Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1542316620987556
Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs, Kristine Höglund, M. Jiménez
What kind of peace has emerged in the Bangsamoro region in the Philippines after the 2014 peace agreement? And how does it matter for the prospects of sustainable peace and development? The peace deal between the government of Philippines and the armed group Moro Islamic Liberation Front builds on the establishment of a new autonomous region. The new autonomy has the potential to end a prolonged cycle of armed rebellions. But if it fails to deliver the expected peace dividends, it could also lead to escalating violence. This article uses the Peace Triangle as a conceptual tool to analyse the current status of peace in Bangsamoro. As such, it advances a theoretical understanding of peace that focuses on how autonomy solutions impact on conflict issues, violent behaviour, and conflict attitudes and aid an assessment of the longer term prospects of peace in the wake of autonomy.
{"title":"Autonomous Peace? The Bangsamoro Region in the Philippines Beyond the 2014 Agreement","authors":"Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs, Kristine Höglund, M. Jiménez","doi":"10.1177/1542316620987556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620987556","url":null,"abstract":"What kind of peace has emerged in the Bangsamoro region in the Philippines after the 2014 peace agreement? And how does it matter for the prospects of sustainable peace and development? The peace deal between the government of Philippines and the armed group Moro Islamic Liberation Front builds on the establishment of a new autonomous region. The new autonomy has the potential to end a prolonged cycle of armed rebellions. But if it fails to deliver the expected peace dividends, it could also lead to escalating violence. This article uses the Peace Triangle as a conceptual tool to analyse the current status of peace in Bangsamoro. As such, it advances a theoretical understanding of peace that focuses on how autonomy solutions impact on conflict issues, violent behaviour, and conflict attitudes and aid an assessment of the longer term prospects of peace in the wake of autonomy.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"17 1","pages":"55 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90911294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1542316620981834
Veronica Strandh, Benni Yusriza
What kind of peace can be established after a protracted conflict? How do marginalised groups, such as war widows, navigate through decades of hardship, and how do they understand peace in their everyday lives? This briefing sheds light on these questions through the lens of a group of war widows’ lived experiences of the conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, and their perceptions of how peace plays out in their lives. Our contribution is mainly empirical. We show how war widows use a “peace as no war narrative” and how this seems to work in tandem with what they call an “uneconomic peace.”
{"title":"War Widows’ Everyday Understandings of Peace in Aceh, Indonesia","authors":"Veronica Strandh, Benni Yusriza","doi":"10.1177/1542316620981834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620981834","url":null,"abstract":"What kind of peace can be established after a protracted conflict? How do marginalised groups, such as war widows, navigate through decades of hardship, and how do they understand peace in their everyday lives? This briefing sheds light on these questions through the lens of a group of war widows’ lived experiences of the conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, and their perceptions of how peace plays out in their lives. Our contribution is mainly empirical. We show how war widows use a “peace as no war narrative” and how this seems to work in tandem with what they call an “uneconomic peace.”","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"42 1","pages":"102 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81423662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-03DOI: 10.1177/1542316621995464
T. Kepe, Nyanquoi Suah
On June 7, 2019, crowds of about 10, 000 people filled the streets of Monrovia, the capital city of Liberia, to protest against alleged corruption, injustice, and other failures of the government (Agence France-Presse News, 2019). These protests struck fear among Liberians, who had seen about 2 decades of civil war during the 1990s and early 2000s that left hundreds of thousands of people dead, million others internally displaced or exiled into neighbouring countries, infrastructure destroyed, and the quality of life severely diminished. While Liberia has now experienced relative peace since 2006, the two civil wars (1989–1997 and 1999–2003) are a reminder of what unresolved conflicts can do to peace in a nation. A general perception by Liberians is that discontent about the struggling economy, and the unresolved tensions around land and natural resource issues, among other things, could trigger another violent conflict if something is not done to address the status quo. The discontent about land historically goes hand in hand with the general perception among Liberians that through landgrabbing, as part of concessions awarded by the state, foreign companies enjoy stronger and more secured rights to land than local people (Gilfoy, 2015). Countrywide protests and riots by rural people in defence of their land rights that are threatened by land concessions to foreign companies clearly put land among the top possible triggers of another violent conflict such as seen during the civil wars. In Grand Bassa County, violent clashes between local people and security forces over palm plantation land “brought back memories of the nightmarish lawlessness of the war” (Jerving, 2015, p. 1). Similarly, in Butaw District, riots and suppression by security forces occurred at the Golden Veroleum Liberia oil palm plantation, leading the youth of the area to threaten “consequences” if the land issue was not resolved (Stokes, 2015). These, and many other examples, make the resolution of the land issue a crucial governance priority for the state. Beevers (2015) and De Simone (2015) see land and natural resource governance as central to
2019年6月7日，利比里亚首都蒙罗维亚街头聚集了约1万人，抗议政府的腐败、不公等行为。(法新社2019年6月7日)这些抗议活动使利比里亚人感到恐惧，他们在20世纪90年代和21世纪初经历了大约20年的内战，造成数十万人死亡，数百万人在国内流离失所或流亡到邻国，基础设施遭到破坏，生活质量严重下降。虽然利比里亚自2006年以来经历了相对的和平，但两次内战(1989-1997年和1999-2003年)提醒人们，未解决的冲突会对一个国家的和平造成什么影响。利比里亚人普遍认为，对经济困境的不满，以及围绕土地和自然资源问题的未解决的紧张局势等，如果不采取措施解决现状，可能会引发另一场暴力冲突。从历史上看，对土地的不满与利比里亚人的普遍看法密切相关，即通过土地掠夺，作为国家授予特许权的一部分，外国公司比当地人享有更强大、更有保障的土地权利(Gilfoy, 2015)。由于土地出让给外国公司，农民为捍卫自己的土地权利而发起的全国性抗议和骚乱，显然使土地成为引发另一场暴力冲突(如内战期间)的最可能因素之一。在Grand Bassa县，当地民众与安全部队之间因棕榈种植园土地而发生的暴力冲突“让人想起了战争中噩梦般的无法无天”(Jerving, 2015, p. 1)。同样，在Butaw地区，Golden Veroleum利比里亚油棕种植园发生了骚乱和安全部队的镇压，导致该地区的年轻人威胁说，如果土地问题得不到解决，将会有“后果”(Stokes, 2015)。这些，以及其他许多例子，使得解决土地问题成为国家治理的关键优先事项。Beevers(2015)和De Simone(2015)认为土地和自然资源治理是实现可持续发展的核心
{"title":"Land and Fragility of Peace in Postwar Liberia: Concessions and Conflicts in the Midst of Poverty","authors":"T. Kepe, Nyanquoi Suah","doi":"10.1177/1542316621995464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316621995464","url":null,"abstract":"On June 7, 2019, crowds of about 10, 000 people filled the streets of Monrovia, the capital city of Liberia, to protest against alleged corruption, injustice, and other failures of the government (Agence France-Presse News, 2019). These protests struck fear among Liberians, who had seen about 2 decades of civil war during the 1990s and early 2000s that left hundreds of thousands of people dead, million others internally displaced or exiled into neighbouring countries, infrastructure destroyed, and the quality of life severely diminished. While Liberia has now experienced relative peace since 2006, the two civil wars (1989–1997 and 1999–2003) are a reminder of what unresolved conflicts can do to peace in a nation. A general perception by Liberians is that discontent about the struggling economy, and the unresolved tensions around land and natural resource issues, among other things, could trigger another violent conflict if something is not done to address the status quo. The discontent about land historically goes hand in hand with the general perception among Liberians that through landgrabbing, as part of concessions awarded by the state, foreign companies enjoy stronger and more secured rights to land than local people (Gilfoy, 2015). Countrywide protests and riots by rural people in defence of their land rights that are threatened by land concessions to foreign companies clearly put land among the top possible triggers of another violent conflict such as seen during the civil wars. In Grand Bassa County, violent clashes between local people and security forces over palm plantation land “brought back memories of the nightmarish lawlessness of the war” (Jerving, 2015, p. 1). Similarly, in Butaw District, riots and suppression by security forces occurred at the Golden Veroleum Liberia oil palm plantation, leading the youth of the area to threaten “consequences” if the land issue was not resolved (Stokes, 2015). These, and many other examples, make the resolution of the land issue a crucial governance priority for the state. Beevers (2015) and De Simone (2015) see land and natural resource governance as central to","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"258 1","pages":"377 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77091311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-03DOI: 10.1177/1542316621995733
D. Penu, S. Paalo
Pastoralist conflicts are important global development outcomes, especially in Africa. Analysing relevant literature on this phenomenon, we identify “institutions” as a key but fragmented theme. This blurs a composite understanding of how institutions affect these conflicts and their management. Hence, this article proposes a conceptual framework that brings harmony to this discourse by analysing 172 relevant publications. The framework was then tested using evidence from interviews and policy documents collected on a typical case in Agogo, Ghana. The findings show that pastoralist conflicts in Africa are shaped from three main dimensions: institutional change, institutional pluralism, and institutional meanings. Thus, state-level institutional changes create different institutions at the community level, and stakeholders using these institutions place different evaluations on them based on obtained outcomes. These dynamics contribute to conflict management dilemmas. Hence, the study recommends that intervention efforts examine whether new institutions contradict existing ones and to resolve them before implementation.
{"title":"Institutions and Pastoralist Conflicts in Africa: A Conceptual Framework","authors":"D. Penu, S. Paalo","doi":"10.1177/1542316621995733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316621995733","url":null,"abstract":"Pastoralist conflicts are important global development outcomes, especially in Africa. Analysing relevant literature on this phenomenon, we identify “institutions” as a key but fragmented theme. This blurs a composite understanding of how institutions affect these conflicts and their management. Hence, this article proposes a conceptual framework that brings harmony to this discourse by analysing 172 relevant publications. The framework was then tested using evidence from interviews and policy documents collected on a typical case in Agogo, Ghana. The findings show that pastoralist conflicts in Africa are shaped from three main dimensions: institutional change, institutional pluralism, and institutional meanings. Thus, state-level institutional changes create different institutions at the community level, and stakeholders using these institutions place different evaluations on them based on obtained outcomes. These dynamics contribute to conflict management dilemmas. Hence, the study recommends that intervention efforts examine whether new institutions contradict existing ones and to resolve them before implementation.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"32 1","pages":"224 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73657176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-24DOI: 10.1177/1542316621993035
O. Akande, S. Kaye, Tinashe Rukuni
This article discusses the efficacy of community-based peacebuilding efforts to develop sustainable peace in conflict-torn communities. Using participatory action research (PAR) is a powerful means of developing sustainable solutions to a conflict: It provides the means to test peace theories and draw upon a community’s knowledge and strengths in order to develop interventions. The knowledge gained can be lost if not understood within national or regional contexts, particularly if there is divergence between interests that can destroy community-based peacebuilding accomplishments. Holistic approaches facilitate sustainable peace and foster learning applicable to other situations. Two case studies, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, identified broad principles that potentially can be applied in the development of policies and practices. In the Nigerian case, two communities had experienced years of conflict. The PAR component was based on participatory dialogue. In the Zimbabwe case, political conflict was resolved through the development of a mutually beneficial peace garden.
{"title":"The Efficacy of Community Peacebuilding in African Communities: Case Studies From Nigeria and Zimbabwe","authors":"O. Akande, S. Kaye, Tinashe Rukuni","doi":"10.1177/1542316621993035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316621993035","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the efficacy of community-based peacebuilding efforts to develop sustainable peace in conflict-torn communities. Using participatory action research (PAR) is a powerful means of developing sustainable solutions to a conflict: It provides the means to test peace theories and draw upon a community’s knowledge and strengths in order to develop interventions. The knowledge gained can be lost if not understood within national or regional contexts, particularly if there is divergence between interests that can destroy community-based peacebuilding accomplishments. Holistic approaches facilitate sustainable peace and foster learning applicable to other situations. Two case studies, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, identified broad principles that potentially can be applied in the development of policies and practices. In the Nigerian case, two communities had experienced years of conflict. The PAR component was based on participatory dialogue. In the Zimbabwe case, political conflict was resolved through the development of a mutually beneficial peace garden.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"77 1","pages":"303 - 317"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88392015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-08DOI: 10.1177/1542316621989233
Kiengkay Ounmany
Laos became the most bombed country on earth per capita due to its involvement in the Second Indochina War. Over 2 million tons of ordnance, mainly composed of cluster munitions, were dropped on Laos as a result of 580,000 bombing missions between 1964 and 1973 (Khamvongsa & Russell, 2009; Russell, 2013). Approximately 30% of the bombs, equivalent to 80 million pieces, failed to detonate and contaminated two thirds of the total Lao land mass. According to the National Regulatory Authority (NRA), an agency working on the Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) sector in Laos, 14 of 17 provinces in Laos were contaminated with UXO; of these, nine provinces were described as highly contaminated (NRA, 2015).
{"title":"Impacts of Unexploded Ordnance Clearance on Wet Rice Farming in Xieng Khouang Province, Northern Laos","authors":"Kiengkay Ounmany","doi":"10.1177/1542316621989233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316621989233","url":null,"abstract":"Laos became the most bombed country on earth per capita due to its involvement in the Second Indochina War. Over 2 million tons of ordnance, mainly composed of cluster munitions, were dropped on Laos as a result of 580,000 bombing missions between 1964 and 1973 (Khamvongsa & Russell, 2009; Russell, 2013). Approximately 30% of the bombs, equivalent to 80 million pieces, failed to detonate and contaminated two thirds of the total Lao land mass. According to the National Regulatory Authority (NRA), an agency working on the Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) sector in Laos, 14 of 17 provinces in Laos were contaminated with UXO; of these, nine provinces were described as highly contaminated (NRA, 2015).","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"562 1","pages":"372 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78580796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-19DOI: 10.1177/1542316620985307
M. Wakkumbura
Sri Lanka’s 26-year long civil war ended with a military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009. The direct victims of this civil war were mostly the people residing in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the island. According to data gathered by the state, the impact of the war has been severe and there had been 71,201 war-related deaths between 1983 and 2011 (Department of Census and Statistics, 2011, p. 9). In addition to this, there were 800,000 internally displaced people, 900,000 war-affected children (Husain et al., 2011, p. 523), and nearly 89,000 war widows (Quist, 2015, p. 5).
{"title":"Challenges to Peacebuilding Approaches: Analysing Sri Lanka’s Peace Efforts During the First 10 Years Ending the Civil War","authors":"M. Wakkumbura","doi":"10.1177/1542316620985307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620985307","url":null,"abstract":"Sri Lanka’s 26-year long civil war ended with a military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009. The direct victims of this civil war were mostly the people residing in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the island. According to data gathered by the state, the impact of the war has been severe and there had been 71,201 war-related deaths between 1983 and 2011 (Department of Census and Statistics, 2011, p. 9). In addition to this, there were 800,000 internally displaced people, 900,000 war-affected children (Husain et al., 2011, p. 523), and nearly 89,000 war widows (Quist, 2015, p. 5).","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"10 1","pages":"366 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81093187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-19DOI: 10.1177/1542316620986138
Jan Alam
Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have suffered a lot due to terrorism and extremism after the 9/11 attacks in the United States because these areas were used by local and transnational militant groups as a haven after the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. These groups attacked the security forces, the local tribal leaders, and all those who opposed them and killed, many of them to get control over these areas. This resulted in huge physical, economic, social, and psychological damages in the region. To bring the region back on the path of peace and development, Jirgas were held on the local and governmental levels. To explore the role of Jirga, this study used a qualitative method to identify and explain the factors of peace and development. This study also includes primary data where 25 participants, who are/were active and experienced in tribal customary matters, were purposively selected and interviewed through a semi-structured interview guide. Data analysis was performed by using thematic analysis techniques. This study explored that Jirga played an important role in peacebuilding and development in the form of policymaking for FATA; mobilisation for action, restoration, and rehabilitation; resolving local feuds; and the establishment of FATA University in the region. This study recommended that all reforms and efforts must be made under the priorities and needs of the people of former FATA.
{"title":"Jirga System and Its Role in Peacebuilding and Development in Pakistan’s Terrorism-Affected Pashtun “Tribal” Districts","authors":"Jan Alam","doi":"10.1177/1542316620986138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620986138","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have suffered a lot due to terrorism and extremism after the 9/11 attacks in the United States because these areas were used by local and transnational militant groups as a haven after the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. These groups attacked the security forces, the local tribal leaders, and all those who opposed them and killed, many of them to get control over these areas. This resulted in huge physical, economic, social, and psychological damages in the region. To bring the region back on the path of peace and development, Jirgas were held on the local and governmental levels. To explore the role of Jirga, this study used a qualitative method to identify and explain the factors of peace and development. This study also includes primary data where 25 participants, who are/were active and experienced in tribal customary matters, were purposively selected and interviewed through a semi-structured interview guide. Data analysis was performed by using thematic analysis techniques. This study explored that Jirga played an important role in peacebuilding and development in the form of policymaking for FATA; mobilisation for action, restoration, and rehabilitation; resolving local feuds; and the establishment of FATA University in the region. This study recommended that all reforms and efforts must be made under the priorities and needs of the people of former FATA.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82399016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-12DOI: 10.1177/1542316620986133
Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström
This article explores processes of place-making and space-making around the erection of the Aung San statue in Kayah state in Myanmar and draws out the competing visions of peace that are articulated through them. The raising of the statue unleashed widespread public protest, which was largely met by repression by the Myanmar authorities. Drawing on interviews, focus groups, and documentary sources, we argue that the statue constitutes an attempt to establish a post-war political order centred on the reassertion of government authority in ethnic minority areas and the creation of unity through the imposition of one national identity. However, the statue has also been appropriated as a key site for the articulation of alternative visions of peace and development. The conflict around the statue thereby makes visible ongoing struggles over the meaning of peace and shows how these post-war struggles are fought on and through space and place.
{"title":"Spatial Struggles and the Politics of Peace: The Aung San Statue as a Site for Post-War Conflict in Myanmar’s Kayah State","authors":"Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström","doi":"10.1177/1542316620986133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620986133","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores processes of place-making and space-making around the erection of the Aung San statue in Kayah state in Myanmar and draws out the competing visions of peace that are articulated through them. The raising of the statue unleashed widespread public protest, which was largely met by repression by the Myanmar authorities. Drawing on interviews, focus groups, and documentary sources, we argue that the statue constitutes an attempt to establish a post-war political order centred on the reassertion of government authority in ethnic minority areas and the creation of unity through the imposition of one national identity. However, the statue has also been appropriated as a key site for the articulation of alternative visions of peace and development. The conflict around the statue thereby makes visible ongoing struggles over the meaning of peace and shows how these post-war struggles are fought on and through space and place.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"116 1","pages":"275 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73431577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-07DOI: 10.1177/1542316620977172
Kent Eaton
Colombia’s 2016 peace accord emphasises the concept of “territorial peace” but denies meaningful roles for territorial governments—a design decision that is especially puzzling given the recent prominence of local governments in peacebuilding initiatives around the world. This article argues that the pursuit of territorial peace without territorial governments can only be understood by broadening the temporal frame in ways that problematise the evolution of these governments over time. Decentralising reforms were at the heart of an earlier failed effort to end Colombia’s armed conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, leading both sides in the 2016 accord to draw different, but similarly negative, lessons about decentralisation. Guerrilla and government negotiators alike eschewed local governments but not for the reasons emphasised in the peacebuilding literature. Furthermore, Colombia’s earlier experience with decentralisation also exposed serious capacity deficits at the local level, raising questions about territorial governments as viable partners in building peace.
{"title":"Territorial Peace Without Territorial Governments: The Centralising Logic of the 2016 Colombian Peace Accord","authors":"Kent Eaton","doi":"10.1177/1542316620977172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620977172","url":null,"abstract":"Colombia’s 2016 peace accord emphasises the concept of “territorial peace” but denies meaningful roles for territorial governments—a design decision that is especially puzzling given the recent prominence of local governments in peacebuilding initiatives around the world. This article argues that the pursuit of territorial peace without territorial governments can only be understood by broadening the temporal frame in ways that problematise the evolution of these governments over time. Decentralising reforms were at the heart of an earlier failed effort to end Colombia’s armed conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, leading both sides in the 2016 accord to draw different, but similarly negative, lessons about decentralisation. Guerrilla and government negotiators alike eschewed local governments but not for the reasons emphasised in the peacebuilding literature. Furthermore, Colombia’s earlier experience with decentralisation also exposed serious capacity deficits at the local level, raising questions about territorial governments as viable partners in building peace.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"78 1","pages":"194 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79657073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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