Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232
Іhor Sribniak, Anna Khlebina
The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving. Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.
{"title":"Everydays Life of the Interned Ukrainian Soldiers in the Libereс Camp (Czechoslovakia): Endeavour of Visualization (by Materials of the Central State Archives of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine and Slavonic Library in Prague)","authors":"Іhor Sribniak, Anna Khlebina","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232","url":null,"abstract":"The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving.\u0000\u0000Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia.\u0000\u0000At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127968288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7
Serhii Sаrаnоv
The presented article discusses the general characteristics of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament» of Cardinal Richelieu. The «Political testament» reflects the key issues of the state development of France of the 30-40 s. XVII century. The scale of the questions covered and problems, the level of theoretical understanding of the actual material gives this work special significance. Not studied for a long time at a complex level, quoted selectively and template, the «political will» today receives proper coverage in the works of representatives of French historiography. Of particular importance is the consideration of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament». When characterizing the methodological foundations of the presented article, the author defines the category of «peace» as including all aspects of the development of religion (ideology) and political means of achieving political goals that are not related to the war. The category of “peace” in the interpretation of the author also acts as a common views on the state and law. Thus, the category of «peace» is considered in a wider angle. Based on the proposed definition, the author traces the possibilities of its application as part of the analysis of the text of the «Political testament». When assessing the content side of the «peace» category, the degree of ratio of moral aspects in it with the problems of achieving a political goal, the need to also take into account elements of general historiographic discussions regarding the key aspects of the “peace” category in the “Political testament”. The difference between Richelieu and Machiavelli is, from the author’s point of view, one of the key aspects that allow us to understand at the methodological level the cardinal’s interpretation of the category of “peace” in full. The positions of modern French historiography of the researched question are also analyzed. The author concludes that when analyzing the category of «peace» in the «Political testament», the cardinal’s negative attitude towards militarism in “pure form” becomes obvious. Richelieu’s goal was to create an «ideal», closed and not accessible for external and internal hostile influences of the political space embodied in the state, withdrawn from the «reasonable policy of the mind». In the light of this, it retains the cognitive character and methodological significance in the analysis of the «peace» category model of the three -term characteristics of Richelieu, the French historian Rolan Munier, which allows him to see him as «prelates», «noble» and «man» of King Louis XIII. This model also allows us to outline further prospects for the study of the problems of the «peace» category in the «Political testament», taking into account the considerations expressed by the author.
{"title":"THE CATEGORY OF «PEACE» IN RICHELIEU’S «POLITICAL TESTAMENT»: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS","authors":"Serhii Sаrаnоv","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7","url":null,"abstract":"The presented article discusses the general characteristics of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament» of Cardinal Richelieu. The «Political testament» reflects the key issues of the state development of France of the 30-40 s. XVII century. The scale of the questions covered and problems, the level of theoretical understanding of the actual material gives this work special significance. Not studied for a long time at a complex level, quoted selectively and template, the «political will» today receives proper coverage in the works of representatives of French historiography. Of particular importance is the consideration of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament». When characterizing the methodological foundations of the presented article, the author defines the category of «peace» as including all aspects of the development of religion (ideology) and political means of achieving political goals that are not related to the war. The category of “peace” in the interpretation of the author also acts as a common views on the state and law. Thus, the category of «peace» is considered in a wider angle. Based on the proposed definition, the author traces the possibilities of its application as part of the analysis of the text of the «Political testament». When assessing the content side of the «peace» category, the degree of ratio of moral aspects in it with the problems of achieving a political goal, the need to also take into account elements of general historiographic discussions regarding the key aspects of the “peace” category in the “Political testament”. The difference between Richelieu and Machiavelli is, from the author’s point of view, one of the key aspects that allow us to understand at the methodological level the cardinal’s interpretation of the category of “peace” in full. The positions of modern French historiography of the researched question are also analyzed. The author concludes that when analyzing the category of «peace» in the «Political testament», the cardinal’s negative attitude towards militarism in “pure form” becomes obvious. Richelieu’s goal was to create an «ideal», closed and not accessible for external and internal hostile influences of the political space embodied in the state, withdrawn from the «reasonable policy of the mind». In the light of this, it retains the cognitive character and methodological significance in the analysis of the «peace» category model of the three -term characteristics of Richelieu, the French historian Rolan Munier, which allows him to see him as «prelates», «noble» and «man» of King Louis XIII. This model also allows us to outline further prospects for the study of the problems of the «peace» category in the «Political testament», taking into account the considerations expressed by the author.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133726540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3
Hanna Melnyk
The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.
{"title":"LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND 2014–2022","authors":"Hanna Melnyk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131088579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100
V. Yakuba
The article considers the European integration of Ukraine as its important strategic foreign policy priority. This is an even more urgent task, since Russia’s unfolding hybrid war against Ukraine has already led to the widespread use of armed forces, violation of the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of a sovereign state, the erosion of its will regarding its own civilized choice. The increase in the volume and intensity of aggressive actions against Ukraine is being advanced by Russia to the practice of state terrorism. The ideological sabotage that preceded and followed Russia’s armed aggression was aimed at discrediting the state system of Ukraine and weakening its central government control, creating problems for the security and economic sectors of our state, and legitimizing the separatist movement of the southeastern Ukraine in the eyes of the international community. In the unstable hybrid war, the policy of historical memory is one of the central places. Practice shows that in the information field of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation with the policy of memory there is far not all historical knowledge, but the most valuable, meaningful, productive, suitable for the creative life-support of the nation. In this sense, historical memory should be considered as a kind of intellectual and psychological equipment of the spiritual immunity of a national community or an individual as a necessary (though not sufficient!) Matrix-sieve, which serves to sift the flow of historical events, phenomena and facts. An analysis of the formation of the pro-European identity of Ukraine in the context of the events of the last four years (Crimean annexation, Russian hybrid warfare, European integration course) has been analyzed. It was concluded that just after the events of EuroMaydan, Ukraine had an incentive to more consciously identify itself with the European community.
{"title":"European Integration of Ukraine in the Context of Geopolitical Contrasting «Russia-West»","authors":"V. Yakuba","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the European integration of Ukraine as its important strategic foreign policy priority. This is an even more urgent task, since Russia’s unfolding hybrid war against Ukraine has already led to the widespread use of armed forces, violation of the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of a sovereign state, the erosion of its will regarding its own civilized choice. The increase in the volume and intensity of aggressive actions against Ukraine is being advanced by Russia to the practice of state terrorism. The ideological sabotage that preceded and followed Russia’s armed aggression was aimed at discrediting the state system of Ukraine and weakening its central government control, creating problems for the security and economic sectors of our state, and legitimizing the separatist movement of the southeastern Ukraine in the eyes of the international community. In the unstable hybrid war, the policy of historical memory is one of the central places. Practice shows that in the information field of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation with the policy of memory there is far not all historical knowledge, but the most valuable, meaningful, productive, suitable for the creative life-support of the nation. In this sense, historical memory should be considered as a kind of intellectual and psychological equipment of the spiritual immunity of a national community or an individual as a necessary (though not sufficient!) Matrix-sieve, which serves to sift the flow of historical events, phenomena and facts.\u0000\u0000An analysis of the formation of the pro-European identity of Ukraine in the context of the events of the last four years (Crimean annexation, Russian hybrid warfare, European integration course) has been analyzed. It was concluded that just after the events of EuroMaydan, Ukraine had an incentive to more consciously identify itself with the European community.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131862078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4
N. Gorodnia, V. Zatsepilo
This article intends to highlight the Wilson administration’s position on the Russian Bolshevik government and the development of a new U.S. policy toward Russia from November 1917, the time of the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, to March 1918, when Soviet Russia ratified the separate Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with the Quadruple Alliance. During November 1917 – February 1918, the Wilson administration’s position on the Bolshevik government in Petrograd remained uncertain. On the one hand, the United States did not recognize this government, the Council of People’s Commissars, and was trying to find out the ability of Russian anti-Bolshevik groups to overthrow it. On the other hand, the American government wanted to establish informal contacts and cooperation with the Petrograd government to prevent Russia’s withdrawal from the war and the collapse of the Eastern Front. In addition, it was necessary to prevent the Germans from obtaining military supplies from warehouses in the Russian Far East. To protect them, the Allies discussed the possibility of military intervention and encouraged the United States to take part in it. The American government rejected this possibility, primarily because of the predicted negative perception of it by the people of Russia. The U.S. also opposed Japanese intervention because believed that under the guise of common allied goals, Japan would pursue its interests in Russia, including territorial expansion. The change in the position of the Wilson administration regarding the Japanese intervention became apparent in early March 1918. Woodrow Wilson withdrew his objections to the Japanese intervention in the Russian Far East only after it became obvious that Japan would carry it out anyway. The authority for such an intervention, given to Japan by the Allies, created certain requirements and restrictions on Japanese actions, which were in Russia’s interests. The shift in the U.S. position was also caused by the signing of a separate peace with the Quadruple Alliance by the Russian Bolshevik government. After that, the President stated that the U. S. did not recognize this government even de facto, and therefore the peace treaty signed by it. However, despite the negative attitude to the Bolshevik government, W. Wilson continued to treat Russia as an ally and tried to avoid decisions that did not meet the interests of Russia’s people.
{"title":"Development of the W. Wilson administration’s position on Bolshevik Russia (november 1917 – march 1918)","authors":"N. Gorodnia, V. Zatsepilo","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article intends to highlight the Wilson administration’s position on the Russian Bolshevik government and the development of a new U.S. policy toward Russia from November 1917, the time of the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, to March 1918, when Soviet Russia ratified the separate Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with the Quadruple Alliance. During November 1917 – February 1918, the Wilson administration’s position on the Bolshevik government in Petrograd remained uncertain. On the one hand, the United States did not recognize this government, the Council of People’s Commissars, and was trying to find out the ability of Russian anti-Bolshevik groups to overthrow it. On the other hand, the American government wanted to establish informal contacts and cooperation with the Petrograd government to prevent Russia’s withdrawal from the war and the collapse of the Eastern Front. In addition, it was necessary to prevent the Germans from obtaining military supplies from warehouses in the Russian Far East. To protect them, the Allies discussed the possibility of military intervention and encouraged the United States to take part in it. The American government rejected this possibility, primarily because of the predicted negative perception of it by the people of Russia. The U.S. also opposed Japanese intervention because believed that under the guise of common allied goals, Japan would pursue its interests in Russia, including territorial expansion. The change in the position of the Wilson administration regarding the Japanese intervention became apparent in early March 1918. Woodrow Wilson withdrew his objections to the Japanese intervention in the Russian Far East only after it became obvious that Japan would carry it out anyway. The authority for such an intervention, given to Japan by the Allies, created certain requirements and restrictions on Japanese actions, which were in Russia’s interests. The shift in the U.S. position was also caused by the signing of a separate peace with the Quadruple Alliance by the Russian Bolshevik government. After that, the President stated that the U. S. did not recognize this government even de facto, and therefore the peace treaty signed by it. However, despite the negative attitude to the Bolshevik government, W. Wilson continued to treat Russia as an ally and tried to avoid decisions that did not meet the interests of Russia’s people.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127957498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4
Oleh Mashevskyi
The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
{"title":"NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP","authors":"Oleh Mashevskyi","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121995831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100
L. Zhvanko
The article analyzes the most recent challenge of the 21st century. – a steady increase in the number of displaced persons. The author first analyzed the “modification” of the causes of their appearance during the XX – XXI centuries from the classic – two world wars to the new – environmental and man-made disasters. It is proved that this problem belongs to the global problems of mankind, and therefore requires a search for the highest-level solution to the UN resolutions. Because it is impossible to overcome at least today, the community has embarked on a path of control and regulation, for which the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty were adopted in 2018 at the UN level. The author concludes that the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty are, in fact, the first step in the efforts of at least the first attempts to resolve the case, but their declarative nature casts doubt on the possibility of solving this global problem. The problem of internally displaced persons in Ukraine, the emergence of which was the result of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine and the inability at present to join our state to implement the provisions of the above documents, was stressed separately.
{"title":"UN international legal instruments in the context of solving the global problem of refugees and migrants","authors":"L. Zhvanko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the most recent challenge of the 21st century. – a steady increase in the number of displaced persons. The author first analyzed the “modification” of the causes of their appearance during the XX – XXI centuries from the classic – two world wars to the new – environmental and man-made disasters. It is proved that this problem belongs to the global problems of mankind, and therefore requires a search for the highest-level solution to the UN resolutions. Because it is impossible to overcome at least today, the community has embarked on a path of control and regulation, for which the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty were adopted in 2018 at the UN level. The author concludes that the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty are, in fact, the first step in the efforts of at least the first attempts to resolve the case, but their declarative nature casts doubt on the possibility of solving this global problem. The problem of internally displaced persons in Ukraine, the emergence of which was the result of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine and the inability at present to join our state to implement the provisions of the above documents, was stressed separately.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126382637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13
I. Sribnyak, M. Paliienko
The article analyses the last period of life and activity of the head of the Separate Corps of Border Guards General O. Pylkevych during the internment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in camps in Poland (1921–1922). Being in various command positions, O. Pylkevych always remained true to himself and his own principles – in relation to subordinates he was consistently demanding and unyielding, while adhering to the requirements of military statutes. O. Pylkevych believed that one of the basic requirements during military service is the discipline of officers and Cossacks, their observance of subordination, their conscientious execution of all orders of direct commanders and senior military commanders. It is necessary to emphasize the sincere patriotism of O. Pylkevych and his complete devotion to the ideas of the UPR – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. But the general did not always have enough tact and diplomacy in communicating with certain representatives of the Polish military authorities in the camps, and his excessive categoricalness sometimes caused disapproval among some of the top officials of the UPR Army. As a result of O. Pylkevych’s inability to build business relations with the Polish camp authorities, he was twice removed from the post of head of the internee groups in Lancut. At the same time, it is necessary to emphasize the expressive patriotism of O. Pylkevych – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army in the camps, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Throughout his stay in the camps, O. Pylkevych was an example of conscientious performance of military duty, subordinating his life to the interests of the interned Ukrainian army.
{"title":"General of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Oleksandr Pylkevych (“camp” period of life and activity in Poland, 1921-1922)","authors":"I. Sribnyak, M. Paliienko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the last period of life and activity of the head of the Separate Corps of Border Guards General O. Pylkevych during the internment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in camps in Poland (1921–1922). Being in various command positions, O. Pylkevych always remained true to himself and his own principles – in relation to subordinates he was consistently demanding and unyielding, while adhering to the requirements of military statutes. O. Pylkevych believed that one of the basic requirements during military service is the discipline of officers and Cossacks, their observance of subordination, their conscientious execution of all orders of direct commanders and senior military commanders.\u0000It is necessary to emphasize the sincere patriotism of O. Pylkevych and his complete devotion to the ideas of the UPR – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. But the general did not always have enough tact and diplomacy in communicating with certain representatives of the Polish military authorities in the camps, and his excessive categoricalness sometimes caused disapproval among some of the top officials of the UPR Army. As a result of O. Pylkevych’s inability to build business relations with the Polish camp authorities, he was twice removed from the post of head of the internee groups in Lancut.\u0000At the same time, it is necessary to emphasize the expressive patriotism of O. Pylkevych – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army in the camps, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Throughout his stay in the camps, O. Pylkevych was an example of conscientious performance of military duty, subordinating his life to the interests of the interned Ukrainian army.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131656631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11
O. Prysiazhniuk
The history of English antiquarianism is particular importance in the study of the process of formation of national identity and the preservation of national heritage. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the corpus of historiographical works on the problems of history and historiography of English antiques, to define the role of the Society of Antiquaries of London in the formation of British identity and patriotism. Scientific tasks of the article are to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the historiographic works on the problems of the origin and formation of the English tradition of antiquity and antiquities, to outline the main stages of the formation of the oldest society of antiques. The novelty and degree of development follows from the fact that today in Ukrainian historical science there are no generalizing works on the history and historiography of English antiquaries and the London Society of Antiquaries. However, there is a corpus of historiographical works on the individual components of this complex problem. The antiquarian classes of the eighteenth century cannot be dismissed as unconvincing dilettantism, detached from modern life, or confronting the spirit of the Enlightenment. Antiquarianism was of great importance, both in practical and cultural life in Britain. It embodied the nostalgia of years past for those who feared the coming changes, but equally it could serve as an illustration of the past, demonstrating the progress of the present and the unquestionable superiority of the modern century over the backwardness of past times. At the same time, antiquaries made a clear contribution to the formation of British identity and famous English patriotism. Their merits in the field of culture and the arts are also difficult to overestimate: they contributed to the development of the printing business, the art of book design, and infected their enthusiasm with artists, painters, engravers who, through them, became passionate fans of the medieval past of Britain.
{"title":"English antiques in the historiographical tradition","authors":"O. Prysiazhniuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11","url":null,"abstract":"The history of English antiquarianism is particular importance in the study of the process of formation of national identity and the preservation of national heritage. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the corpus of historiographical works on the problems of history and historiography of English antiques, to define the role of the Society of Antiquaries of London in the formation of British identity and patriotism. Scientific tasks of the article are to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the historiographic works on the problems of the origin and formation of the English tradition of antiquity and antiquities, to outline the main stages of the formation of the oldest society of antiques.\u0000The novelty and degree of development follows from the fact that today in Ukrainian historical science there are no generalizing works on the history and historiography of English antiquaries and the London Society of Antiquaries. However, there is a corpus of historiographical works on the individual components of this complex problem.\u0000The antiquarian classes of the eighteenth century cannot be dismissed as unconvincing dilettantism, detached from modern life, or confronting the spirit of the Enlightenment. Antiquarianism was of great importance, both in practical and cultural life in Britain. It embodied the nostalgia of years past for those who feared the coming changes, but equally it could serve as an illustration of the past, demonstrating the progress of the present and the unquestionable superiority of the modern century over the backwardness of past times. At the same time, antiquaries made a clear contribution to the formation of British identity and famous English patriotism. Their merits in the field of culture and the arts are also difficult to overestimate: they contributed to the development of the printing business, the art of book design, and infected their enthusiasm with artists, painters, engravers who, through them, became passionate fans of the medieval past of Britain.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"214 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132494018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1
Maxym Herasymenko
To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.
{"title":"CURRENT STATE OF COOPERATION BETWEEN MOLDOVA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION","authors":"Maxym Herasymenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1","url":null,"abstract":"To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130258317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}