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Everydays Life of the Interned Ukrainian Soldiers in the Libereс Camp (Czechoslovakia): Endeavour of Visualization (by Materials of the Central State Archives of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine and Slavonic Library in Prague) 在解放营(捷克斯洛伐克)被拘留的乌克兰士兵的日常生活:可视化的努力(由乌克兰最高当局和政府中央国家档案馆和布拉格斯拉夫图书馆提供的资料)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.203-232
Іhor Sribniak, Anna Khlebina
The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving.Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia.At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.
由于捷克斯洛伐克领土上出现了一些试图返回祖国的乌克兰士兵,因此建立了被拘留的乌克兰士兵解放营。他们从1920年9月开始被安置在营地,营地的生活建立在军事基础上。为了建立利贝雷茨营地的文化和教育生活,成立了由四个部分(戏剧、音乐、历史和摄影)组成的“文化和教育俱乐部”。它的主要任务是为文盲开设课程,以及为其他类别的被拘留士兵提供定期报告,组织体育俱乐部和存档。利贝雷茨营地的文化和教育工作的实现主要依赖于从被关押在纽涅梅克耶尔-雅布隆内斯难民营的乌克兰加利西亚军队军官那里获得的财政援助。在1920-1921年的冬天尤其需要,当时营地的居民在木制营房里受冻,口粮不足。然而,这种情况并没有妨碍在营地内组织一些艺术和教育中心(剧院、合唱团、培训班、学校)的活动,也加强了民族爱国主义和教育工作。有一个图书馆,大约有1000本书,还有一个商店。因此,营地指挥部设法使被拘留的士兵社会化,关心他们的一般教育和民事职业的特殊教育。集中营的大多数居民逐渐离开了集中营,成为工人队伍的一部分,前往捷克斯洛伐克的各个地方。与此同时,军营里也支持军事纪律;军事演习是必需的,每次新士兵来到营地时,专门针对UHA部分的军事组织就会恢复。即使是在营地组建的工人队伍,也有军事基础,服从于UHA陆军的初始指挥。这些措施的目的是使乌克兰士兵为继续为乌克兰独立而进行的武装战斗做好准备。
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引用次数: 0
THE CATEGORY OF «PEACE» IN RICHELIEU’S «POLITICAL TESTAMENT»: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 黎塞留《政治遗嘱》中“和平”的范畴:一般特征
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.7
Serhii Sаrаnоv
The presented article discusses the general characteristics of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament» of Cardinal Richelieu. The «Political testament» reflects the key issues of the state development of France of the 30-40 s. XVII century. The scale of the questions covered and problems, the level of theoretical understanding of the actual material gives this work special significance. Not studied for a long time at a complex level, quoted selectively and template, the «political will» today receives proper coverage in the works of representatives of French historiography. Of particular importance is the consideration of the category of «peace» in the «Political testament». When characterizing the methodological foundations of the presented article, the author defines the category of «peace» as including all aspects of the development of religion (ideology) and political means of achieving political goals that are not related to the war. The category of “peace” in the interpretation of the author also acts as a common views on the state and law. Thus, the category of «peace» is considered in a wider angle. Based on the proposed definition, the author traces the possibilities of its application as part of the analysis of the text of the «Political testament». When assessing the content side of the «peace» category, the degree of ratio of moral aspects in it with the problems of achieving a political goal, the need to also take into account elements of general historiographic discussions regarding the key aspects of the “peace” category in the “Political testament”. The difference between Richelieu and Machiavelli is, from the author’s point of view, one of the key aspects that allow us to understand at the methodological level the cardinal’s interpretation of the category of “peace” in full. The positions of modern French historiography of the researched question are also analyzed. The author concludes that when analyzing the category of «peace» in the «Political testament», the cardinal’s negative attitude towards militarism in “pure form” becomes obvious. Richelieu’s goal was to create an «ideal», closed and not accessible for external and internal hostile influences of the political space embodied in the state, withdrawn from the «reasonable policy of the mind». In the light of this, it retains the cognitive character and methodological significance in the analysis of the «peace» category model of the three -term characteristics of Richelieu, the French historian Rolan Munier, which allows him to see him as «prelates», «noble» and «man» of King Louis XIII. This model also allows us to outline further prospects for the study of the problems of the «peace» category in the «Political testament», taking into account the considerations expressed by the author.
本文讨论红衣主教黎塞留的《政治遗嘱》中“和平”范畴的一般特征。《政治遗嘱》反映了30-40年代法国国家发展的关键问题。十七世纪。所涵盖的问题和问题的规模,对实际材料的理论认识水平,使本工作具有特殊的意义。长期以来,“政治意志”没有在复杂的层面上进行研究,有选择地引用和模板,今天在法国史学代表的作品中得到了适当的报道。特别重要的是对《政治遗嘱》中“和平”范畴的考虑。在描述这篇文章的方法论基础时,作者将“和平”的范畴定义为包括宗教(意识形态)发展的所有方面,以及实现与战争无关的政治目标的政治手段。“和平”的范畴在笔者的解读中也充当了一种对国家和法律的共同看法。因此,“和平”的范畴被考虑在一个更广泛的角度。基于所提出的定义,作者追溯了其应用的可能性,作为《政治遗嘱》文本分析的一部分。在评估“和平”类别的内容方面时,道德方面与实现政治目标的问题的比例程度,也需要考虑到关于“政治遗嘱”中“和平”类别关键方面的一般史学讨论的要素。从作者的观点来看,黎塞留和马基雅维利之间的差异是一个关键方面,它使我们能够在方法论层面上理解红衣主教对“和平”范畴的全面解释。对法国近代史研究问题的立场进行了分析。作者的结论是,在分析《政治遗嘱》中的“和平”范畴时,枢机对“纯粹形式”军国主义的否定态度变得明显。黎塞留的目标是创造一个“理想”,封闭的,不受外部和内部敌对影响的政治空间体现在国家中,退出“合理的思想政策”。鉴于此,它在分析黎塞留的“和平”范畴模型的三个术语特征中保留了认知特征和方法论意义,这使得法国历史学家罗兰·穆尼尔将黎塞留视为国王路易十三的“高级教士”、“贵族”和“人”。这一模式还使我们能够在考虑到作者所表达的考虑的情况下,勾勒出研究《政治遗嘱》中“和平”类别问题的进一步前景。
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引用次数: 0
LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND 2014–2022 2014-2022年乌克兰人到波兰共和国的劳动力迁移
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3
Hanna Melnyk
The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.
目的是分析2014年俄乌战争开始以来乌克兰和波兰移民政策的演变,以及在2022年2月俄罗斯大规模入侵后移民流动加剧的情况下。其中,采用系统的方法研究波兰经济思想中关于吸引乌克兰劳动力资源的盈利能力和前景,并结合波兰法律的要求,对乌克兰劳动力迁移的结果进行对比分析。分析了波兰对乌克兰移民流动方向变化的立场。事实证明,对乌克兰公民来说,波兰共和国仍然是一个可以实现社会和经济期望的国家。在乌克兰与俄罗斯的对抗中,华沙官方向乌克兰提供了切实的援助,为移民工人提供了就业机会,为他们的家人提供了社会保护。乌克兰安全和对外经济形势的恶化正在推动波兰劳动力市场更加积极的发展。目前,波兰边境已经成为反对俄罗斯联邦混合扩张的边界,因此基辅官方有必要确保其货币政策和许可制度的稳定性和灵活性,以保持生产过程再生产的可能性。波兰经济学家已经得出结论,波兰对乌克兰人的移民政策的自由化将有助于经济的稳定增长。有人建议,华沙官方对乌克兰劳动力资源日益增长的兴趣采取积极措施,将导致波兰政府采取重要措施,防止波兰民族的老龄化趋势。乌克兰移民政策的实施取决于俄罗斯、欧洲和波兰的战略。在俄乌战争的条件下,波兰的政策促进获得合法居留权和就业的乌克兰公民被乌克兰当局鼓励,作为一个机会,从国外接收汇款,因此官方基辅寻求获得波兰的经验,以吸引和使用欧洲的结构,区域和行业计划和资金。因此,乌克兰和波兰在与欧洲机构的合作下,能够促进一种新的安全质量,防止俄罗斯联邦的混合攻击,其目的是维护和可持续发展它们自己的经济和伙伴的经济。
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引用次数: 0
European Integration of Ukraine in the Context of Geopolitical Contrasting «Russia-West» 地缘政治对比“俄罗斯-西方”背景下的乌克兰欧洲一体化
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.84-100
V. Yakuba
The article considers the European integration of Ukraine as its important strategic foreign policy priority. This is an even more urgent task, since Russia’s unfolding hybrid war against Ukraine has already led to the widespread use of armed forces, violation of the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of a sovereign state, the erosion of its will regarding its own civilized choice. The increase in the volume and intensity of aggressive actions against Ukraine is being advanced by Russia to the practice of state terrorism. The ideological sabotage that preceded and followed Russia’s armed aggression was aimed at discrediting the state system of Ukraine and weakening its central government control, creating problems for the security and economic sectors of our state, and legitimizing the separatist movement of the southeastern Ukraine in the eyes of the international community. In the unstable hybrid war, the policy of historical memory is one of the central places. Practice shows that in the information field of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation with the policy of memory there is far not all historical knowledge, but the most valuable, meaningful, productive, suitable for the creative life-support of the nation. In this sense, historical memory should be considered as a kind of intellectual and psychological equipment of the spiritual immunity of a national community or an individual as a necessary (though not sufficient!) Matrix-sieve, which serves to sift the flow of historical events, phenomena and facts.An analysis of the formation of the pro-European identity of Ukraine in the context of the events of the last four years (Crimean annexation, Russian hybrid warfare, European integration course) has been analyzed. It was concluded that just after the events of EuroMaydan, Ukraine had an incentive to more consciously identify itself with the European community.
文章认为乌克兰的欧洲一体化是其重要的战略外交政策重点。这是一项更为紧迫的任务,因为俄罗斯对乌克兰展开的混合战争已经导致广泛使用武装力量,侵犯了一个主权国家的领土完整和边界的不可侵犯性,侵蚀了它对自己的文明选择的意愿。针对乌克兰的侵略行动的数量和强度的增加正在被俄罗斯推进到国家恐怖主义的实践。在俄罗斯武装侵略之前和之后进行的意识形态破坏,目的是败坏乌克兰国家制度的信誉,削弱其中央政府的控制,给我国的安全和经济部门制造问题,并使乌克兰东南部的分离主义运动在国际社会眼中合法化。在不稳定的混合战争中,历史记忆政策是中心地位之一。实践表明,在信息领域对乌俄对抗政策的记忆远远不是所有的历史知识,而是最有价值的、有意义的、富有成效的、适合于创造性地支撑民族生命的知识。从这个意义上说,历史记忆应该被看作是一种智力和心理装备,对一个民族共同体或个人的精神免疫是必要的(尽管不是充分的!)矩阵筛,用于筛选历史事件、现象和事实的流动。分析了在过去四年的事件背景下乌克兰亲欧认同的形成(克里米亚吞并,俄罗斯混合战争,欧洲一体化进程)。结论是,就在“EuroMaydan”事件之后,乌克兰有一种更有意识地将自己与欧洲共同体联系起来的动机。
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引用次数: 0
Development of the W. Wilson administration’s position on Bolshevik Russia (november 1917 – march 1918) 威尔逊政府对布尔什维克俄国立场的演变(1917年11月- 1918年3月)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.4
N. Gorodnia, V. Zatsepilo
This article intends to highlight the Wilson administration’s position on the Russian Bolshevik government and the development of a new U.S. policy toward Russia from November 1917, the time of the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, to March 1918, when Soviet Russia ratified the separate Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with the Quadruple Alliance. During November 1917 – February 1918, the Wilson administration’s position on the Bolshevik government in Petrograd remained uncertain. On the one hand, the United States did not recognize this government, the Council of People’s Commissars, and was trying to find out the ability of Russian anti-Bolshevik groups to overthrow it. On the other hand, the American government wanted to establish informal contacts and cooperation with the Petrograd government to prevent Russia’s withdrawal from the war and the collapse of the Eastern Front. In addition, it was necessary to prevent the Germans from obtaining military supplies from warehouses in the Russian Far East. To protect them, the Allies discussed the possibility of military intervention and encouraged the United States to take part in it. The American government rejected this possibility, primarily because of the predicted negative perception of it by the people of Russia. The U.S. also opposed Japanese intervention because believed that under the guise of common allied goals, Japan would pursue its interests in Russia, including territorial expansion. The change in the position of the Wilson administration regarding the Japanese intervention became apparent in early March 1918. Woodrow Wilson withdrew his objections to the Japanese intervention in the Russian Far East only after it became obvious that Japan would carry it out anyway. The authority for such an intervention, given to Japan by the Allies, created certain requirements and restrictions on Japanese actions, which were in Russia’s interests. The shift in the U.S. position was also caused by the signing of a separate peace with the Quadruple Alliance by the Russian Bolshevik government. After that, the President stated that the U. S. did not recognize this government even de facto, and therefore the peace treaty signed by it. However, despite the negative attitude to the Bolshevik government, W. Wilson continued to treat Russia as an ally and tried to avoid decisions that did not meet the interests of Russia’s people.
本文旨在强调威尔逊政府对俄国布尔什维克政府的立场,以及1917年11月(布尔什维克在彼得格勒发动政变)至1918年3月(苏俄与四国同盟签署了单独的布列斯特-里托夫斯克和平条约)期间美国对俄新政策的发展。在1917年11月至1918年2月期间,威尔逊政府对彼得格勒布尔什维克政府的立场仍然不确定。一方面,美国不承认这个政府,即人民委员会,并试图找出俄国反布尔什维克团体推翻它的能力。另一方面,美国政府希望与彼得格勒政府建立非正式的接触与合作,以防止俄国退出战争和东线的崩溃。此外,有必要防止德国人从俄罗斯远东的仓库获得军用物资。为了保护他们,协约国讨论了军事干预的可能性,并鼓励美国参与其中。美国政府拒绝了这种可能性,主要是因为预计俄罗斯人民会对此持负面看法。美国也反对日本的干涉,因为美国认为,日本会打着共同盟国目标的幌子,追求自己在俄罗斯的利益,包括领土扩张。1918年3月初,威尔逊政府对日本干涉的立场发生了明显的变化。伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)只是在日本显然无论如何都会干预俄罗斯远东地区之后,才撤回了他对日本干预的反对意见。协约国授予日本这种干预的权力,对日本的行动提出了某些要求和限制,这符合俄国的利益。美国立场的转变也是由俄国布尔什维克政府与四国同盟单独签订和约引起的。在那之后,总统表示,美国甚至在事实上都不承认这个政府,因此也不承认它签署的和平条约。然而,尽管威尔逊对布尔什维克政府持消极态度,但他继续将俄罗斯视为盟友,并试图避免做出不符合俄罗斯人民利益的决定。
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引用次数: 0
NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP 托尼·布莱尔担任首相期间英国外交政策的新重点
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4
Oleh Mashevskyi
The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
本文分析了布莱尔首相(1997-2007)外交政策的现状和进一步研究的前景。值得注意的是,对这一问题的关注既是由于英国支持乌克兰抵抗俄罗斯的全面入侵,也是由于布莱尔和他的全球变化研究所的高度活跃,他们积极参与有关脱欧后英国在世界上地位的新愿景的概念的发展。同时,他们支持乌克兰,积极分析俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争对国际世界和安全局势的重要性和影响。这本书概述了外国历史学家的传统和新的调查,他们从多方面仔细研究并继续研究托尼·布莱尔担任首相期间英国外交政策的问题。在英国与美国和欧盟国家关系的科学论述中,英国参与伊拉克战争的问题尤为突出。这一论述的特点是对观察到的事件进行重新评估,形成了解决问题的非常规方法,这是特别有趣的,并为进一步的研究提供了前景。乌克兰历史学家继续研究英国外交政策的问题。在布莱尔的外交政策著作中,重点通常放在英国与美国和欧盟的关系、英国参与伊拉克战争和一些军事冲突等问题上。强调迫切需要在会议和圆桌会议上形成科学话语、系统的、积极的科学讨论。作者揭示了在乌克兰史学中必须研究的英国外交政策的各个方面:与拉丁美洲国家的合作(经济和政治动机和利益,例如,他访问了该地区的国家,他是自马岛战争以来第一位访问阿根廷的英国首相),布莱尔在担任首相期间对非洲国家的兴趣(2004年成立了非洲委员会),特别是他在担任八国集团首脑期间对倡议的游说。文章强调布莱尔积极运用公共外交、大众传媒等一系列工具,对世界全球化趋势的理解,以及通过经济、政治和其他手段对这些趋势的积极支持。此外,还提出了进一步研究的问题。
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引用次数: 0
UN international legal instruments in the context of solving the global problem of refugees and migrants 联合国在解决全球难民和移民问题方面的国际法律文书
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.83-100
L. Zhvanko
The article analyzes the most recent challenge of the 21st century. – a steady increase in the number of displaced persons. The author first analyzed the “modification” of the causes of their appearance during the XX – XXI centuries from the classic – two world wars to the new – environmental and man-made disasters. It is proved that this problem belongs to the global problems of mankind, and therefore requires a search for the highest-level solution to the UN resolutions. Because it is impossible to overcome at least today, the community has embarked on a path of control and regulation, for which the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty were adopted in 2018 at the UN level. The author concludes that the Global Compact on Safe, Organized and Regulated Migration and the Global Refugee Treaty are, in fact, the first step in the efforts of at least the first attempts to resolve the case, but their declarative nature casts doubt on the possibility of solving this global problem. The problem of internally displaced persons in Ukraine, the emergence of which was the result of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine and the inability at present to join our state to implement the provisions of the above documents, was stressed separately.
本文分析了21世纪的最新挑战。-流离失所者人数稳步增加。本文首先分析了20 - 21世纪气候变化成因的“修正”,从经典的两次世界大战到新环境灾害和人为灾害。事实证明,这个问题属于人类的全球性问题,因此需要寻求联合国决议的最高层解决方案。由于这一问题至少在今天是不可能克服的,移民社区已经走上了控制和监管的道路,为此,2018年在联合国层面通过了《安全、有组织和有管制移民全球契约》和《全球难民条约》。作者的结论是,《安全、有组织和有管制移民全球契约》和《全球难民条约》实际上是努力的第一步,至少是解决这一案件的第一次尝试,但它们的声明性质使人们对解决这一全球问题的可能性产生了怀疑。乌克兰国内流离失所者问题的出现是由于俄罗斯联邦对乌克兰的战争和目前无法与我国一道执行上述文件的规定造成的。
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引用次数: 0
General of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Oleksandr Pylkevych (“camp” period of life and activity in Poland, 1921-1922) 乌克兰人民共和国陆军上将亚历山大·皮尔科维奇(1921-1922年在波兰生活和活动的“集中营”时期)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.13
I. Sribnyak, M. Paliienko
The article analyses the last period of life and activity of the head of the Separate Corps of Border Guards General O. Pylkevych during the internment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in camps in Poland (1921–1922). Being in various command positions, O. Pylkevych always remained true to himself and his own principles – in relation to subordinates he was consistently demanding and unyielding, while adhering to the requirements of military statutes. O. Pylkevych believed that one of the basic requirements during military service is the discipline of officers and Cossacks, their observance of subordination, their conscientious execution of all orders of direct commanders and senior military commanders.It is necessary to emphasize the sincere patriotism of O. Pylkevych and his complete devotion to the ideas of the UPR – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. But the general did not always have enough tact and diplomacy in communicating with certain representatives of the Polish military authorities in the camps, and his excessive categoricalness sometimes caused disapproval among some of the top officials of the UPR Army. As a result of O. Pylkevych’s inability to build business relations with the Polish camp authorities, he was twice removed from the post of head of the internee groups in Lancut.At the same time, it is necessary to emphasize the expressive patriotism of O. Pylkevych – he made every effort to unite the nationally conscious core of the Ukrainian army in the camps, supporting the idea of creating a community of officers as an additional tool to influence the demoralized part of the camp. The general also took care of the development of public centres designed to intensify cultural and educational work in the ranks of the interned troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Throughout his stay in the camps, O. Pylkevych was an example of conscientious performance of military duty, subordinating his life to the interests of the interned Ukrainian army.
本文分析了乌克兰人民共和国军队在波兰集中营被关押期间边卫军分团团长O. Pylkevych将军的最后一段生活和活动(1921-1922)。在不同的指挥岗位上,O. Pylkevych始终忠于自己和自己的原则——在对待下属的问题上,他一贯要求严格,毫不妥协,同时遵守军事法规的要求。O.皮尔克维奇认为,在服兵役期间,最基本的要求之一是军官和哥萨克人的纪律,他们服从命令,认真执行直接指挥官和高级军事指挥官的一切命令。有必要强调O. Pylkevych的真诚爱国主义和他对普遍定期审议思想的完全奉献——他尽一切努力团结乌克兰军队中具有民族意识的核心,支持创建军官社区的想法,作为影响营地中士气低落部分的额外工具。将军还负责发展公共中心,以加强乌克兰人民共和国被拘留部队队伍中的文化和教育工作。但是,这位将军在与战俘营中的波兰军事当局的某些代表交流时,并不总是有足够的机智和外交手腕,他的过分直言不讳有时引起普遍定期审议军队的一些高级官员的不满。由于O. Pylkevych无法与波兰集中营当局建立商业关系,他两次被解除了Lancut被拘留团体负责人的职务。与此同时,有必要强调O. Pylkevych富有表现力的爱国主义——他尽一切努力将乌克兰军队中具有民族意识的核心团结在集中营里,支持建立一个军官社区的想法,作为影响集中营中士气低落的部分的额外工具。将军还负责发展公共中心,以加强乌克兰人民共和国被拘留部队队伍中的文化和教育工作。在集中营期间,O. Pylkevych是一个认真履行军事职责的榜样,他把自己的生命置于被拘禁的乌克兰军队的利益之下。
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引用次数: 0
English antiques in the historiographical tradition 历史编纂传统中的英国古董
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.11
O. Prysiazhniuk
The history of English antiquarianism is particular importance in the study of the process of formation of national identity and the preservation of national heritage. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the corpus of historiographical works on the problems of history and historiography of English antiques, to define the role of the Society of Antiquaries of London in the formation of British identity and patriotism. Scientific tasks of the article are to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the historiographic works on the problems of the origin and formation of the English tradition of antiquity and antiquities, to outline the main stages of the formation of the oldest society of antiques.The novelty and degree of development follows from the fact that today in Ukrainian historical science there are no generalizing works on the history and historiography of English antiquaries and the London Society of Antiquaries. However, there is a corpus of historiographical works on the individual components of this complex problem.The antiquarian classes of the eighteenth century cannot be dismissed as unconvincing dilettantism, detached from modern life, or confronting the spirit of the Enlightenment. Antiquarianism was of great importance, both in practical and cultural life in Britain. It embodied the nostalgia of years past for those who feared the coming changes, but equally it could serve as an illustration of the past, demonstrating the progress of the present and the unquestionable superiority of the modern century over the backwardness of past times. At the same time, antiquaries made a clear contribution to the formation of British identity and famous English patriotism. Their merits in the field of culture and the arts are also difficult to overestimate: they contributed to the development of the printing business, the art of book design, and infected their enthusiasm with artists, painters, engravers who, through them, became passionate fans of the medieval past of Britain.
英国古物学的历史在研究民族认同的形成过程和民族遗产的保护方面具有特别重要的意义。本文的目的是分析和整理有关英国古玩史和史学问题的史学著作,以确定伦敦古玩协会在形成英国人的身份和爱国主义方面的作用。本文的科学任务是对英国古物传统的起源和形成问题的史学著作进行全面分析,勾勒出英国最古老古物社会形成的主要阶段。这种新颖性和发展程度源于这样一个事实,即今天在乌克兰历史科学中,没有关于英国古文物和伦敦古文物协会的历史和史学的概括性著作。然而,关于这个复杂问题的各个组成部分,有大量的史学著作。18世纪的古文物爱好者不能被认为是缺乏说服力的业余爱好者,脱离了现代生活,或者与启蒙运动的精神背道而驰。古物研究在英国的实际生活和文化生活中都很重要。对于那些害怕即将到来的变化的人来说,它体现了对过去岁月的怀念,但同样它也可以作为过去的写照,展示了现在的进步和现代世纪对过去时代的落后毫无疑问的优越性。与此同时,古董商对英国人的身份认同和著名的英国爱国主义的形成做出了明显的贡献。他们在文化和艺术领域的功绩也很难被高估:他们为印刷业和书籍设计艺术的发展做出了贡献,并将自己的热情感染给了艺术家、画家、雕刻家,通过他们,这些艺术家、画家、雕刻家成为了英国中世纪历史的狂热粉丝。
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引用次数: 0
CURRENT STATE OF COOPERATION BETWEEN MOLDOVA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION 摩尔多瓦与欧洲联盟的合作现状
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1
Maxym Herasymenko
To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.
迄今为止,摩尔多瓦加入欧盟的问题仍未得到探讨。年复一年,从一位总统到另一位总统,摩尔多瓦人走向了欧洲,然后是俄罗斯。与此同时,这个国家的生活发生了变化,最终人们开始明白,通往繁荣的道路是在欧洲的方向上。正因为如此,以摩尔多瓦为例,这是一个展示该国如何在欧盟争取更好生活的机会。本文的目的是在与欧洲联盟合作的背景下分析摩尔多瓦共和国的外国和国内(领土)问题的解决办法。本文的主要任务是研究摩尔多瓦共和国与欧盟的合作现状;决定欧盟对新合作伙伴的兴趣程度。本文考察了摩尔多瓦共和国欧洲一体化进程的现状(从1991年独立到2021年底)及其加入欧盟的路径。摩尔多瓦与欧盟外交关系的动态被追踪。描述了阻碍成员加入队伍的关键问题。本文分别分析了该国的政治和法律进程以及影响其当前亲欧倾向的因素。考虑到国内两个政党(亲欧和亲俄)的立场。摩尔多瓦在加入欧盟的道路上取得的成就。另一个问题仍然存在:遏制俄罗斯联邦帝国野心的国际联合胁迫将有助于稳定和加速摩尔多瓦的社会发展,并将推动德涅斯特河沿岸的现任领导人重返该国的政治、法律和经济空间。因此,得出的结论是,在政治方面,摩尔多瓦共和国为欧洲一体化确定了一条道路。在Maia Sandu领导的亲欧阵营获胜后,摩尔多瓦人近年来首次确定了通往欧洲的路线。总统向欧盟委员会的领导人保证,尽管存在所有这些问题,她将能够使该国继续走在加入欧盟的道路上。主要障碍仍然是摩尔多瓦共和国与亲俄的自称德涅斯特河沿岸的摩尔多瓦共和国之间的德涅斯特河沿岸冲突。
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引用次数: 0
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European Historical Studies
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