Pub Date : 2020-09-25DOI: 10.1177/1542316620956934
Aymar Nyenyezi Bisoka, Cécile Giraud
Most national and international observers perceive recent political developments in Burundi (Nkurunziza’s third term as head of state, constitutional reforms in 2018, presidential elections process in 2020) as a violation of the Arusha Peace Agreement signed in 2000, which was the cornerstone of the Burundian peace process. This article discusses the normative approach often adopted to evaluate the success or failure of the Arusha Agreement through an analysis of the variance between stipulations of the agreement and the reality on the ground. By mobilising intermedial interpretations of peace success, we proffer that the Arusha Agreement should be seen as a key moment in a dynamic process marked by power relations. Using a case of returnee land rights, we show that in actuality, the provisions of the Arusha Agreement were never fully implemented; revealing the real element that shaped the domain of returnee land in Burundi: power relations that express actors’ interests.
{"title":"An Anatomy of Liberal Peace From the Case of Land Tenure in Burundi: Towards an Intermedial Perspective","authors":"Aymar Nyenyezi Bisoka, Cécile Giraud","doi":"10.1177/1542316620956934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620956934","url":null,"abstract":"Most national and international observers perceive recent political developments in Burundi (Nkurunziza’s third term as head of state, constitutional reforms in 2018, presidential elections process in 2020) as a violation of the Arusha Peace Agreement signed in 2000, which was the cornerstone of the Burundian peace process. This article discusses the normative approach often adopted to evaluate the success or failure of the Arusha Agreement through an analysis of the variance between stipulations of the agreement and the reality on the ground. By mobilising intermedial interpretations of peace success, we proffer that the Arusha Agreement should be seen as a key moment in a dynamic process marked by power relations. Using a case of returnee land rights, we show that in actuality, the provisions of the Arusha Agreement were never fully implemented; revealing the real element that shaped the domain of returnee land in Burundi: power relations that express actors’ interests.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"58 1","pages":"148 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80175557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-24DOI: 10.1177/1542316620958673
F. Onditi
In recent years, scholars and practitioners alike have discussed technology and its relationship with peacebuilding and development. This debate has proffered clarity on how the lack of technology can aggravate underdevelopment and violent conflict. However, although this relationship has informed the evolving discourse over what constitutes a digital society, in practice, application of technology without considering human security dimensions can be counterproductive. To address this dilemma, the article draws upon lessons from the implementation of peacebuilding and development initiatives from Kenya’s conflict hotspot zones to propose a typology for bridging the divide between the desirable and disruptive attributes of technology. As a result, a cyclical relationship is designed to create an alternative analytical framework for reimagining the ecosystem of a peaceful digital society, herein coined technology for peaceful society (T4PS). Finally, some broader implications of the new model for scholars and practitioners involved in peacebuilding and development activities are suggested.
{"title":"New Possibilities for a Peaceful Digital Society in Violence Prevalent Geographies","authors":"F. Onditi","doi":"10.1177/1542316620958673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620958673","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, scholars and practitioners alike have discussed technology and its relationship with peacebuilding and development. This debate has proffered clarity on how the lack of technology can aggravate underdevelopment and violent conflict. However, although this relationship has informed the evolving discourse over what constitutes a digital society, in practice, application of technology without considering human security dimensions can be counterproductive. To address this dilemma, the article draws upon lessons from the implementation of peacebuilding and development initiatives from Kenya’s conflict hotspot zones to propose a typology for bridging the divide between the desirable and disruptive attributes of technology. As a result, a cyclical relationship is designed to create an alternative analytical framework for reimagining the ecosystem of a peaceful digital society, herein coined technology for peaceful society (T4PS). Finally, some broader implications of the new model for scholars and practitioners involved in peacebuilding and development activities are suggested.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"11 1","pages":"162 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84192711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.1177/1542316620945681
Nyambura Githaiga
What are the effects of institutionalisation on long-term peacebuilding? In theory, institutionalisation enhances national and local capacities to sustain peace in the long term. However, in the case of Kenya, institutionalisation now poses a threat to peacebuilding. Institutionalisation is the process of formalising peacebuilding through state policy and structures that aim to sustain more permanent capacities for peace. Institutionalising peacebuilding through the infrastructure for peace in Kenya has increased national capacities for peace. Yet the process of institutionalisation now threatens local agency, effective peace practice, and resource sustainability. These findings are based on qualitative data gathered through semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and documentary evidence. While infrastructures for peace vary in composition and degree of institutionalisation, the findings from Kenya offer insights on the potential threats of institutionalisation to the sustainability of long-term peacebuilding.
{"title":"When Institutionalisation Threatens Peacebuilding: The Case of Kenya’s Infrastructure for Peace","authors":"Nyambura Githaiga","doi":"10.1177/1542316620945681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620945681","url":null,"abstract":"What are the effects of institutionalisation on long-term peacebuilding? In theory, institutionalisation enhances national and local capacities to sustain peace in the long term. However, in the case of Kenya, institutionalisation now poses a threat to peacebuilding. Institutionalisation is the process of formalising peacebuilding through state policy and structures that aim to sustain more permanent capacities for peace. Institutionalising peacebuilding through the infrastructure for peace in Kenya has increased national capacities for peace. Yet the process of institutionalisation now threatens local agency, effective peace practice, and resource sustainability. These findings are based on qualitative data gathered through semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and documentary evidence. While infrastructures for peace vary in composition and degree of institutionalisation, the findings from Kenya offer insights on the potential threats of institutionalisation to the sustainability of long-term peacebuilding.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"61 1","pages":"316 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83611005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1177/1542316620957572
P. Ragandang
This article determines how social media, along with institutional affiliation and first-hand experiences of violence, influence youth peacebuilding agency. It utilises the case of a group of university students from Muslim Mindanao in the Philippines who implemented a project that aimed to counter Islamophobia-linked hate speech online. Interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation were employed during fieldwork. The main argument is that the youth peacebuilding agency does not necessarily rest upon traditional peacebuilding structures. Rather, it lays in structural elements familiar to the youth. Access and familiarity of the youths to social media led them to use it as the platform of the project. The conceptualisation of the project was influenced by their first-hand experience of violence and Mindanao conflict. As university students, their institutional affiliation with the academia had supplemented in meeting the resources they needed. Time constraints and family relationships posed a challenge amongst the youth. The empirical findings of this research hope to contribute to studies on youth agency, peacebuilding, and development in post-conflict contexts.
{"title":"Social Media and Youth Peacebuilding Agency: A Case From Muslim Mindanao","authors":"P. Ragandang","doi":"10.1177/1542316620957572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620957572","url":null,"abstract":"This article determines how social media, along with institutional affiliation and first-hand experiences of violence, influence youth peacebuilding agency. It utilises the case of a group of university students from Muslim Mindanao in the Philippines who implemented a project that aimed to counter Islamophobia-linked hate speech online. Interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation were employed during fieldwork. The main argument is that the youth peacebuilding agency does not necessarily rest upon traditional peacebuilding structures. Rather, it lays in structural elements familiar to the youth. Access and familiarity of the youths to social media led them to use it as the platform of the project. The conceptualisation of the project was influenced by their first-hand experience of violence and Mindanao conflict. As university students, their institutional affiliation with the academia had supplemented in meeting the resources they needed. Time constraints and family relationships posed a challenge amongst the youth. The empirical findings of this research hope to contribute to studies on youth agency, peacebuilding, and development in post-conflict contexts.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"72 1","pages":"348 - 361"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85646492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-02DOI: 10.1177/1542316620950188
Robert Tayimlong
2019 marked 10 years since the beginning of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria—a violent conflict that later spilled over to Chad, Cameroon, and Niger, killing over 37000 people and displacing 2.6 million. For over a decade, researchers and policy makers in peacebuilding and development have been trying to understand the drivers of conflict in order to find lasting solutions. Whilst violent conflicts rarely have straightforward explanations, the narrative on the Boko Haram insurgency has been somewhat reductionist, largely addressing the role of religion, and to a lesser extent, other drivers. Moreover, a lot of the literature has focused on Nigeria, for the obvious reason that it was the birthplace of Boko Haram and the epicentre of its activities. As a result of the disproportionate focus on Nigeria, data on the conditions in the affected regions and provinces of Chad, Cameroon, and Niger that facilitated the regional spill over are very minimal. To fill the gap, this article examines the role of the underdevelopment of public infrastructure and socio-economic deprivation as underlying drivers of the insurgency in all four affected countries. Complemented by data from secondary sources, the article builds on primary evidence from field observation, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions in Borno State of Nigeria, the Lake Province of Chad, the Far North Region of Cameroon, and the Diffa Region of Niger, to establish the link between infrastructural development gaps, illiteracy, unemployment, and poverty and the Boko Haram insurgency.
{"title":"Fragility and Insurgency as Outcomes of Underdevelopment of Public Infrastructure and Socio-Economic Deprivation: The Case of Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin","authors":"Robert Tayimlong","doi":"10.1177/1542316620950188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620950188","url":null,"abstract":"2019 marked 10 years since the beginning of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria—a violent conflict that later spilled over to Chad, Cameroon, and Niger, killing over 37000 people and displacing 2.6 million. For over a decade, researchers and policy makers in peacebuilding and development have been trying to understand the drivers of conflict in order to find lasting solutions. Whilst violent conflicts rarely have straightforward explanations, the narrative on the Boko Haram insurgency has been somewhat reductionist, largely addressing the role of religion, and to a lesser extent, other drivers. Moreover, a lot of the literature has focused on Nigeria, for the obvious reason that it was the birthplace of Boko Haram and the epicentre of its activities. As a result of the disproportionate focus on Nigeria, data on the conditions in the affected regions and provinces of Chad, Cameroon, and Niger that facilitated the regional spill over are very minimal. To fill the gap, this article examines the role of the underdevelopment of public infrastructure and socio-economic deprivation as underlying drivers of the insurgency in all four affected countries. Complemented by data from secondary sources, the article builds on primary evidence from field observation, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions in Borno State of Nigeria, the Lake Province of Chad, the Far North Region of Cameroon, and the Diffa Region of Niger, to establish the link between infrastructural development gaps, illiteracy, unemployment, and poverty and the Boko Haram insurgency.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"49 1","pages":"209 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74363769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-31DOI: 10.1177/1542316620948493
G. Howell
This article presents an analytical framework for systematically studying the relationships portrayed within music-based peacebuilding and their respective representations of peace. Music activities with peacebuilding objectives work predominantly within a relational concept of peace, bringing into existence relationships between sounds, people, and spaces through which behaviours such as non-dominance and cooperation can be enacted. However, each of these relationships can communicate different ideas about peace and its manifestation, communications that may be inconsistent with each other and with the activity’s peaceful intentions. The “harmonious relations” framework that this article introduces is a tool for capturing and analysing these embedded relationships and representations. It uses concepts of harmony as a heuristic for critically appraising music’s potential contributions to peace in development contexts, synthesising ideas about relationships in peace and music from peace studies, musicology, philosophy and anthropology. The case of the Zohra Ensemble from Afghanistan illustrates its application.
{"title":"Harmonious Relations: A Framework for Studying Varieties of Peace in Music-Based Peacebuilding","authors":"G. Howell","doi":"10.1177/1542316620948493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620948493","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an analytical framework for systematically studying the relationships portrayed within music-based peacebuilding and their respective representations of peace. Music activities with peacebuilding objectives work predominantly within a relational concept of peace, bringing into existence relationships between sounds, people, and spaces through which behaviours such as non-dominance and cooperation can be enacted. However, each of these relationships can communicate different ideas about peace and its manifestation, communications that may be inconsistent with each other and with the activity’s peaceful intentions. The “harmonious relations” framework that this article introduces is a tool for capturing and analysing these embedded relationships and representations. It uses concepts of harmony as a heuristic for critically appraising music’s potential contributions to peace in development contexts, synthesising ideas about relationships in peace and music from peace studies, musicology, philosophy and anthropology. The case of the Zohra Ensemble from Afghanistan illustrates its application.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"19 1","pages":"85 - 101"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73812521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-31DOI: 10.1177/1542316620951278
Levi Gahman, A. Greenidge, Atiyah Mohamed
This briefing provides an explicatory synopsis of tensions that emerge at the nexus of state power, corporate extraction, and struggles for Indigenous self-determination in Central America and the Caribbean. Specifically, it offers an overview of the ongoing land rights conflict taking place in Toledo District, Southern Belize, between Maya communities, the Westminster-modelled Government of Belize (GoB), and extractivist corporations. In doing so, we draw from both on-the-ground realities and recent human rights reports to illustrate how violations of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) in conjunction with state refusals of the duty to consult are facilitating the damage, dispossession, and plunder of Maya lands. The piece concludes with a series of key questions and cogent solutions that are oriented towards correcting historical wrongs, contemporary injustices, and creating pathways towards peace in Belize and beyond.
{"title":"Plunder via Violation of FPIC: Land Grabbing, State Negligence, and Pathways to Peace in Central America and the Caribbean","authors":"Levi Gahman, A. Greenidge, Atiyah Mohamed","doi":"10.1177/1542316620951278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620951278","url":null,"abstract":"This briefing provides an explicatory synopsis of tensions that emerge at the nexus of state power, corporate extraction, and struggles for Indigenous self-determination in Central America and the Caribbean. Specifically, it offers an overview of the ongoing land rights conflict taking place in Toledo District, Southern Belize, between Maya communities, the Westminster-modelled Government of Belize (GoB), and extractivist corporations. In doing so, we draw from both on-the-ground realities and recent human rights reports to illustrate how violations of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) in conjunction with state refusals of the duty to consult are facilitating the damage, dispossession, and plunder of Maya lands. The piece concludes with a series of key questions and cogent solutions that are oriented towards correcting historical wrongs, contemporary injustices, and creating pathways towards peace in Belize and beyond.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"20 1","pages":"372 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83498412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-28DOI: 10.1177/1542316620953125
Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
In November 2017, the governments of China and Pakistan signed an agreement on the Long Term Plan (LTP) for the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC; 2017–2030). Together with numerous memoranda of understanding (MOUs) and roadmaps, this agreement sets up a framework for bilateral cooperation to navigate the development and implementation of the CPEC, a pilot project within Beijing’s grand foreign policy strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The CPEC provides a 3,000-km network of highways, railways, and oil and gas pipelines to link the Pakistani city of Gwadar to China’s Xinjiang. By significantly upgrading Pakistan’s domestic and international connectivity, the project has the potential to transform Pakistan’s state and society along with its turbulent regional environment (Wolf, 2018, p. 87). Based mainly on primary sources (such as policy documents), this article identifies synergies between CPEC-related policies that aim to strengthen the political, physical, economic, and people-to-people connectivity between China and Pakistan and the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the latter country. In doing so, this policy dialogue will also shed light on China’s role in global development governance.
{"title":"China–Pakistan Economic Corridor and Sustainable Development Goal Implementation in Pakistan: Fostering Sustainable Connectivity in a Fragile Context?","authors":"Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska","doi":"10.1177/1542316620953125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620953125","url":null,"abstract":"In November 2017, the governments of China and Pakistan signed an agreement on the Long Term Plan (LTP) for the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC; 2017–2030). Together with numerous memoranda of understanding (MOUs) and roadmaps, this agreement sets up a framework for bilateral cooperation to navigate the development and implementation of the CPEC, a pilot project within Beijing’s grand foreign policy strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The CPEC provides a 3,000-km network of highways, railways, and oil and gas pipelines to link the Pakistani city of Gwadar to China’s Xinjiang. By significantly upgrading Pakistan’s domestic and international connectivity, the project has the potential to transform Pakistan’s state and society along with its turbulent regional environment (Wolf, 2018, p. 87). Based mainly on primary sources (such as policy documents), this article identifies synergies between CPEC-related policies that aim to strengthen the political, physical, economic, and people-to-people connectivity between China and Pakistan and the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the latter country. In doing so, this policy dialogue will also shed light on China’s role in global development governance.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"41 1","pages":"377 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80716942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-27DOI: 10.1177/1542316620949838
Anders Nordhag
War and peace are often depicted as mutually exclusive phenomena; where there is violent conflict, peace is absent. This assumption is problematic because it obscures cases where groups, networks, or communities create peaceful situations for themselves in the midst of, or in close proximity to, war. This article focuses on Rojava, a predominantly Syrian Kurdish area in northern Syria. Since the start of the Syrian war, Rojava was for a long time an island of relative security in an otherwise violent context. This article explores Rojava between 2011 and 2014 through theories and empirical examples of zones of peace where local communities in violent conflicts create spaces that are off limits to violence. The article concludes that because violence is not prohibited in Rojava, it cannot be considered a peace zone. Yet the case shows that peacebuilding is possible beyond minimising effects of violence even during a violent conflict.
{"title":"Exploring Peace in the Midst of War: Rojava as a Zone of Peace?","authors":"Anders Nordhag","doi":"10.1177/1542316620949838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620949838","url":null,"abstract":"War and peace are often depicted as mutually exclusive phenomena; where there is violent conflict, peace is absent. This assumption is problematic because it obscures cases where groups, networks, or communities create peaceful situations for themselves in the midst of, or in close proximity to, war. This article focuses on Rojava, a predominantly Syrian Kurdish area in northern Syria. Since the start of the Syrian war, Rojava was for a long time an island of relative security in an otherwise violent context. This article explores Rojava between 2011 and 2014 through theories and empirical examples of zones of peace where local communities in violent conflicts create spaces that are off limits to violence. The article concludes that because violence is not prohibited in Rojava, it cannot be considered a peace zone. Yet the case shows that peacebuilding is possible beyond minimising effects of violence even during a violent conflict.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"59 1","pages":"9 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83908953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-13DOI: 10.1177/1542316620945968
Andrés Casas-Casas, Nathalie Méndez, Juan Federico Pino Uribe
Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.
{"title":"Trust and Prospective Reconciliation: Evidence From a Protracted Armed Conflict","authors":"Andrés Casas-Casas, Nathalie Méndez, Juan Federico Pino Uribe","doi":"10.1177/1542316620945968","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1542316620945968","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.","PeriodicalId":39765,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peacebuilding and Development","volume":"41 1","pages":"298 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77654338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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