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Glossing Spenser’s Griesly 斯宾塞的《悲歌》
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699751
Samuel V. Lemley
Scholars often gloss Spenser’s adjective griesly with conventional synonyms: frightful, horrible, ghastly. While Spenser’s griesly is no doubt semantically linked with these words, it does more than merely denote the frightening and bizarre. This gleaning suggests that glossing Spenser’s griesly in these terms precludes a reading of its connotative range. When read across and through Spenser’s corpus, griesly conveys three linked thematic associations: the passage of time, liminality, and senescence/mutability.
学者们经常用传统的同义词来粉饰斯宾塞的形容词:可怕的,可怕的,可怕的。虽然斯宾塞的“悲伤”一词毫无疑问在语义上与这些词联系在一起,但它不仅仅是指可怕和怪异。这种收集表明,用这些术语来悲伤地修饰斯宾塞的作品妨碍了对其内涵范围的解读。当我们通读斯宾塞的语料库时,悲哀地传达了三个相互关联的主题联想:时间的流逝、阈限和衰老/可变性。
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引用次数: 0
Spenser, Chaucer, and the Renaissance Squire’s Tale 斯宾塞、乔叟与文艺复兴时期乡绅的故事
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699645
Jeff Espie
This essay develops existing scholarship about Spenser’s reconstruction of Chaucer’s Squire’s Tale in Book IV of The Faerie Queene. I suggest, first, a new reason why Renaissance literary historians should study Spenser’s imitation of Chaucer in conjunction with the printed editions that transmitted his poetry to a Tudor audience: they present a prologue for The Squire’s Tale that differs radically from modern texts. The prologue, never before discussed in a Spenserian context, identifies the Squire as a paradoxical combination of deference and assertiveness, framing his tale as the product of an active, metafictional revision; Spenser adapts this posture and poetics as his own. I propose, second, a new reason why Spenserians might consider The Squire’s Tale alongside Anelida and Arcite and The Knight’s Tale: the poems collectively articulate a pattern of Chaucerian self-revision that Spenser appropriates to claim his place in a variously national and international tradition. Mediated by his Renaissance editions, following his own feet, Chaucer provides Spenser with poems to rewrite but also with a guide to accomplish his rewriting; Chaucer is the target of Spenser’s revision as well as the model for how to do it.
本文发展了斯宾塞在《仙后》第四卷中对乔叟的《乡绅的故事》的重构。首先,我认为文艺复兴时期的文学史学家应该研究斯宾塞对乔叟的模仿,以及将他的诗歌传播给都铎时代的读者的印刷版本,这是一个新的理由:他们为《乡绅的故事》提供了一个与现代文本截然不同的序言。序言从未在斯宾塞式的语境中讨论过,它将乡绅视为顺从与自信的矛盾结合,将他的故事构建为积极的元虚构修正的产物;斯宾塞把这种姿态和诗学当作自己的。第二,我提出了一个新的理由,为什么斯宾塞学派的人会把《乡绅的故事》和《阿涅利达》、《阿西特》、《骑士的故事》相提并论:这些诗共同表达了一种乔叟式的自我修正模式,斯宾塞利用这种模式在各种国家和国际传统中占据了一席之地。以文艺复兴时期的版本为媒介,按照自己的脚步,乔叟为斯宾塞提供了可以重写的诗歌,也为他完成重写提供了指导;乔叟既是斯宾塞修正的对象,也是斯宾塞修正的典范。
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引用次数: 2
Spenser’s Spell: Archaism and Historical Stylometrics 斯宾塞的咒语:古语与历史文体学
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/700300
A. Basu, Joseph F. Loewenstein
In the present essay, on Spenser’s orthography, we address the question of whether the orthography of Spenser’s texts, in early modern editions, is salient and therefore worth preserving in modern editions. Even when we face the bibliographic fact that Spenser’s texts seem not to have been regarded as so valuably idiosyncratic that early modern printers preserved them from adjustment, we may still seek to know whether the first editions of Spenser’s works are demonstrably and articulably idiosyncratic, whether orthographically, lexically, inflectionally, or syntactically. This essay formulates a method for statistically probing Spenser’s orthographic profile against what we demonstrate to be the variant, but coherent background of early printed English. We build a model of early modern orthographic change based on letter n-grams extracted from the 60,000 texts in the EEBO-TCP corpus. The n-grams yield some 30,000 features; we concentrate on a subset of the 200 most variant features, reducing the dimensionality of the data by means of principal component analysis (PCA). Situating Spenser’s texts against contemporary and near-contemporary texts, we demonstrate that, in general, Spenser’s corpus is not orthographically distinctive and propose that the impression of the linguistic distinctiveness of Spenser’s poetry is concentrated elsewhere. We conclude both with proposals for new tests that might enable us to isolate that distinctiveness and with a brief assessment of appropriate editorial responses to our investigations.
在目前的文章中,关于斯宾塞的正字法,我们解决了斯宾塞文本的正字法,在早期的现代版本中,是否突出,因此值得在现代版本中保留的问题。即使我们面对这样的书目事实,即斯宾塞的文本似乎没有被认为是如此有价值的独特,以至于早期的现代印刷商保留了它们而不进行调整,我们仍然可以试图知道斯宾塞作品的第一版是否明显和清晰地独特,无论是在正字法上,词汇上,屈折变化上,还是在句法上。本文提出了一种统计方法来探究斯宾塞的正字法轮廓,我们证明了早期印刷英语的不同,但连贯的背景。我们基于从EEBO-TCP语料库中的60,000个文本中提取的字母n-gram建立了早期现代正字法变化模型。n-grams产生了大约30,000个特征;我们专注于200个最多变特征的子集,通过主成分分析(PCA)降低数据的维数。将斯宾塞的文本与当代和近当代文本进行对比,我们证明,总的来说,斯宾塞的语料库在正字法上并不独特,并提出斯宾塞诗歌的语言独特性的印象集中在其他地方。最后,我们提出了可能使我们能够分离这种独特性的新测试的建议,并简要评估了编辑对我们调查的适当反应。
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引用次数: 1
Time, Reading, and the Material Text: Revising Spenser’s Shepheardes Calender 时间,阅读和材料文本:修订斯宾塞的谢泼德日历
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699648
Jessica Beckman
Studies of The Shepheardes Calender almost exclusively focus on its first edition, printed by Hugh Singleton in 1579. Yet in 1580, Singleton sold his publication rights to John Harrison II, who controlled its printing for the next twenty years. This essay traces how a series of printers enlisted by Harrison in the late sixteenth century made subtle changes to The Shepheardes Calender that de-emphasize its emblems and glosses. It argues that these changes reshape the central kineticism of the Calender that relies on the interplay between its eclogues and paratexts to vary how readers move through the work. By articulating how Spenser’s text connects serial reading with the passage of linear time, this essay calls new attention to the role played by mise-en-page in amplifying the Calender’s complex temporality.
对《牧羊人日历》的研究几乎完全集中在1579年休·辛格尔顿印刷的第一版上。然而在1580年,辛格尔顿把他的出版权卖给了约翰·哈里森二世,后者在接下来的20年里控制了这本书的印刷。这篇文章追溯了哈里森在16世纪后期招募的一系列印刷商如何对《牧羊人日历》进行了微妙的修改,以减少对其标志和光泽的强调。它认为,这些变化重塑了《日历》的中心运动主义,这种运动主义依赖于牧歌和文本之间的相互作用,从而改变读者在作品中的移动方式。通过阐明斯宾塞的文本是如何将连续阅读与线性时间的流逝联系起来的,本文唤起了人们对页内排版在放大《日历》复杂的时间性方面所起作用的新的关注。
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引用次数: 0
Spenser, Ruskin, and the Victorian Culture of Medieval England 斯宾塞、罗斯金与中世纪英国的维多利亚文化
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699752
William N. West
Victorian scholars of the Renaissance took the backward gaze of Spenser’s Faerie Queene at an imaginary chivalric England as a magic lantern by which the England of the 1590s could be projected back in time so that it preceded the Renaissance Italy of the 1490s, keeping the Elizabethan era innocent of the excesses of the Renaissance. For critics of the 1890s (including Ruskin as reframed by William Morris), Spenser offered a periodization that went backward. To some extent our current questions of periodization continue to stumble on this revisionist (maybe insufficiently revisionist) account of the relation of medieval and Renaissance.
文艺复兴时期的维多利亚时代的学者们把斯宾塞的《仙后》中对一个虚构的骑士英格兰的向后凝视看作是一盏神奇的灯笼,通过它,1590年代的英格兰可以投射到过去,这样它就可以在1490年代的意大利文艺复兴之前,使伊丽莎白时代免受文艺复兴时期的过度行为的影响。对于19世纪90年代的批评家(包括被威廉·莫里斯重新塑造的罗斯金)来说,斯宾塞提供了一个倒退的分期。在某种程度上,我们当前的时期化问题继续在这种对中世纪和文艺复兴之间关系的修正主义(可能不够修正)的描述上绊倒。
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引用次数: 0
Ruskin’s Taste in Spenserian Women: Not Looking at the Renaissance 罗斯金对斯宾塞式女性的品味:不看文艺复兴
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699750
Katherine Eggert
John Ruskin’s The Stones of Venice (1851–53) is suffused with Spenser’s Faerie Queene. This essay proposes that Ruskin’s view of Spenser’s allegorical women repeats and intensifies an aesthetic experience that The Faerie Queene models: the view of a woman in which one looks at her but does not see. Since The Stones of Venice aligns active feminine sexuality with the Renaissance itself, Ruskin thus, by means of Spenser, offers a periodized aesthetics in which the medieval allows us not to see the Renaissance, no matter how much it comes into our view.
约翰·罗斯金的《威尼斯的石头》(1851-53)中充斥着斯宾塞的《仙后》。本文认为,罗斯金对斯宾塞寓言女性的看法重复并强化了《仙后》所塑造的一种审美体验:一种人们只看不看的女性观。由于《威尼斯的石头》将活跃的女性性行为与文艺复兴本身联系在一起,因此,罗斯金通过斯宾塞提供了一种分期化的美学,在这种美学中,中世纪允许我们看不到文艺复兴,无论文艺复兴如何进入我们的视野。
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引用次数: 0
The Faerie Queene as an Aristotelian Inquiry into Ethics 《仙后》是亚里士多德对伦理学的探究
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699644
Maria Devlin McNair
Spenser’s The Faerie Queene constitutes an Aristotelian inquiry into ethics because of its continual demand for judgment. For Aristotle, there is no single rule for what constitutes good action; similarly, in The Faerie Queene, there is no single rule for interpreting the poem’s allegories. The agent or reader must evaluate the unique circumstances of each case before she can act or interpret correctly. In The Faerie Queene, this is partly because the significance of individual characters, motifs, and actions changes radically from episode to episode. Spenser’s wide range of literary and philosophical sources likewise means that the poem has no single interpretive key. The variation and diversity of The Faerie Queene offer, not rules to follow or examples to imitate, but rather, case studies to analyze, whose narrative particularity both demands and develops judgment. I analyze key episodes from Books I, II, and V, and show that if we attempted to derive general ethical or interpretive rules from these episodes, these rules would lead us to misread other parts of the poem. To interpret the poem adequately, we must develop and apply an informed judgment to each individual case—the same process required of an Aristotelian ethical agent.
斯宾塞的《仙后》构成了亚里士多德式的伦理学探究,因为它不断地要求判断。对亚里士多德来说,善的行为没有单一的规则;同样,在《仙后》中,也没有单一的规则来解释这首诗的寓言。代理人或读者必须评估每个案例的独特情况,然后才能正确地采取行动或解释。在《仙后》中,部分原因是个体角色、主题和行动的重要性随着情节的变化而发生了根本性的变化。斯宾塞广泛的文学和哲学来源同样意味着这首诗没有单一的解释钥匙。《仙后》的变化和多样性提供的不是要遵循的规则或模仿的例子,而是要分析的案例,其叙事的特殊性既要求也发展了判断。我分析了第一、二、五册中的关键章节,并指出,如果我们试图从这些章节中推导出一般的伦理或解释性规则,这些规则将导致我们误读诗歌的其他部分。为了充分解释这首诗,我们必须对每一个个案做出明智的判断——这是亚里士多德伦理主体所需要的相同过程。
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引用次数: 0
Wary Boldness: Courtesy and Critical Aesthetics in The Faerie Queene 谨慎的大胆:《仙后》中的礼貌与批判美学
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/699642
Richard Lee
In Book VI of The Faerie Queene, Spenser figures courtesy as a uniquely self-divided virtue. Alternating between benign and malign manifestations with such ease and rapidity that these seeming opposites become indistinguishable from one another, Spenser’s courtesy is a means of utopian progress and dystopian catastrophe at one and the same time. Embodied as much by the Blatant Beast as the courteous knight who seeks to contain it, the virtue functions less as an instrument of ideological motivation than as an index of the way that historical crisis obscures the difference between culture and its barbarous Other. Book VI ultimately thematizes and trains readers not in a politics per se, but in the critical agency that Spenser describes as “wary boldness,” a proto-political faculty governed by the tension between aesthetic experience and social praxis. The essay concludes by arguing for the value of Adornian theory in thinking through this tension, as it exists in The Faerie Queene, early modern literature, and contemporary critical practice.
在《仙后》第六卷中,斯宾塞将礼貌作为一种独特的自我划分的美德。在善意和恶意的表现之间交替,如此轻松和迅速,以至于这些表面上的对立面变得彼此难以区分,斯宾塞的礼貌是乌托邦进步和反乌托邦灾难的一种手段。这种美德不仅体现在公然的野兽身上,也体现在试图遏制它的彬彬有礼的骑士身上。这种美德与其说是意识形态动机的工具,不如说是历史危机掩盖文化与其野蛮的他者之间差异的一种指标。第六本书最终不是在政治本身上对读者进行主题化和训练,而是在斯宾塞称之为“谨慎的大胆”的批判能力上,这是一种由审美经验和社会实践之间的紧张关系所支配的原始政治能力。文章最后论证了阿多主义理论在思考这种张力时的价值,这种张力存在于《仙后》、早期现代文学和当代批评实践中。
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引用次数: 2
Spenser’s March and Sixteenth-Century Philology 斯宾塞的进行曲和16世纪的语言学
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/695579
D. Adkins
This essay argues that March’s reception of ancient pastoral is shaped by recent developments in Northern humanist philology. First of all, it imitates an idyll that received no scholarly attention until the mid-sixteenth century. The poem benefits, moreover, from Baïf’s reconstruction of a textual crux in Moschus 1. Finally, March also receives from Baïf its method of imitating Virgil, which reflects contemporary insight into Virgil’s reception of Hellenistic poetry. All of these developments arise from the practice of comparative exegesis, a philological method perfected by Parisian humanists. This essay thus aims to place March in the context of a particular cultural movement, namely sixteenth-century French Hellenism.
本文认为,马奇对古代田园诗的接受受到了近代北方人文主义文献学发展的影响。首先,它模仿了一首直到16世纪中叶才受到学术关注的田园诗。此外,这首诗还受益于Baïf对《摩西书》第一章文本关键部分的重构。最后,《三月》还从Baïf获得了其模仿维吉尔的方法,这反映了当代对维吉尔接受希腊诗歌的看法。所有这些发展都源于比较训诂学的实践,这是巴黎人文主义者完善的一种语言学方法。因此,本文旨在将《三月》置于一个特定的文化运动的背景下,即16世纪的法国希腊主义。
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引用次数: 0
Two Memorials to Arthur Grey de Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland (1580–82), in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin 都柏林基督教堂的两座纪念爱尔兰总督亚瑟·格雷·德·威尔顿(1580-82)的纪念碑
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/694443
Stuart Kinsella
Two memorials to Arthur Grey, fourteenth baron of Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland (1580–82) and employer of Edmund Spenser, survive in Christ Church Cathedral in Dublin. They have received little attention for over a century. Among the few early modern monuments to survive in Ireland, they consist of a heraldry-decorated stone mural tablet and a remarkable memorial in brass, the only such pre-Victorian example in the cathedral and one of only eight surviving pre-1700 brasses in Ireland. Embellished with a rich display of heraldic quarterings, this possibly locally-made brass includes traces of colored enamel as well as a rare record of the two sons of Grey’s second wife, who died during their time in Dublin. This article brings these monuments to wider notice and casts light on the wider cultural interests of an English Tudor governor of Ireland.
威尔顿第十四任男爵、爱尔兰总督(1580-82)、埃德蒙·斯宾塞的雇主阿瑟·格雷的两座纪念碑保存在都柏林的基督教堂。一个多世纪以来,它们很少受到关注。在爱尔兰现存的为数不多的早期现代纪念碑中,它们包括一个纹章装饰的石质壁画碑和一个非凡的黄铜纪念碑,这是大教堂中唯一一个维多利亚时代之前的例子,也是爱尔兰仅存的八个1700年前的黄铜纪念碑之一。装饰着丰富的纹章图案,这可能是当地制造的黄铜,包括彩色珐琅的痕迹,以及格雷第二任妻子的两个儿子的罕见记录,他们在都柏林去世了。这篇文章使这些纪念碑得到更广泛的关注,并阐明了爱尔兰的英国都铎总督的更广泛的文化利益。
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引用次数: 0
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Spenser Studies
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