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Where is Home without Legal Status? Understanding the Choice to Stay Among Post-Cessation Liberians in Nigeria 没有法律地位的家在哪里?了解在尼日利亚戒烟后利比里亚人的选择
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad019
Tosin Samuel Durodola
Abstract This article examines the experiences of “residual” Liberian refugees in Nigeria, individuals who remained in their country of asylum after the UNHCR terminated their refugee status. This study explores how the diverse interpretations of home and flight contribute to their decision to “stay” rather than opt for voluntary repatriation. In the context of transnationalism, the concept of simultaneity, where individuals feel a sense of belonging in both their home country and their host nation, underscores the need to consider the dynamics of movement and attachment in both places, and how these connections evolve over time. However, the idealisation of home as an unchanging and secure haven can result in flawed policy decisions that overlook the fact that many refugees have been displaced precisely because their homeland is no longer safe. The findings shed light on the aftermath of cessation, which might place “residual refugees” in a precarious position where they must navigate the intricate interplay between agency and constraint without state protection. This article offers a broader perspective on their ability to manoeuvre within these confines, balancing between two aspects: legal status and social leverage as responses to their precarious legal situation and transitional efforts to establish new homes.
本文考察了在尼日利亚的“残余”利比里亚难民的经历,这些人在联合国难民署终止其难民身份后仍留在其庇护国。本研究探讨了对家园和逃亡的不同解释是如何促使他们决定“留下来”而不是选择自愿遣返的。在跨国主义的背景下,同时性的概念,即个人在母国和东道国都有归属感,强调了考虑两个地方的运动和依恋的动态,以及这些联系如何随着时间的推移而演变的必要性。然而,将家园理想化为一个不变的安全避风港,可能导致有缺陷的政策决定,忽视了许多难民流离失所正是因为他们的家园不再安全的事实。调查结果揭示了停止的后果,这可能使“剩余难民”处于危险的境地,他们必须在没有国家保护的情况下,在机构和约束之间错综复杂的相互作用中导航。这篇文章提供了一个更广阔的视角来看待他们在这些限制范围内进行操作的能力,在两个方面之间取得平衡:法律地位和社会影响力,作为对他们不稳定的法律状况和建立新家园的过渡努力的回应。
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引用次数: 0
Doing Refugee Right(s) with Technologies? Humanitarian Crises and the Multiplication of “Exceptional” Legal States 用技术实现难民权利?人道主义危机与“例外”法制国家的倍增
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad020
Mirjam Twigt
Abstract Like borders, refugee protection settings beyond the EU often serve as testing grounds for technologies. This article takes a socio-legal perspective to show how humanitarian experimentation in these contexts is made possible through different, interacting challenges to sovereignty. It argues that the understanding that actors or their positions are “exceptional” allows for and justifies data practices that would otherwise not be legally permissible. Examples of data practices in refugee protection settings are connected to work in geopolitics, science and technology studies, and sociology of law. The article shows how the position of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as negotiator on behalf of refugees and an emergency-driven techno-solutionism not only interacts with the already precarious legal context most people seeking refuge find themselves in. It coincides with the legal positioning of International Organisations and with citizenship-oriented conceptions of privacy, further constituting people seeking refuge as (digital) rights optional. This is problematic not least because of concerns about adequate data protection or the implications of bias. Data flows and algorithms are generative of the politics of contemporary societies, implying that the structural undermining of digital rights of people seeking refuge in the present can also hinder their access to rights in the future.
与边境一样,欧盟以外的难民保护环境往往是技术的试验场。本文从社会法律的角度来展示如何通过对主权的不同、相互作用的挑战来实现这些背景下的人道主义实验。它认为,对行为者或其立场是“例外”的理解允许并证明了法律上不允许的数据做法。难民保护环境中数据实践的例子与地缘政治、科学技术研究和法律社会学的工作有关。这篇文章表明,联合国难民事务高级专员办事处(难民专员办事处)作为难民谈判代表的地位,以及一种紧急驱动的技术解决方案主义,不仅与大多数寻求庇护的人所处的已经岌岌可危的法律环境相互作用。它与国际组织的法律定位以及以公民身份为导向的隐私概念不谋而合,进一步使寻求庇护的人成为可选择的(数字)权利。这是有问题的,尤其是因为人们担心是否有足够的数据保护或偏见的影响。数据流和算法产生于当代社会的政治,这意味着,目前寻求庇护者的数字权利受到结构性破坏,也可能阻碍他们在未来获得权利。
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引用次数: 0
Australia, Indonesia, and East Timorese Family Reunions 澳大利亚、印度尼西亚和东帝汶家庭团聚
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad017
Nicole Schwirtlich
Abstract In 2002 East Timor, following over 20 years of Indonesian occupation, became the world’s youngest sovereign state. The violent nature of Indonesian occupation between 1975 and 1999 led to the displacement of many East Timorese who sought asylum in countries such as Australia and Portugal. This article argues that by trying to seek asylum in Australia, East Timorese refugees complicated Australia’s bipartisan desire to pursue strong diplomatic relations with Indonesia. A hesitancy to recognise East Timorese arrivals as refugees, as a result of these priorities, was reflected through immigration schemes operating in the 1970s and 1980s such as the Family Reunion Program and Special Humanitarian Program. This impacted Australia’s ability to balance its national interests in the Indo-Pacific and its humanitarian obligations, outlined in international legislation such as the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1967 Refugee Protocol. It also reflected broader diplomatic challenges Australia faced when addressing the situation in East Timor. Exploring this turbulent period in Australian foreign policy through the lens of immigration, this article contributes to research examining the role Australia played in the occupation of East Timor. It also investigates the meanings of dual representations of refugees as both victims and agents within migrant-centered historical accounts.
2002年,东帝汶在被印度尼西亚占领20多年后,成为世界上最年轻的主权国家。1975年至1999年期间印度尼西亚占领的暴力性质导致许多东帝汶人流离失所,他们在澳大利亚和葡萄牙等国寻求庇护。本文认为,东帝汶难民试图在澳大利亚寻求庇护,使澳大利亚两党希望与印度尼西亚建立牢固外交关系的愿望复杂化。由于这些优先事项,人们不愿承认东帝汶人是难民,这反映在1970年代和1980年代实施的移民计划中,例如家庭团聚方案和特别人道主义方案。这影响了澳大利亚平衡其在印度-太平洋地区的国家利益及其人道主义义务的能力,这是1951年《难民公约》和1967年《难民议定书》等国际立法所概述的。它还反映了澳大利亚在处理东帝汶局势时面临的更广泛的外交挑战。本文从移民的角度探讨了澳大利亚外交政策的动荡时期,有助于研究澳大利亚在占领东帝汶中所扮演的角色。它还研究了难民作为受害者和代理人在以移民为中心的历史账户中的双重代表的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Making Room for Refugee Interpretation of Labelling: A Case Study from the Turkish–Syrian Border 为难民对标签的解读腾出空间:以土耳其-叙利亚边境为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad015
Kathryn Hampton, Gökçe Türkyilmaz
Abstract Turkey admitted millions of refugees fleeing the Syrian civil war. However, the situation of Syrians in Turkey remains precarious under the temporary protection regime, unable to qualify as Convention refugees due to Turkey’s geographic reservation to the 1967 Protocol and with limited access to work permits and citizenship. Based on in-depth interviews, we provide a case study of refugee perspectives on refugee “labelling” as an absurd, historically contingent, and myth-telling process, which contributes to a growing body of research taking a bottom-up approach to understanding refugee protection. We put forward a refugee-interpreted view on labelling, finding that refugees explained labelling as an opaque and unpredictable digitised process, administrated through paper documents which act as talismans but also scams. Our study provides rich detail about how refugees subvert and cope with the labelling process through humour and mockery, historicity, and developing alternate forms of identity. We sought to use these interviews to work with refugees to turn a critical gaze on the paradigm of labelling from a refugee perspective and address the lack of empirical research centring refugee interpretations of labelling.
土耳其接纳了数百万逃离叙利亚内战的难民。然而,在临时保护制度下,土耳其境内叙利亚人的情况仍然不稳定,由于土耳其对1967年议定书的地理保留,他们无法成为公约难民,而且获得工作许可证和公民身份的机会有限。在深入访谈的基础上,我们提供了一个难民视角的案例研究,将难民“标签”视为一个荒谬的、历史偶然的、神话讲述的过程,这有助于越来越多的研究采用自下而上的方法来理解难民保护。我们提出了一种难民解释的标签观点,发现难民将标签解释为一个不透明和不可预测的数字化过程,通过纸质文件进行管理,这些文件既是护身符,也是骗局。我们的研究提供了丰富的细节,说明难民如何通过幽默和嘲弄、历史性和发展替代形式的身份来颠覆和应对标签过程。我们试图利用这些访谈与难民合作,从难民的角度对标签的范式进行批判性的关注,并解决缺乏以难民对标签的解释为中心的实证研究。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to: Subtracting Development through the Production of Il/legality of Young Refugees in Jordan and Lebanon 更正:通过制作约旦和黎巴嫩青年难民的Il/合法性来减少发展
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad016
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引用次数: 0
Critiquing Trends and Identifying Gaps in the Literature on LGBTQ Refugees and Asylum-Seekers 关于LGBTQ难民和寻求庇护者的文献趋势和缺口的批判
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad018
Diego García Rodríguez
Abstract This article delivers a comprehensive review of the English-language literature concerning the experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, transsexual, and queer (LGBTQ) refugees and asylum-seekers. Through an incisive synthesis and analysis, it identifies five pivotal themes: 1) journey and settlement; 2) legislation, policy, and charitable intervention; 3) health; 4) creative expression; and 5) religion, faith, and spirituality. This analysis uncovers gaps in the existing body of knowledge, charting innovative paths for future research and policy. This work transcends the boundaries of a traditional scholarly review to offer actionable recommendations aimed at guiding policy and practice. This involves pushing for strategies that are not just inclusive, but also rooted in overcoming Western-centric approaches to gender and sexual identities.
摘要:本文对有关女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、跨性别、变性和酷儿(LGBTQ)难民和寻求庇护者经历的英语文献进行了全面的回顾。通过深刻的综合和分析,它确定了五个关键主题:1)旅程和定居;2)立法、政策和慈善干预;3)健康;4)创造性表达;还有宗教、信仰和灵性。这一分析揭示了现有知识体系中的空白,为未来的研究和政策指明了创新的道路。这项工作超越了传统学术评论的界限,提供了旨在指导政策和实践的可操作建议。这包括推动战略,这些战略不仅具有包容性,而且植根于克服以西方为中心的性别和性身份方法。
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引用次数: 0
Canada’s Implementation of the UN Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees: Advancing Foreign Policy Objectives and the Status Quo? 加拿大执行联合国移民和难民问题全球契约:推进外交政策目标和现状?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad014
Idil Atak, Claire Linley-Moore, Julie (Ha Young) Kim
Abstract Canada has been a strong supporter of the 2018 United Nations Global Compacts (GCs) on Migration and Refugees. This article examines Canada’s reception and implementation of the GCs in the policy domains of refugee resettlement, complementary protection pathways, gender equality, and migration governance capacity building. It draws on the analytical framework of “migration diplomacy” to argue that Canada’s efforts to carry out the GC objectives in these areas are primarily motivated by foreign policy considerations, including those with significant domestic implications, rather than efforts to ensure domestic alignment with the GC principles enhancing migrants’ rights and freedoms. By supporting the GCs, Canada has positioned itself as a global leader in migration management. Migration diplomacy has also legitimised the implementation by Canada of exclusionary refugee policies.
加拿大一直是2018年《联合国移民和难民全球契约》的坚定支持者。本文考察了加拿大在难民安置、补充保护途径、性别平等和移民治理能力建设等政策领域接受和实施全球契约的情况。它借鉴了“移民外交”的分析框架,认为加拿大在这些领域实施GC目标的努力主要是出于外交政策考虑,包括那些具有重大国内影响的考虑,而不是努力确保国内与GC原则保持一致,从而增强移民的权利和自由。通过支持全球移民理事会,加拿大将自己定位为移民管理的全球领导者。移民外交也使加拿大实施的排他性难民政策合法化。
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引用次数: 0
A Critical Analysis of Japan’s Decision to Accept Ukrainians Following the Russian Invasion in 2022 2022年俄罗斯入侵后日本接纳乌克兰人决定的批判性分析
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad013
Atsushi Yamagata
Shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida announced that Japan would accept Ukrainians who had fled to third countries. While this prompt decision should be welcomed, the Japanese government has been criticised for its reluctance to accept refugees for years. Because of Japan’s past restrictive approach to refugees and asylum-seekers, the decision to accept Ukrainians was met with surprise. Why, then, did the Japanese government decide to accept Ukrainians? This article explores the rationale behind this decision by analysing the language used by Cabinet members of the Japanese government in Diet discussions from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis, which sees language as a form of social practice. By adopting the concept of “ontological security”, or the security of self-identity, it argues that, while Japan’s decision to accept Ukrainians was prompted by its pursuit of ontological security derived from its international relations, its pursuit of ontological security rooted in its biographical narrative caused a desire to prevent this case from affecting Japan’s future refugee policy and to minimise the acceptance of refugees in the country.
俄罗斯2022年2月入侵乌克兰后不久,日本首相岸田文雄(Fumio Kishida)宣布,日本将接受逃往第三国的乌克兰人。尽管这一迅速的决定应该受到欢迎,但日本政府多年来一直因不愿接受难民而受到批评。由于日本过去对难民和寻求庇护者的限制措施,接受乌克兰人的决定让人感到意外。那么,日本政府为什么决定接纳乌克兰人呢?本文从批评话语分析的角度出发,通过分析日本政府内阁成员在国会讨论中使用的语言来探讨这一决定背后的理由,批评话语分析将语言视为一种社会实践形式。通过采用“本体论安全”或自我认同安全的概念,它认为,虽然日本接受乌克兰人的决定是由其对源于其国际关系的本体论安全的追求所推动的,但其对根植于其传记叙事的本体论安全的追求导致了防止此案影响日本未来难民政策的愿望,并尽量减少该国对难民的接受。
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引用次数: 0
Subtracting Development through the Production of Il/legality of Young Refugees in Jordan and Lebanon 通过制作约旦和黎巴嫩境内青年难民的Il/合法性来减法发展
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad012
Cathrine Brun
Abstract This article analyses the production of legality and illegality of refugees and how it is experienced, negotiated, and shape young Palestinian and Syrian refugees’ possibilities for development in Jordan and Lebanon. In the two countries, refugees’ legal and illegal statuses are produced in the interaction between national and international security- and economic interests. This article discusses the meanings of development associated with protracted displacement. Despite increased emphasis on moving from a humanitarian approach towards development in long-term refugee situations, the experiences of young refugees in Lebanon and Jordan show that the production of legal status hampers the potential for development. This article analyses young people’s experience of their legal status by addressing the labour of staying legal, the experience of moving in and out of legality and its impact on education and employment. The analysis shows how the production of (il)legality is a subtracting process that leads to debilitation and constrained agency rather than development. In conclusion, this article thus reflects on the problem of using the development discourse with a humanitarian lens and the need for more critical discussion on the meaning of development in protracted displacement.
本文分析了难民合法性和非法性的产生,以及它是如何经历、谈判和塑造年轻的巴勒斯坦和叙利亚难民在约旦和黎巴嫩发展的可能性的。在这两个国家,难民的合法和非法地位是在国家和国际安全和经济利益的相互作用中产生的。本文讨论了与长期流离失所相关的发展的意义。尽管越来越强调在长期难民情况下从人道主义办法转向发展,但黎巴嫩和约旦青年难民的经验表明,产生法律地位阻碍了发展的潜力。这篇文章分析了年轻人的经验,他们的法律地位,解决劳动保持合法,经验移动和退出的合法性及其对教育和就业的影响。分析表明,(非)合法性的产生是一个减法过程,导致权力的衰弱和受限,而不是发展。综上所述,本文反思了在人道主义视角下使用发展话语的问题,以及对长期流离失所中发展的意义进行更批判性讨论的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
“Staying in Tanzania or Returning to Burundi is all the Same”: Re-Imagining the Reintegration of Burundian Returnees “留在坦桑尼亚或返回布隆迪都是一样的”:重新设想布隆迪返回者的重新融入社会
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdad011
Theodore Mbazumutima
Abstract Refugee return remains the preferred approach of States, donors, and UNHCR to put an end to the refugee condition. This qualitative study uses data collected through a series of interviews in a case study of returnees to Burundi between 2017 and 2022, to explore the extent to which the current reintegration can be understood as leading to an end to protracted displacement. In achieving this, the article also asks how the global refugee regime’s current humanitarian approach to return and its sedentary framing affect these processes; and the role played by human agency and mobility, including the impact of past displacement experiences, on these processes. The study concludes that, for many, the return to Burundi, whether it is the first, second, or third return, is often not ultimately understood as a permanent move “home” leading to durable solution, but rather simply another form of forced displacement. Unsuccessful reintegration following past displacements, policies conflicting with the best interests of returnees, and humanitarian approaches to return and its sedentary framing all emerge as major drives of this failure. Consequently, the multiple identities acquired by and imposed on returnees through these processes are essential for their survival in these difficult and constantly evolving conditions.
难民返回仍然是各国、捐助者和联合国难民事务高级专员办事处结束难民状况的首选办法。本定性研究使用了在2017年至2022年期间返回布隆迪的回返者的案例研究中通过一系列访谈收集的数据,以探索目前的重返社会在多大程度上可以被理解为导致长期流离失所的结束。为了实现这一目标,文章还询问了全球难民制度目前的人道主义回归方法及其久坐框架如何影响这些进程;以及人类的能动性和流动性所起的作用,包括过去流离失所经历对这些过程的影响。该研究的结论是,对许多人来说,返回布隆迪,无论是第一次、第二次或第三次返回,往往最终不被理解为导致持久解决的永久“回家”,而只是另一种形式的被迫流离失所。在过去的流离失所之后未能重新融入社会,与回返者最大利益相冲突的政策,以及人道主义的回返方法及其久坐不动的框架都是导致这一失败的主要原因。因此,回返者通过这些过程获得和强加给他们的多重身份对于他们在这些困难和不断变化的条件下生存是必不可少的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Refugee Survey Quarterly
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