Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.02
M. Georgieva
The peculiarities of the formation of new organizational and production structures of the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy in terms of integration into the European Union are considered. One of the conditions for ensuring the competitiveness of Bulgarian agriculture was the creation of a significant number of farms of various organizational and legal forms. Peculiarities of creation and functioning of private agricultural enterprises against the background of privatization of former labor cooperatives and state farms with observance of a clearly regulated legislative procedure are studied. The peculiarities of creating private agricultural farms in two forms are generalized: private households and large agro-firms. Of course, there were some difficulties with the privatization of agricultural machinery, equipment, technical and farm buildings. Also, difficulties arose with the management of agricultural commodity production due to the long absence of a tradition of private property in agriculture. It is proved that one of the features of the formation of new organizational and production structures was their creation on the basis of decolectivization and privatization. The main task of this process was to create an efficient and competitive environment for the development of the agricultural sector. The basis of agricultural management in Bulgaria in the period 1996-2007 were private agricultural enterprises, which were more efficient in their activities than other organizational and legal forms of management. However, the imperfection of the management system of the agricultural sector did not allow to accelerate the process of productivity of the industry, to attract the latest scientific advances and more efficient use of logistics. In the pre-integration period, no program of management actions for the functioning of agricultural enterprises was developed, which did not contribute to the growth of their financial and economic indicators and the competitiveness of these farms.
{"title":"Formation of organizational and production structures in the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy in the conditions of European integration","authors":"M. Georgieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.02","url":null,"abstract":"The peculiarities of the formation of new organizational and production structures of the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy in terms of integration into the European Union are considered. One of the conditions for ensuring the competitiveness of Bulgarian agriculture was the creation of a significant number of farms of various organizational and legal forms. Peculiarities of creation and functioning of private agricultural enterprises against the background of privatization of former labor cooperatives and state farms with observance of a clearly regulated legislative procedure are studied.\u0000The peculiarities of creating private agricultural farms in two forms are generalized: private households and large agro-firms. Of course, there were some difficulties with the privatization of agricultural machinery, equipment, technical and farm buildings. Also, difficulties arose with the management of agricultural commodity production due to the long absence of a tradition of private property in agriculture. It is proved that one of the features of the formation of new organizational and production structures was their creation on the basis of decolectivization and privatization. The main task of this process was to create an efficient and competitive environment for the development of the agricultural sector.\u0000The basis of agricultural management in Bulgaria in the period 1996-2007 were private agricultural enterprises, which were more efficient in their activities than other organizational and legal forms of management. However, the imperfection of the management system of the agricultural sector did not allow to accelerate the process of productivity of the industry, to attract the latest scientific advances and more efficient use of logistics.\u0000In the pre-integration period, no program of management actions for the functioning of agricultural enterprises was developed, which did not contribute to the growth of their financial and economic indicators and the competitiveness of these farms.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116164514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04
V. Orlyk
The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
{"title":"The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit","authors":"V. Orlyk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU.\u0000The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed.\u0000It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"32 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125708980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.10
N. Shevchenko, Yu. Shemeta
The issue of academic mobility based on analysis of documents and biographies of Spanish students at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century as an important component of educational process of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv has been studied. The purpose of the study was to investigate why Spanish students found themselves in the University, circumstances of their apprenticeship and stay there, as well as specifics of their everyday life in Kyiv. It has been found out that despite the seclusion of the Soviet society, students from capitalist countries, in particular Spain, were studying at the University of Kyiv. Background of such phenomenon is analyzed and assumptions are made as to why this became possible, as well as the ways how Spanish students could enter the University are described. In particular, based on available documents in the University’s archive, it has been brought to light, that all Spanish citizens who studied at the University of Kyiv, were guided by both ideological and material needs, expressed their wish to come to the USSR for study and carried it out with a help of the Union of Soviet Friendship Societies and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries. The most popular specialties that Spanish students aspired to acquire were identified, such as Russian philology, philosophy, economics, and law. With a disruption of former communication models in the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, new ones based on students exchange have been established according to cooperation agreements signed between universities. As of the beginning of the 21stcentury there is information about internship of Spanish students and postgraduate students for a certain time, however unfortunately there is no possibility to study their personal files. The University of Kyiv is confirmed to have long traditions of academic mobility, which history assumes further development prospects.
{"title":"SPANISH STUDENTS AT THE TARAS SHEVCHENKO NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF KYIV: THE LATE 20th AND EARLY 21st CENTURIES","authors":"N. Shevchenko, Yu. Shemeta","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.10","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of academic mobility based on analysis of documents and biographies of Spanish students at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century as an important component of educational process of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv has been studied. The purpose of the study was to investigate why Spanish students found themselves in the University, circumstances of their apprenticeship and stay there, as well as specifics of their everyday life in Kyiv. It has been found out that despite the seclusion of the Soviet society, students from capitalist countries, in particular Spain, were studying at the University of Kyiv. Background of such phenomenon is analyzed and assumptions are made as to why this became possible, as well as the ways how Spanish students could enter the University are described. In particular, based on available documents in the University’s archive, it has been brought to light, that all Spanish citizens who studied at the University of Kyiv, were guided by both ideological and material needs, expressed their wish to come to the USSR for study and carried it out with a help of the Union of Soviet Friendship Societies and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries. The most popular specialties that Spanish students aspired to acquire were identified, such as Russian philology, philosophy, economics, and law. With a disruption of former communication models in the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, new ones based on students exchange have been established according to cooperation agreements signed between universities. As of the beginning of the 21stcentury there is information about internship of Spanish students and postgraduate students for a certain time, however unfortunately there is no possibility to study their personal files. The University of Kyiv is confirmed to have long traditions of academic mobility, which history assumes further development prospects.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127364060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.43-57
Hanna Kharlan
The article covers the specific depiction of Eastern Europe in the programs of the main political forces in parliamentary elections in Germany 2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact to the course of political life. The election programs of the six parties (CDU / CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90 / The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) that managed to overcome the barrier were analysed. Almost all political parties that succeeded in breaking the barrier in the parliamentary elections on September 24, 2017, presented their own vision of the European direction of FRG’s foreign policy in their election programs. All parties, except the right-wing populists, spoke in favor of Germany’s active participation in the processes of European integration. Such issues as a strategy for the further development of the EU, overcoming the negative effects of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, and the prospects of community enlargement at the expense of Turkey and the Western Balkans were the focus of political forces. The Christian and Democratic Union / Christian and Social Union, led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel, emphasized the need to strengthen the European Union as a subject of world politics against the background of geopolitical shifts after 2014 and the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. The Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Free Democratic Party and the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” spoke in favor of reforming the EU institutions. Instead, the far-right “Alternative for Germany” called for a radical revision of FRG’s foreign policy strategy. All political forces have noted the deterioration of the situation with democracy and human rights in Turkey, which makes it impossible for this country to enter the EU in the near future. As for membership prospects for the Western Balkans, the parties’ positions differ. The conclusions state that the formation of another “grand coalition” led by A. Merkel testified to the stability of the foreign policy and the desire to maintain the leading role of FRG in the processes of deepening and expanding European integration.
本文涵盖了2017年德国议会选举中主要政治力量方案中对东欧的具体描述。德意志联邦共和国政治力量的立场以其对政治生活进程的影响程度为特征。分析了克服这一障碍的六个政党(基民盟/基社盟、社民党、自由民主党、“90联盟/绿党”、“左翼”、“德国新选择党”)的选举计划。在2017年9月24日举行的议会选举中，几乎所有成功突破障碍的政党都在竞选纲领中提出了自己对德国外交政策欧洲方向的看法。除了右翼民粹主义者外，所有政党都表示支持德国积极参与欧洲一体化进程。欧盟进一步发展的战略、克服英国退出欧盟的负面影响、以土耳其和西巴尔干为代价的欧盟扩大前景等问题是政治力量关注的焦点。由德国联邦总理默克尔领导的基督教与民主联盟/基督教与社会联盟强调，在2014年后地缘政治变化和英国退出欧盟的背景下，有必要加强欧盟作为世界政治的一个主题。德国社会民主党(Social Democratic Party)、自由民主党(Free Democratic Party)和绿党联盟(Alliance 90 / The Greens)发表讲话，支持改革欧盟机构。相反，极右翼政党“德国新选择党”(Alternative for Germany)呼吁彻底修改德国联邦政府的外交政策战略。所有政治力量都注意到土耳其民主和人权状况的恶化，这使得该国在不久的将来不可能加入欧盟。至于西巴尔干加入欧盟的前景，各方立场不一。结论认为，默克尔领导的另一个“大联合政府”的形成，证明了德国外交政策的稳定性，以及德国希望在深化和扩大欧洲一体化进程中保持其领导地位的愿望。
{"title":"European integration in the program documents of political parties of Federal Republic of Germany in elections to the Bundestag 2017","authors":"Hanna Kharlan","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.43-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.43-57","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the specific depiction of Eastern Europe in the programs of the main political forces in parliamentary elections in Germany 2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact to the course of political life. The election programs of the six parties (CDU / CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90 / The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) that managed to overcome the barrier were analysed.\u0000\u0000Almost all political parties that succeeded in breaking the barrier in the parliamentary elections on September 24, 2017, presented their own vision of the European direction of FRG’s foreign policy in their election programs. All parties, except the right-wing populists, spoke in favor of Germany’s active participation in the processes of European integration. Such issues as a strategy for the further development of the EU, overcoming the negative effects of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, and the prospects of community enlargement at the expense of Turkey and the Western Balkans were the focus of political forces.\u0000\u0000The Christian and Democratic Union / Christian and Social Union, led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel, emphasized the need to strengthen the European Union as a subject of world politics against the background of geopolitical shifts after 2014 and the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. The Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Free Democratic Party and the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” spoke in favor of reforming the EU institutions. Instead, the far-right “Alternative for Germany” called for a radical revision of FRG’s foreign policy strategy. All political forces have noted the deterioration of the situation with democracy and human rights in Turkey, which makes it impossible for this country to enter the EU in the near future. As for membership prospects for the Western Balkans, the parties’ positions differ.\u0000\u0000The conclusions state that the formation of another “grand coalition” led by A. Merkel testified to the stability of the foreign policy and the desire to maintain the leading role of FRG in the processes of deepening and expanding European integration.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130719755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.3
Olena Skrypnyk
The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Republic of Northern Macedonia to the European Union. In particular, the problems that arose on the path of European integration of Northern Macedonia are described. Namely, the blockade by Greece, which since the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 opposed the name of the Republic of Macedonia, arguing that the name Macedonia has the Greek region of the same name. As a result, in 2018 the country was renamed the Republic of Northern Macedonia. Bulgaria’s blocking of the opening of negotiations on Northern Macedonia’s accession to the EU was also assessed. The reasons for Bulgaria’s position and the reaction of the European Union countries to this situation are described. Domestic and foreign policy events in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, which directly affected the country’s cooperation with the European Union, are highlighted. The study concluded that despite a number of problems that have arisen and are emerging on the European integration path of Northern Macedonia, the country has a number of achievements in this process. Northern Macedonia was the first country in the region to sign a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, in 2005 it received the status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In 2009 she received a visa-free regime with the EU. However, despite the great achievements in terms of ambitious reforms and reaching a historic agreement with Greece, accession talks have not yet begun. After all, the decision-making process in the European Union takes place through consensus. All countries, without exception, must agree to open a negotiation process with Northern Macedonia. Given the country’s determination and courage in its European integration policy, all the existing problems at the bilateral level can be resolved, as Northern Macedonia has made a number of concessions in order to start the pre-accession process with the EU.
{"title":"EUROPEAN INTEGRATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN MACEDONIA: ACHIEVEMENTS, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS","authors":"Olena Skrypnyk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.3","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Republic of Northern Macedonia to the European Union. In particular, the problems that arose on the path of European integration of Northern Macedonia are described. Namely, the blockade by Greece, which since the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 opposed the name of the Republic of Macedonia, arguing that the name Macedonia has the Greek region of the same name. As a result, in 2018 the country was renamed the Republic of Northern Macedonia. Bulgaria’s blocking of the opening of negotiations on Northern Macedonia’s accession to the EU was also assessed. The reasons for Bulgaria’s position and the reaction of the European Union countries to this situation are described. Domestic and foreign policy events in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, which directly affected the country’s cooperation with the European Union, are highlighted. The study concluded that despite a number of problems that have arisen and are emerging on the European integration path of Northern Macedonia, the country has a number of achievements in this process. Northern Macedonia was the first country in the region to sign a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, in 2005 it received the status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In 2009 she received a visa-free regime with the EU. However, despite the great achievements in terms of ambitious reforms and reaching a historic agreement with Greece, accession talks have not yet begun. After all, the decision-making process in the European Union takes place through consensus. All countries, without exception, must agree to open a negotiation process with Northern Macedonia. Given the country’s determination and courage in its European integration policy, all the existing problems at the bilateral level can be resolved, as Northern Macedonia has made a number of concessions in order to start the pre-accession process with the EU.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130343006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.6
Dmytro Naulko
The article examines the complex of Ottoman-Brazilian relations in the period 1858–1919 based on a comprehensive analysis of available published sources and the scientific studies of scientists. The development, dynamics, and evolution of bilateral relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil during the above period are examined. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the prerequisites, reasons, motivation and main course of countries to establish connection and official diplomatic relations, highlighting the general features and major achievements of the activities of Brazilian diplomatic institutions in the territory of the Ottoman Empire and Ottoman diplomatic institutions in the territory of Brazil. The methodological basis of the article is the principles of historicism, pluralism, comprehensiveness, integrity and objectivity of knowledge. Methods of analysis and synthesis were also used. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the fact that for the first time the evolution of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil is highlighted, theoretical assessments of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire are formulated. In the conclusions of the work, it is noted that due to various and multiple legal conflicts, misunderstandings and the lack of political will, even taking into account the existence of a bilateral agreement on the establishment of diplomatic relations, the activity of diplomatic institutions was extremely complicated by the above-mentioned facts, which did not contribute to the intensification of bilateral relations and its further development. A theoretical assessment of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire is formulated. The negative influence of the migration factor on bilateral relations has been revealed.
{"title":"OTTOMAN-BRAZILIAN RELATIONS 1858–1919","authors":"Dmytro Naulko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the complex of Ottoman-Brazilian relations in the period 1858–1919 based on a comprehensive analysis of available published sources and the scientific studies of scientists. The development, dynamics, and evolution of bilateral relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil during the above period are examined. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the prerequisites, reasons, motivation and main course of countries to establish connection and official diplomatic relations, highlighting the general features and major achievements of the activities of Brazilian diplomatic institutions in the territory of the Ottoman Empire and Ottoman diplomatic institutions in the territory of Brazil. The methodological basis of the article is the principles of historicism, pluralism, comprehensiveness, integrity and objectivity of knowledge. Methods of analysis and synthesis were also used. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the fact that for the first time the evolution of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil is highlighted, theoretical assessments of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire are formulated. In the conclusions of the work, it is noted that due to various and multiple legal conflicts, misunderstandings and the lack of political will, even taking into account the existence of a bilateral agreement on the establishment of diplomatic relations, the activity of diplomatic institutions was extremely complicated by the above-mentioned facts, which did not contribute to the intensification of bilateral relations and its further development. A theoretical assessment of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire is formulated. The negative influence of the migration factor on bilateral relations has been revealed.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133489473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.06
O. Skripnik
The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Albania to the European Union in the mainstream of the lands of the Western Balkans became members of the united Europe. The preconditions and development of the process of formation of European integration in the Republic of Albania analyzed. Is undertaken an attempt at the analysis of the real possibilities of Albania to be taken in the European Union and the interest of this integrated association to maintain double-sided cooperation with Albania, in spite of the absence of necessary economic, political and other bases for its adoption in the European Union. Special attention is given to the domestic and foreign policy developments in the Republic of Albania, which directly influenced Albania’s cooperation with the European Union before and after the beginning of the active euro-integration dialogue. Special emphasis made on an overview of the most important issues and problematic moments on determining the start of the EU accession negotiation process with Albania. The methodology of the research based on the principles of systemicity, authenticity, historicism, logics. General scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-typological, historical-system) methods have been used. The scientific novelty is that for the first time the European integration of Albania studied separately from other countries of the Western Balkans. The studies concluded that Albania’s desire to join the European Union linked to its desire to stabilize the country, modernize the domestic political system, improve the economic situation, facilitate the solution of social problems, participate in the mechanism of redistribution of financial resources, to enhance its political status by taking advantage of the benefits of membership in this organization. As for the EU’s position, official Brussels is pursuing a rather restrained and balanced policy of expanding its borders.
{"title":"Peculiarities of the process of integration of the republic of Albania to the European Union","authors":"O. Skripnik","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.06","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Albania to the European Union in the mainstream of the lands of the Western Balkans became members of the united Europe. The preconditions and development of the process of formation of European integration in the Republic of Albania analyzed. Is undertaken an attempt at the analysis of the real possibilities of Albania to be taken in the European Union and the interest of this integrated association to maintain double-sided cooperation with Albania, in spite of the absence of necessary economic, political and other bases for its adoption in the European Union.\u0000Special attention is given to the domestic and foreign policy developments in the Republic of Albania, which directly influenced Albania’s cooperation with the European Union before and after the beginning of the active euro-integration dialogue. Special emphasis made on an overview of the most important issues and problematic moments on determining the start of the EU accession negotiation process with Albania.\u0000The methodology of the research based on the principles of systemicity, authenticity, historicism, logics. General scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-typological, historical-system) methods have been used.\u0000The scientific novelty is that for the first time the European integration of Albania studied separately from other countries of the Western Balkans.\u0000The studies concluded that Albania’s desire to join the European Union linked to its desire to stabilize the country, modernize the domestic political system, improve the economic situation, facilitate the solution of social problems, participate in the mechanism of redistribution of financial resources, to enhance its political status by taking advantage of the benefits of membership in this organization. As for the EU’s position, official Brussels is pursuing a rather restrained and balanced policy of expanding its borders.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132529333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.136-155
Y. Popenko
The expansionist policy of Romania during the first decades of the XX century was not accidental or spontaneous. It was clearly realized by the leadership of the Kingdom within the state idea of the creation of «Great Romania». In general, the foreign policy of Bucharest during the First World War and the period of the formation of the Versailles system of the international relations were exponential in terms of the defending its own national interests and the conquest the status of the regional leader in the Balkan region. At the end of 1919, the foreign policy situation for Romania continued to stay difficult. It seemed that the combination of the internal and the external conditions had to cross out the ambitious plans of Bucharest. However, the Romanian leadership still managed to get out of the crisis situation. In November 1919, the parliamentary elections took place in the country, which is led to the change of the government. Soon it was headed by A. Vaida-Voevod. Thanks to his efforts and the activities in Paris and London he succeeded to move the «Bessarabian» problem from the place in the direction of the formal recognition of the region by the Romanian territory. The purpose of the article is the analysis of the political struggle around the «Bessarabian» question at the Paris Conference during December 1919 – March 1920. Considering the important value of the material, the short period of the work of the conference in Paris was taken by the author, because the period demonstrates in what the strained atmosphere the new map of the post-war Europe was formed. We must note that A. Vaida-Voevod’s activities in the «Bessarabian» direction had positive results for Romania. On 12 March, the Verkhovna Rada of the Entente sent the decision on the outlined question to the Romanians. It was determined in it that the Allies considered that it was not worth more to leave the unresolved questions of Bessarabia. Taking into account the preliminary conclusions of the commissions and the desires of the people of the region, they spoke out in favor of the joining of the region to Romania. At the same time, the Entente insisted that Bucharest should provide the compliance of the interests of Bessarabia on the same base as in other parts of the Kingdom. In the case of the occurrence they should be decided by the League of Nations.
{"title":"«I Do Not Want to Remember the Past Here. My Role is to Do the Present and to Look into the Future»: A. Vaida-Voevod’s Activity at the Paris Conference (december 1919 – march 1920)","authors":"Y. Popenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.136-155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.136-155","url":null,"abstract":"The expansionist policy of Romania during the first decades of the XX century was not accidental or spontaneous. It was clearly realized by the leadership of the Kingdom within the state idea of the creation of «Great Romania». In general, the foreign policy of Bucharest during the First World War and the period of the formation of the Versailles system of the international relations were exponential in terms of the defending its own national interests and the conquest the status of the regional leader in the Balkan region. At the end of 1919, the foreign policy situation for Romania continued to stay difficult. It seemed that the combination of the internal and the external conditions had to cross out the ambitious plans of Bucharest. However, the Romanian leadership still managed to get out of the crisis situation. In November 1919, the parliamentary elections took place in the country, which is led to the change of the government. Soon it was headed by A. Vaida-Voevod. Thanks to his efforts and the activities in Paris and London he succeeded to move the «Bessarabian» problem from the place in the direction of the formal recognition of the region by the Romanian territory. The purpose of the article is the analysis of the political struggle around the «Bessarabian» question at the Paris Conference during December 1919 – March 1920. Considering the important value of the material, the short period of the work of the conference in Paris was taken by the author, because the period demonstrates in what the strained atmosphere the new map of the post-war Europe was formed. We must note that A. Vaida-Voevod’s activities in the «Bessarabian» direction had positive results for Romania. On 12 March, the Verkhovna Rada of the Entente sent the decision on the outlined question to the Romanians. It was determined in it that the Allies considered that it was not worth more to leave the unresolved questions of Bessarabia. Taking into account the preliminary conclusions of the commissions and the desires of the people of the region, they spoke out in favor of the joining of the region to Romania. At the same time, the Entente insisted that Bucharest should provide the compliance of the interests of Bessarabia on the same base as in other parts of the Kingdom. In the case of the occurrence they should be decided by the League of Nations.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122230723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.6
Svitlana Motruk
The article is devoted to the history of Czechoslovak civil society and its important component – dissidents. The process of the independent initiatives and structures wide spectrum creation, which were in opposition to the regime of “normalization” is considered, as well as their influence on the process of democratic transit and determination of the integration course. Typology and program’s directions of this structure and the causes of polyvariance and controversiality in points of view are analyzed. The article draws special attention to the replacement of the paradigm of opposition work – the transition from political activity to the conception of «antipolitical policy». The level of the main components of the democratic movement influence, «Charter-77» on the social and political process during the researched period is determined. One of its consequences was the emergence of protostructures of the «parallel society». In Czechoslovakia the «parallel society» operated under the strong influence of state structures. It was forced to distance itself from political issues. Nevertheless, the structures of the «parallel society» and its «nonpolitical policy» turned out to provide a significant system of ideas and organizational initiatives. It was capable of transforming the society, which was stagnant in the final years of the policy of «normalization». It also promoted the future emergence of democratic structures. On the basis of the political and legal experience in Czechoslovakia is proved the interdependence of civil society and democratic processes activity. The author emphasizes that the transition into a full European Union and NATO members was the result of a long, difficult and controversial process of «European Come Back». This process started after the Velvet Revolution victory and allowed the leadership of the countries with the support of the «third sector» to manage a number of problems in the social-political and military-technical spheres. The participation principles of civil society and its organizations in public life, in the decision-making process at the state level, and reasons for the decline of activism in the political culture of the population are considered.
{"title":"Civil society during the crisis of the «normalization» regime and the genesis of Czechoslovakia’s Euro-Atlantic course","authors":"Svitlana Motruk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the history of Czechoslovak civil society and its important component – dissidents. The process of the independent initiatives and structures wide spectrum creation, which were in opposition to the regime of “normalization” is considered, as well as their influence on the process of democratic transit and determination of the integration course. Typology and program’s directions of this structure and the causes of polyvariance and controversiality in points of view are analyzed. The article draws special attention to the replacement of the paradigm of opposition work – the transition from political activity to the conception of «antipolitical policy». The level of the main components of the democratic movement influence, «Charter-77» on the social and political process during the researched period is determined. One of its consequences was the emergence of protostructures of the «parallel society». In Czechoslovakia the «parallel society» operated under the strong influence of state structures. It was forced to distance itself from political issues. Nevertheless, the structures of the «parallel society» and its «nonpolitical policy» turned out to provide a significant system of ideas and organizational initiatives. It was capable of transforming the society, which was stagnant in the final years of the policy of «normalization». It also promoted the future emergence of democratic structures. On the basis of the political and legal experience in Czechoslovakia is proved the interdependence of civil society and democratic processes activity. The author emphasizes that the transition into a full European Union and NATO members was the result of a long, difficult and controversial process of «European Come Back». This process started after the Velvet Revolution victory and allowed the leadership of the countries with the support of the «third sector» to manage a number of problems in the social-political and military-technical spheres. The participation principles of civil society and its organizations in public life, in the decision-making process at the state level, and reasons for the decline of activism in the political culture of the population are considered.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115629888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.1
M. Georgieva
The article reveals the peculiarities of the development of industrial relations in the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy in terms of its membership in the European Union. Thanks to the involvement of a wide range of statistical sources, it is determined that modern Bulgarian society is experiencing profound changes in socio-economic development, the response to which has brought the Bulgarian agricultural sector to a competitive level. It is determined that the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy had a rather difficult way of adapting production relations to European requirements. At the same time, Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union stimulated the development of agriculture, contributed to the introduction of the latest agro-technical production technologies, rational land use, improvement of agricultural products. The main trends in the development of the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy after the country’s accession to the EU and the transformation processes in the sector are analyzed. In addition, as a result of an in-depth analysis, it was proved that the Bulgarian agricultural sector on the verge of joining the EU had a number of problems that hindered the increase of its productivity and profitability. Following Bulgaria’s accession to the European Economic Area, the country had to take a number of measures to address the above-mentioned problem. In particular, it consisted in the adaptation of agricultural legislation, state support measures to European norms and standards of agricultural production to European norms and requirements. The deepening of European integration and the further accession of Bulgaria to the EU accelerated the transformation of agricultural production relations and the modernization of agriculture, which was accompanied by the adaptation and harmonization of the agricultural sector to increase its productivity.
{"title":"FEATURES OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF AGRARIAN RELATIONS IN BULGARIA AFTER ACCESSION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION (2007–2019)","authors":"M. Georgieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the peculiarities of the development of industrial relations in the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy in terms of its membership in the European Union. Thanks to the involvement of a wide range of statistical sources, it is determined that modern Bulgarian society is experiencing profound changes in socio-economic development, the response to which has brought the Bulgarian agricultural sector to a competitive level.\u0000\u0000It is determined that the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy had a rather difficult way of adapting production relations to European requirements. At the same time, Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union stimulated the development of agriculture, contributed to the introduction of the latest agro-technical production technologies, rational land use, improvement of agricultural products.\u0000\u0000The main trends in the development of the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy after the country’s accession to the EU and the transformation processes in the sector are analyzed. In addition, as a result of an in-depth analysis, it was proved that the Bulgarian agricultural sector on the verge of joining the EU had a number of problems that hindered the increase of its productivity and profitability. Following Bulgaria’s accession to the European Economic Area, the country had to take a number of measures to address the above-mentioned problem. In particular, it consisted in the adaptation of agricultural legislation, state support measures to European norms and standards of agricultural production to European norms and requirements. The deepening of European integration and the further accession of Bulgaria to the EU accelerated the transformation of agricultural production relations and the modernization of agriculture, which was accompanied by the adaptation and harmonization of the agricultural sector to increase its productivity.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126352020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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