{"title":"Le Mystère de saint Clément de Metz, éd. par Frédéric Duval","authors":"M. Bouhaïk-Gironès","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103765","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"123-124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103765","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Farce of the Fart and Other Ribaldries: Twelve Medieval French Plays in Modern English, éd. et trad. par Jody Enders","authors":"Émilie Pilon-David","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103766","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"124-129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103766","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Up to now, literary research has only considered Johannes Cochlaeus' "Ein heimlich gsprech" from the perspective of anti-Lutheran polemics. The comedy, however, is first of all a critical commentary on another play - Johannes Agricola's "Tragedia Johannis Huss". The current article draws a line between these two sides of the comedy and shows that the literary critique supports the theological critique. By measuring Agricola's tragedy against the ideal of Humanist drama, and by criticizing the style, the roles, the structure, the development of the plot, and the ending of the tragedy, as well as the stage directions and the intended style of performance, Cochlaeus attacks those features of Agricola's Lutheran play that made it most effective. These elements, however, were in turn borrowed from medieval religious plays. Thus Cochlaeus claims that the Lutherans unwillingly use a literary genre that they despise, and that they are ignorant of Humanist learning, while the plot of the play depicts the Lutherans as ignorant of their own theology.
{"title":"A Polemical Theatre Review on Stage: Johannes Cochlaeus’ Ein heimlich gsprech Vonn der Tragedia Johannis Hussen","authors":"Cora Dietl","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103762","url":null,"abstract":"Up to now, literary research has only considered Johannes Cochlaeus' \"Ein heimlich gsprech\" from the perspective of anti-Lutheran polemics. The comedy, however, is first of all a critical commentary on another play - Johannes Agricola's \"Tragedia Johannis Huss\". The current article draws a line between these two sides of the comedy and shows that the literary critique supports the theological critique. By measuring Agricola's tragedy against the ideal of Humanist drama, and by criticizing the style, the roles, the structure, the development of the plot, and the ending of the tragedy, as well as the stage directions and the intended style of performance, Cochlaeus attacks those features of Agricola's Lutheran play that made it most effective. These elements, however, were in turn borrowed from medieval religious plays. Thus Cochlaeus claims that the Lutherans unwillingly use a literary genre that they despise, and that they are ignorant of Humanist learning, while the plot of the play depicts the Lutherans as ignorant of their own theology.","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"81-97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103762","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the more popular features of the processional theatre of Palm Sunday in medieval Germany and its neighbours was a life-size, wheeled, wooden image of Christ on a donkey. First recorded in Augsburg in the late tenth century, the palmesel (palm donkey) was at the height of its urban ecclesiastical presence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Although the Protestant Reformation ended the use of the palmesel in much of northern Europe, it remained popular, albeit as an increasingly folk tradition, in southern Germany, Austria, and Switzerland until it was suppressed there, too, during the late eighteenth-century Catholic Enlightenment. The palmesel remains in use in a few communities in the Tyrol, Bavaria, Alsace, and lowland Bolivia. Most surviving palmesels, however, are now housed in museums, or displayed in churches where they were once used. Scholarship on the palmesel has largely come from German-speaking folklorists and, more recently, international art historians. Using examples from Augsburg (c. 970), Zurich (c. 1261-81), Essen (thirteenth-century), Biberach (c. 1530-35), Verona (1690), and San Jose de Chiquitos, Bolivia (2011), I assess the palmesel here less as an art object than as a dramatic participant in the processional theatre of Palm Sunday
{"title":"Interpreting the Role of Christ and His Donkey: The Palmesel as Actor in the Processional Theatre of Palm Sunday","authors":"M. Harris","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103757","url":null,"abstract":"One of the more popular features of the processional theatre of Palm Sunday in medieval Germany and its neighbours was a life-size, wheeled, wooden image of Christ on a donkey. First recorded in Augsburg in the late tenth century, the palmesel (palm donkey) was at the height of its urban ecclesiastical presence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Although the Protestant Reformation ended the use of the palmesel in much of northern Europe, it remained popular, albeit as an increasingly folk tradition, in southern Germany, Austria, and Switzerland until it was suppressed there, too, during the late eighteenth-century Catholic Enlightenment. The palmesel remains in use in a few communities in the Tyrol, Bavaria, Alsace, and lowland Bolivia. Most surviving palmesels, however, are now housed in museums, or displayed in churches where they were once used. Scholarship on the palmesel has largely come from German-speaking folklorists and, more recently, international art historians. Using examples from Augsburg (c. 970), Zurich (c. 1261-81), Essen (thirteenth-century), Biberach (c. 1530-35), Verona (1690), and San Jose de Chiquitos, Bolivia (2011), I assess the palmesel here less as an art object than as a dramatic participant in the processional theatre of Palm Sunday","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"1-17"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103757","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Fastnachtspiele. Weltliches Schauspiel in literarischen und kulturellen Kontexten, ed. by Klaus Ridder","authors":"Leif Søndergaard","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103767","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"130-134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103767","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the 1970s, scholars of medieval theatre have described late medieval vernacular performances as communal events on the one hand and as vehicles for demonstrating social authority on the other. This article steps into the space between collective intention and particular agency to compare three late medieval performance remnants with different histories. Using textual evidence of three types -prologues and epilogues, marginal staging notations, and embedded (spoken) cues about staging - 'Putting People in their Place in French Hagiographic Mystery Plays' re-imagines the spatial dimensions of three very different venues, including the construction of their stages, the relationship between player and spectator, and the social implications thereof. Ultimately, this study builds a case for the individual mandates, traditions, and performances of the Mystere de saint Laurent, which survives in an early sixteenth-century edition, the Jeu de saint Estienne pape et martire, a sixteenth-century manuscript copy of a three-session play that was performed in Saint-Mihiel (Belgium) in 1548, and the Mystere de saint Christofle, which survives in two sixteenth-century editions.
自20世纪70年代以来，中世纪戏剧学者将中世纪晚期的方言表演描述为一方面是公共事件，另一方面是展示社会权威的工具。本文将进入集体意向与特殊代理之间的空间，比较三个具有不同历史背景的中世纪晚期表演遗留物。利用三种类型的文本证据——序言和尾声，边缘舞台符号，以及关于舞台的嵌入式(口头)线索——“把人们放在他们的位置在法国圣徒神秘剧”重新想象了三个非常不同的场所的空间维度，包括他们的舞台结构，演员和观众之间的关系，以及由此产生的社会含义。最后，本研究为《圣洛朗之谜》的个人委托、传统和表演建立了一个案例，《圣洛朗之谜》保存于16世纪早期的版本，《圣洛朗之谜》(Jeu de saint Estienne pape et martire)是1548年在比利时圣米耶尔(saint - mihiel)演出的三节戏的16世纪手稿副本，《圣克里斯托夫之谜》保存于两个16世纪的版本。
{"title":"‘Putting People in their Place in French Hagiographic Mystery Plays’: The Craft(s) of Medieval Theatre: Spaces and People","authors":"V. Hamblin","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.5.103759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103759","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1970s, scholars of medieval theatre have described late medieval vernacular performances as communal events on the one hand and as vehicles for demonstrating social authority on the other. This article steps into the space between collective intention and particular agency to compare three late medieval performance remnants with different histories. Using textual evidence of three types -prologues and epilogues, marginal staging notations, and embedded (spoken) cues about staging - 'Putting People in their Place in French Hagiographic Mystery Plays' re-imagines the spatial dimensions of three very different venues, including the construction of their stages, the relationship between player and spectator, and the social implications thereof. Ultimately, this study builds a case for the individual mandates, traditions, and performances of the Mystere de saint Laurent, which survives in an early sixteenth-century edition, the Jeu de saint Estienne pape et martire, a sixteenth-century manuscript copy of a three-session play that was performed in Saint-Mihiel (Belgium) in 1548, and the Mystere de saint Christofle, which survives in two sixteenth-century editions.","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"16 1","pages":"33-51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.5.103759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66678300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Wahrend etwa fur Frankreich der Zusammenhang von mittelalterlichen Universitaten und Theaterspiel langst bekannt ist, hat man fur den deutschsprachigen Raum diese Verbindung bislang nicht erkannt. Dabei geht es hier nicht um das humanistische universitare Drama, sondern um das altere geistliche Spiel. Eine Untersuchung der Wiener Verhaltnisse ergibt, das Professoren und Studenten der Wiener Universitat als Autoren und Regisseure etwa von Passionsspielen agierten. Hinzu kommt das Buhnenwirken von Universitatsabsolventen nach Studienabschlus an ihren neuen Wirkungsorten in Stadten, Schulen oder Klostern. Dabei spielen - wie auch beim Universitatsschriftum - die monastischen Reformen eine wichtige distributive Rolle. Uber Wien hinaus gibt es Hinweise auf vergleichbare Verhaltnisse an weiteren Universitaten. Hier musten aber noch vielfach erst heuristische Forschungen zum lateinischen und volkssprachigen Universitatsschrifttum (vor dem Humanismus) angestellt werden.
{"title":"Universitätsangehörige als Dramenautoren und Regisseure - Wien als Fallbeispiel","authors":"K. Wolf","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.1.102933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102933","url":null,"abstract":"Wahrend etwa fur Frankreich der Zusammenhang von mittelalterlichen Universitaten und Theaterspiel langst bekannt ist, hat man fur den deutschsprachigen Raum diese Verbindung bislang nicht erkannt. Dabei geht es hier nicht um das humanistische universitare Drama, sondern um das altere geistliche Spiel. Eine Untersuchung der Wiener Verhaltnisse ergibt, das Professoren und Studenten der Wiener Universitat als Autoren und Regisseure etwa von Passionsspielen agierten. Hinzu kommt das Buhnenwirken von Universitatsabsolventen nach Studienabschlus an ihren neuen Wirkungsorten in Stadten, Schulen oder Klostern. Dabei spielen - wie auch beim Universitatsschriftum - die monastischen Reformen eine wichtige distributive Rolle. Uber Wien hinaus gibt es Hinweise auf vergleichbare Verhaltnisse an weiteren Universitaten. Hier musten aber noch vielfach erst heuristische Forschungen zum lateinischen und volkssprachigen Universitatsschrifttum (vor dem Humanismus) angestellt werden.","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"15 1","pages":"65-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102933","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66676451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hildegard of Bingen (1098-1179) composed her magnificent music drama Ordo virtutum, which Peter Dronke rediscovered to international acclaim in 1970, in the early 1150s. Hildegard wrote a first draft, without melodies, at the end of Scivias, her first visionary work, completed in 1151. The Ordo virtutum (best rendered ‘The Play of Divine Powers’) is not an early Morality play, but a unique convent drama celebrating monastic virginity (after the Soul succumbs to the snarling Devil, the only character not to sing - Hildegard’s master stroke, sixteen convent ‘Virtues’ save her). Towards the end of her life, Hildegard was able to engage a highly skilled music scribe (probably one of her nuns working in the Rupertsberg scriptorium) who entered the eighty-three chants she composed for the text into the so-called Riesenkodex (c. 1175-79) in the most advanced form of notation then known (neumes on clefed four-line staves), thus preserving her music for generations to come. Hildegard’s nuns most likely performed t...
{"title":"Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179) and her Music Drama Ordo virtutum: A Critical Review of Scholarship and Some New Suggestions","authors":"Eckehard Simon","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.1.102935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102935","url":null,"abstract":"Hildegard of Bingen (1098-1179) composed her magnificent music drama Ordo virtutum, which Peter Dronke rediscovered to international acclaim in 1970, in the early 1150s. Hildegard wrote a first draft, without melodies, at the end of Scivias, her first visionary work, completed in 1151. The Ordo virtutum (best rendered ‘The Play of Divine Powers’) is not an early Morality play, but a unique convent drama celebrating monastic virginity (after the Soul succumbs to the snarling Devil, the only character not to sing - Hildegard’s master stroke, sixteen convent ‘Virtues’ save her). Towards the end of her life, Hildegard was able to engage a highly skilled music scribe (probably one of her nuns working in the Rupertsberg scriptorium) who entered the eighty-three chants she composed for the text into the so-called Riesenkodex (c. 1175-79) in the most advanced form of notation then known (neumes on clefed four-line staves), thus preserving her music for generations to come. Hildegard’s nuns most likely performed t...","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"15 1","pages":"93-114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102935","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66676502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with the performance aspects of medieval spells and rituals. Magic might take various shapes from benedictions to maledictions, adjurations and conjurations, divinations and omens. Some spells were written, others spoken or performed in rituals. Spells could be shouted in a shrill voice or combined with ritual procedures where magic gained efficacy. It was important that this was done in the right way, or else the magic could fail. Most of the spells and rituals were performed by professional sorcerers or sorceresses but clerics and ordinary people in some cases might expel the demons who were believed to cause illness or harm in other ways. Special interest in the article is invested in the spells and rituals where the performance aspects are explicitly or implicitly stated. The most important spells and rituals from the Scandinavian counties are cited in extenso and commented upon.
{"title":"Dramatic Aspects of Medieval Magic in Scandinavia","authors":"Leif Søndergaard","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.1.102937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102937","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the performance aspects of medieval spells and rituals. Magic might take various shapes from benedictions to maledictions, adjurations and conjurations, divinations and omens. Some spells were written, others spoken or performed in rituals. Spells could be shouted in a shrill voice or combined with ritual procedures where magic gained efficacy. It was important that this was done in the right way, or else the magic could fail. Most of the spells and rituals were performed by professional sorcerers or sorceresses but clerics and ordinary people in some cases might expel the demons who were believed to cause illness or harm in other ways. Special interest in the article is invested in the spells and rituals where the performance aspects are explicitly or implicitly stated. The most important spells and rituals from the Scandinavian counties are cited in extenso and commented upon.","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"15 1","pages":"135-151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102937","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66676513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Le but de cet article est de presenter la comedie latine medievale comme une forme aboutie de la culture rhetorique du XIIe siecle. Plus precisement, je m’interesse a la culture, qui a fleuri dans le milieu des ecoles cathedrales du Val de Loire, alors que les traditions litteraires grecque et romaine sont reinterpretees, en ce temps et cet endroit, par l’exercice d’une critique empreinte de respect. Par l’analyse des definitions du XIIe siecle de la notion de ‘comedia’, puis par la confrontation des theories formulees dans les poetriae (Mathieu de Vendome, Geoffroi de Vinsauf et Jean de Garlande) avec la pratique poetique d’un nouveau comique (Vital de Blois dans son Geta, vers 1125-30), je plaide pour l’hypothese d’une conception initiale de la comedie elegiaque qui serait non-theâtrale; sans pour autant nier sa performativite. Une comedie, concue selon les regles des moderni, eprouve la performance dans l’acte de pronuntiatio qui reclame un orateur et non un histrion.
{"title":"Les Comédies latines à la culture du savoir au XIIe siècle: les stratégies rhétoriques au Geta de Vital de Blois","authors":"Klementyna Aura Glińska","doi":"10.1484/J.EMD.1.102930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102930","url":null,"abstract":"Le but de cet article est de presenter la comedie latine medievale comme une forme aboutie de la culture rhetorique du XIIe siecle. Plus precisement, je m’interesse a la culture, qui a fleuri dans le milieu des ecoles cathedrales du Val de Loire, alors que les traditions litteraires grecque et romaine sont reinterpretees, en ce temps et cet endroit, par l’exercice d’une critique empreinte de respect. Par l’analyse des definitions du XIIe siecle de la notion de ‘comedia’, puis par la confrontation des theories formulees dans les poetriae (Mathieu de Vendome, Geoffroi de Vinsauf et Jean de Garlande) avec la pratique poetique d’un nouveau comique (Vital de Blois dans son Geta, vers 1125-30), je plaide pour l’hypothese d’une conception initiale de la comedie elegiaque qui serait non-theâtrale; sans pour autant nier sa performativite. Une comedie, concue selon les regles des moderni, eprouve la performance dans l’acte de pronuntiatio qui reclame un orateur et non un histrion.","PeriodicalId":39581,"journal":{"name":"European Medieval Drama","volume":"15 1","pages":"1-29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.EMD.1.102930","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66676384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：