the post-national and post-heroic mentality of the Germans as a guarantee of the revival of German militarism, which led to two world wars. Chomsky focuses on the problems of the global world order (and because of this he is ready to sacrifice Ukraine to the idea of a single European security space). Habermas is primarily concerned with internal German issues and fears the influence of an overly national Ukraine. He supports the Social Democrats and the moderate policies of Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Ukraine is not in the center of their attention, although they have sympathy for Ukraine. Russia abuses the fears of intellectuals, especially of a nuclear war. But they cannot be branded as agents of the Kremlin. We need to look for arguments for these authoritative and wise people how to make Ukraine interesting for them.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127150023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.31-42
I. Tykhonenko
The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations. In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.
{"title":"Evolution of the multilateral cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the European Union: from political to values dimension","authors":"I. Tykhonenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.31-42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.31-42","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations.\u0000\u0000In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114491988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.121-140
A. Chalyi, O. Ivanov
XVII-XVIII centuries determined by further European inclination into the Eastern countries affair`s. Due to old custom and to enlarge European understanding of the East, a lot of travelers made their own accounts about nearly everything the saw. But usually they didn`t understand the language, didn’t realize peculiarities of social order and receive information from only one source and moreover analyzed issues they had through the prism of European-based consciousness, that had created specific and inaccurate image of the East. During the Enlightenment such descriptions were used to create a civilization theory which stated about principal distinction between East and West. In popular form this theory is known as «oriental despotism», and had been postulated by one of the most popular French philosopher – Charles Louis de Montesquieu in his works «The Spirit of Laws» and «Persian letters». This concept consists of three elements: absolute monarchy, which is not restrained by any means, law or society, ability of state to confiscate property of its own citizen and therefore absence of private property at all, and absence of codified law. In not so distant future such an ideas were implicitly rooted in the theoretical background of full-scale political and military expansion of European countries, that ruined Asian states or limited their sovereignty made them almost a colonies. Nevertheless there was one man who stood against such theories – Abraham Anquetile-Duperron (1734-1805), profound French scholar, linguist, adventurer and due to his time – participant of French-Britain rivalry in India, who is now remarkably known for efforts to translate and edit Avesta, and thereafter being totally obstructed by his fellow-scholars, and now widely recognized as one of the finding father of French oriental studies and oriental studies generally. In his not so acclaimed work «Eastern legislation» (1778) he argued that so called «oriental despotism» has never existed, its element were based on false, incomplete assumptions, mechanistic extrapolation of European realities on the improper civil situation, banal exaggerations which had been made by previous travelers. Taking Ottoman empire, Persia and India (Moghul Empire) Duperron offer his own interpretation of the same facts, which were described by others. He stated, that in each of this countries have codified laws, which regulate all kinds of social activities, there is private property, that could be bought and sold and inherited by both male and female, and could be confiscated only as a penal punishment. All economical interactions are based on written agreements and religion is not as sufficient as his predecessors described. Monarch and other officials are being restrained by the system of rules which control each their step or decision, moreover their power depends on public recognition and charisma, which means in case they lose it, they lose their position as well and society have divine right to
{"title":"In View of European: Vision of the East in Abraham Anquetil-Duperron`s «Oriental Legislation»","authors":"A. Chalyi, O. Ivanov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.121-140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.121-140","url":null,"abstract":"XVII-XVIII centuries determined by further European inclination into the Eastern countries affair`s. Due to old custom and to enlarge European understanding of the East, a lot of travelers made their own accounts about nearly everything the saw. But usually they didn`t understand the language, didn’t realize peculiarities of social order and receive information from only one source and moreover analyzed issues they had through the prism of European-based consciousness, that had created specific and inaccurate image of the East. During the Enlightenment such descriptions were used to create a civilization theory which stated about principal distinction between East and West. In popular form this theory is known as «oriental despotism», and had been postulated by one of the most popular French philosopher – Charles Louis de Montesquieu in his works «The Spirit of Laws» and «Persian letters». This concept consists of three elements: absolute monarchy, which is not restrained by any means, law or society, ability of state to confiscate property of its own citizen and therefore absence of private property at all, and absence of codified law. In not so distant future such an ideas were implicitly rooted in the theoretical background of full-scale political and military expansion of European countries, that ruined Asian states or limited their sovereignty made them almost a colonies. Nevertheless there was one man who stood against such theories – Abraham Anquetile-Duperron (1734-1805), profound French scholar, linguist, adventurer and due to his time – participant of French-Britain rivalry in India, who is now remarkably known for efforts to translate and edit Avesta, and thereafter being totally obstructed by his fellow-scholars, and now widely recognized as one of the finding father of French oriental studies and oriental studies generally. In his not so acclaimed work «Eastern legislation» (1778) he argued that so called «oriental despotism» has never existed, its element were based on false, incomplete assumptions, mechanistic extrapolation of European realities on the improper civil situation, banal exaggerations which had been made by previous travelers. Taking Ottoman empire, Persia and India (Moghul Empire) Duperron offer his own interpretation of the same facts, which were described by others. He stated, that in each of this countries have codified laws, which regulate all kinds of social activities, there is private property, that could be bought and sold and inherited by both male and female, and could be confiscated only as a penal punishment. All economical interactions are based on written agreements and religion is not as sufficient as his predecessors described. Monarch and other officials are being restrained by the system of rules which control each their step or decision, moreover their power depends on public recognition and charisma, which means in case they lose it, they lose their position as well and society have divine right to","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123492649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.48-76
A. Martynov
The purpose of the article is to highlight the structure of the historical process of European integration. Historical phenomenon of the process of European integration is considered as a historiosophical example of unevenness and not the linearity of development. The Great French Revolution set two opposite trends: the development of sovereign national powers while simultaneously spreading universal cosmopolitan ideas. Two world wars weakened Europe’s influence on world history. The idea of “Eurocentrism” turned to the background. The process of European integration has recreated Europe’s influence on the world-historical process. An interdisciplinary methodological approach to the study of European integration considers it an anonymous socio-historical process. The history of Europe demonstrates the various stages of the development of a liberal rational-market project, which is an integral result of the interaction of different social interests. An alternative is the project of ideocratic, focused on the priority of democratic values, human rights, which are the foundation of European modern civilization. The history of European integration of 1957-1990 was a process of overcoming the ideological split of the continent to the East and West in the Cold War. The Maastricht Treaty actually became a watershed in the transition to a postmodern model of European integration. The experience of developing the European integration process has fixed the following main integration-political strategies: federative community; linear expansion and cooperation of the Union of European Peoples; dual strategy: expansion and deepening of integration; d) flexibility and differentiation of “Europe of Nations”; creation of an integration core of Europe and a strategy of many speeds in the process of European integration, (g) intergovernmental cooperation strategy, sectoral integration, (i) the Directorate of the great powers, Europe of flexible geography, or concentric circles. Therefore, from the point of view of the historical process, the crisis of European integration is structural rather than systemic.
{"title":"The Process of European Integration as Historical Phenomena","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.48-76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.48-76","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to highlight the structure of the historical process of European integration. Historical phenomenon of the process of European integration is considered as a historiosophical example of unevenness and not the linearity of development. The Great French Revolution set two opposite trends: the development of sovereign national powers while simultaneously spreading universal cosmopolitan ideas. Two world wars weakened Europe’s influence on world history. The idea of “Eurocentrism” turned to the background. The process of European integration has recreated Europe’s influence on the world-historical process. An interdisciplinary methodological approach to the study of European integration considers it an anonymous socio-historical process. The history of Europe demonstrates the various stages of the development of a liberal rational-market project, which is an integral result of the interaction of different social interests. An alternative is the project of ideocratic, focused on the priority of democratic values, human rights, which are the foundation of European modern civilization. The history of European integration of 1957-1990 was a process of overcoming the ideological split of the continent to the East and West in the Cold War. The Maastricht Treaty actually became a watershed in the transition to a postmodern model of European integration. The experience of developing the European integration process has fixed the following main integration-political strategies: federative community; linear expansion and cooperation of the Union of European Peoples; dual strategy: expansion and deepening of integration; d) flexibility and differentiation of “Europe of Nations”; creation of an integration core of Europe and a strategy of many speeds in the process of European integration, (g) intergovernmental cooperation strategy, sectoral integration, (i) the Directorate of the great powers, Europe of flexible geography, or concentric circles. Therefore, from the point of view of the historical process, the crisis of European integration is structural rather than systemic.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130224568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4
N. Gorodnia, V. Zatsepilo
This article intends to highlight the Wilson administration’s position on the Russian Bolshevik government and the development of a new U.S. policy toward Russia from November 1917, the time of the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, to March 1918, when Soviet Russia ratified the separate Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with the Quadruple Alliance. During November 1917 – February 1918, the Wilson administration’s position on the Bolshevik government in Petrograd remained uncertain. On the one hand, the United States did not recognize this government, the Council of People’s Commissars, and was trying to find out the ability of Russian anti-Bolshevik groups to overthrow it. On the other hand, the American government wanted to establish informal contacts and cooperation with the Petrograd government to prevent Russia’s withdrawal from the war and the collapse of the Eastern Front. In addition, it was necessary to prevent the Germans from obtaining military supplies from warehouses in the Russian Far East. To protect them, the Allies discussed the possibility of military intervention and encouraged the United States to take part in it. The American government rejected this possibility, primarily because of the predicted negative perception of it by the people of Russia. The U.S. also opposed Japanese intervention because believed that under the guise of common allied goals, Japan would pursue its interests in Russia, including territorial expansion. The change in the position of the Wilson administration regarding the Japanese intervention became apparent in early March 1918. Woodrow Wilson withdrew his objections to the Japanese intervention in the Russian Far East only after it became obvious that Japan would carry it out anyway. The authority for such an intervention, given to Japan by the Allies, created certain requirements and restrictions on Japanese actions, which were in Russia’s interests. The shift in the U.S. position was also caused by the signing of a separate peace with the Quadruple Alliance by the Russian Bolshevik government. After that, the President stated that the U. S. did not recognize this government even de facto, and therefore the peace treaty signed by it. However, despite the negative attitude to the Bolshevik government, W. Wilson continued to treat Russia as an ally and tried to avoid decisions that did not meet the interests of Russia’s people.
{"title":"Development of the W. Wilson administration’s position on Bolshevik Russia (november 1917 – march 1918)","authors":"N. Gorodnia, V. Zatsepilo","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article intends to highlight the Wilson administration’s position on the Russian Bolshevik government and the development of a new U.S. policy toward Russia from November 1917, the time of the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, to March 1918, when Soviet Russia ratified the separate Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with the Quadruple Alliance. During November 1917 – February 1918, the Wilson administration’s position on the Bolshevik government in Petrograd remained uncertain. On the one hand, the United States did not recognize this government, the Council of People’s Commissars, and was trying to find out the ability of Russian anti-Bolshevik groups to overthrow it. On the other hand, the American government wanted to establish informal contacts and cooperation with the Petrograd government to prevent Russia’s withdrawal from the war and the collapse of the Eastern Front. In addition, it was necessary to prevent the Germans from obtaining military supplies from warehouses in the Russian Far East. To protect them, the Allies discussed the possibility of military intervention and encouraged the United States to take part in it. The American government rejected this possibility, primarily because of the predicted negative perception of it by the people of Russia. The U.S. also opposed Japanese intervention because believed that under the guise of common allied goals, Japan would pursue its interests in Russia, including territorial expansion. The change in the position of the Wilson administration regarding the Japanese intervention became apparent in early March 1918. Woodrow Wilson withdrew his objections to the Japanese intervention in the Russian Far East only after it became obvious that Japan would carry it out anyway. The authority for such an intervention, given to Japan by the Allies, created certain requirements and restrictions on Japanese actions, which were in Russia’s interests. The shift in the U.S. position was also caused by the signing of a separate peace with the Quadruple Alliance by the Russian Bolshevik government. After that, the President stated that the U. S. did not recognize this government even de facto, and therefore the peace treaty signed by it. However, despite the negative attitude to the Bolshevik government, W. Wilson continued to treat Russia as an ally and tried to avoid decisions that did not meet the interests of Russia’s people.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127957498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4
Oleh Mashevskyi
The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
{"title":"NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP","authors":"Oleh Mashevskyi","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121995831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100
L. Zhvanko
The article analyzes the most recent challenge of the 21st century. – a steady increase in the number of displaced persons. The author first analyzed the “modification” of the causes of their appearance during the XX – XXI centuries from the classic – two world wars to the new – environmental and man-made disasters. It is proved that this problem belongs to the global problems of mankind, and therefore requires a search for the highest-level solution to the UN resolutions. Because it is impossible to overcome at least today, the community has embarked on a path of control and regulation, for which the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty were adopted in 2018 at the UN level. The author concludes that the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty are, in fact, the first step in the efforts of at least the first attempts to resolve the case, but their declarative nature casts doubt on the possibility of solving this global problem. The problem of internally displaced persons in Ukraine, the emergence of which was the result of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine and the inability at present to join our state to implement the provisions of the above documents, was stressed separately.
{"title":"UN international legal instruments in the context of solving the global problem of refugees and migrants","authors":"L. Zhvanko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the most recent challenge of the 21st century. – a steady increase in the number of displaced persons. The author first analyzed the “modification” of the causes of their appearance during the XX – XXI centuries from the classic – two world wars to the new – environmental and man-made disasters. It is proved that this problem belongs to the global problems of mankind, and therefore requires a search for the highest-level solution to the UN resolutions. Because it is impossible to overcome at least today, the community has embarked on a path of control and regulation, for which the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty were adopted in 2018 at the UN level. The author concludes that the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty are, in fact, the first step in the efforts of at least the first attempts to resolve the case, but their declarative nature casts doubt on the possibility of solving this global problem. The problem of internally displaced persons in Ukraine, the emergence of which was the result of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine and the inability at present to join our state to implement the provisions of the above documents, was stressed separately.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126382637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13
I. Sribnyak, M. Paliienko
The article analyses the last period of life and activity of the head of the Separate Corps of Border Guards General O. Pylkevych during the internment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in camps in Poland (1921–1922). Being in various command positions, O. Pylkevych always remained true to himself and his own principles – in relation to subordinates he was consistently demanding and unyielding, while adhering to the requirements of military statutes. O. Pylkevych believed that one of the basic requirements during military service is the discipline of officers and Cossacks, their observance of subordination, their conscientious execution of all orders of direct commanders and senior military commanders. It is necessary to emphasize the sincere patriotism of O. Pylkevych and his complete devotion to the ideas of the UPR – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. But the general did not always have enough tact and diplomacy in communicating with certain representatives of the Polish military authorities in the camps, and his excessive categoricalness sometimes caused disapproval among some of the top officials of the UPR Army. As a result of O. Pylkevych’s inability to build business relations with the Polish camp authorities, he was twice removed from the post of head of the internee groups in Lancut. At the same time, it is necessary to emphasize the expressive patriotism of O. Pylkevych – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army in the camps, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Throughout his stay in the camps, O. Pylkevych was an example of conscientious performance of military duty, subordinating his life to the interests of the interned Ukrainian army.
{"title":"General of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Oleksandr Pylkevych (“camp” period of life and activity in Poland, 1921-1922)","authors":"I. Sribnyak, M. Paliienko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the last period of life and activity of the head of the Separate Corps of Border Guards General O. Pylkevych during the internment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in camps in Poland (1921–1922). Being in various command positions, O. Pylkevych always remained true to himself and his own principles – in relation to subordinates he was consistently demanding and unyielding, while adhering to the requirements of military statutes. O. Pylkevych believed that one of the basic requirements during military service is the discipline of officers and Cossacks, their observance of subordination, their conscientious execution of all orders of direct commanders and senior military commanders.\u0000It is necessary to emphasize the sincere patriotism of O. Pylkevych and his complete devotion to the ideas of the UPR – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. But the general did not always have enough tact and diplomacy in communicating with certain representatives of the Polish military authorities in the camps, and his excessive categoricalness sometimes caused disapproval among some of the top officials of the UPR Army. As a result of O. Pylkevych’s inability to build business relations with the Polish camp authorities, he was twice removed from the post of head of the internee groups in Lancut.\u0000At the same time, it is necessary to emphasize the expressive patriotism of O. Pylkevych – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army in the camps, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Throughout his stay in the camps, O. Pylkevych was an example of conscientious performance of military duty, subordinating his life to the interests of the interned Ukrainian army.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131656631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11
O. Prysiazhniuk
The history of English antiquarianism is particular importance in the study of the process of formation of national identity and the preservation of national heritage. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the corpus of historiographical works on the problems of history and historiography of English antiques, to define the role of the Society of Antiquaries of London in the formation of British identity and patriotism. Scientific tasks of the article are to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the historiographic works on the problems of the origin and formation of the English tradition of antiquity and antiquities, to outline the main stages of the formation of the oldest society of antiques. The novelty and degree of development follows from the fact that today in Ukrainian historical science there are no generalizing works on the history and historiography of English antiquaries and the London Society of Antiquaries. However, there is a corpus of historiographical works on the individual components of this complex problem. The antiquarian classes of the eighteenth century cannot be dismissed as unconvincing dilettantism, detached from modern life, or confronting the spirit of the Enlightenment. Antiquarianism was of great importance, both in practical and cultural life in Britain. It embodied the nostalgia of years past for those who feared the coming changes, but equally it could serve as an illustration of the past, demonstrating the progress of the present and the unquestionable superiority of the modern century over the backwardness of past times. At the same time, antiquaries made a clear contribution to the formation of British identity and famous English patriotism. Their merits in the field of culture and the arts are also difficult to overestimate: they contributed to the development of the printing business, the art of book design, and infected their enthusiasm with artists, painters, engravers who, through them, became passionate fans of the medieval past of Britain.
{"title":"English antiques in the historiographical tradition","authors":"O. Prysiazhniuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11","url":null,"abstract":"The history of English antiquarianism is particular importance in the study of the process of formation of national identity and the preservation of national heritage. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the corpus of historiographical works on the problems of history and historiography of English antiques, to define the role of the Society of Antiquaries of London in the formation of British identity and patriotism. Scientific tasks of the article are to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the historiographic works on the problems of the origin and formation of the English tradition of antiquity and antiquities, to outline the main stages of the formation of the oldest society of antiques.\u0000The novelty and degree of development follows from the fact that today in Ukrainian historical science there are no generalizing works on the history and historiography of English antiquaries and the London Society of Antiquaries. However, there is a corpus of historiographical works on the individual components of this complex problem.\u0000The antiquarian classes of the eighteenth century cannot be dismissed as unconvincing dilettantism, detached from modern life, or confronting the spirit of the Enlightenment. Antiquarianism was of great importance, both in practical and cultural life in Britain. It embodied the nostalgia of years past for those who feared the coming changes, but equally it could serve as an illustration of the past, demonstrating the progress of the present and the unquestionable superiority of the modern century over the backwardness of past times. At the same time, antiquaries made a clear contribution to the formation of British identity and famous English patriotism. Their merits in the field of culture and the arts are also difficult to overestimate: they contributed to the development of the printing business, the art of book design, and infected their enthusiasm with artists, painters, engravers who, through them, became passionate fans of the medieval past of Britain.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"214 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132494018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1
Maxym Herasymenko
To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.
{"title":"CURRENT STATE OF COOPERATION BETWEEN MOLDOVA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION","authors":"Maxym Herasymenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1","url":null,"abstract":"To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130258317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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