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The Privilege to Work: Syrian Refugees in Jordan, Technical and Vocational Education Training, and the Remote Work Loophole 工作特权:约旦的叙利亚难民、技术和职业教育培训以及远程工作漏洞
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-21 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac017
Jinan Bastaki, L. Charles
Jordan is the second biggest host of Syrian refugees per capita in the world, yet, initially, refugees were not given the legal right to work. Investment in Technical and Vocational Education Training (TVET) was seen as a way to equip refugees and host communities to find employment, and with the 2016 Jordan Compact, a formal pathway for employment was created for Syrians refugees in Jordan. It appears that, despite some avenues for formal work and the significant investment in TVET programmes, many refugees still prefer to work in the informal sector. Through interviews with TVET providers in Jordan, this article assesses the role of TVET and explores the reasons for the preference for informal work among Syrian refugees in Jordan. The research shows that the most successful TVET programmes include digital skills training, as this enables refugees to work remotely, and informally, circumventing local laws that limit their participation in the local labour market. Yet, while digital skills appear to be the most promising in terms of actually helping refugees acquire work, there are still significant challenges.
约旦是世界上人均叙利亚难民的第二大收容国,但最初,难民没有获得合法的工作权。对技术和职业教育培训(TVET)的投资被视为使难民和收容社区能够找到工作的一种方式,根据2016年《约旦契约》,为在约旦的叙利亚难民创造了一条正式的就业途径。看来,尽管有一些正式工作的途径,并对职业技术与培训方案进行了大量投资,但许多难民仍然更喜欢在非正规部门工作。通过对约旦职业技术教育与培训提供者的采访,本文评估了职业技术教育和培训的作用,并探讨了约旦叙利亚难民偏爱非正式工作的原因。研究表明,最成功的TVET计划包括数字技能培训,因为这使难民能够远程和非正式地工作,绕过限制他们参与当地劳动力市场的当地法律。然而,尽管数字技能在实际帮助难民获得工作方面似乎是最有希望的,但仍存在重大挑战。
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引用次数: 0
“An Unhappy Interlude”: Trivialisation and Privatisation of Forced Marriage in Asylum-Seeker Women’s Cases in the UK “不愉快的插曲”:英国寻求庇护妇女案件中强迫婚姻的琐碎化和私有化
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac018
Nora Honkala
This article examines asylum-seeker women’s appeals involving forced marriage at the Upper Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum Chamber) in the UK over the past 20 years. Internationally forced marriage has long been understood as a human rights issue. In the UK, the government has introduced a range of policy and legislative measures to tackle forced marriage of its nationals that have been framed within human rights discourse. The aim of this article is to examine the ways in which forced marriage has been framed by the Tribunal in women’s asylum claims. Informed by feminist contributions to gender and refugee law, the article reveals two problematic and interrelated trends. First, that gendered harm in the form of forced marriage continues to be contained in the “private” sphere. And secondly, that a noteworthy trend of trivialisation through conflation of forced and arranged marriage, and the use of euphemisms emerges. As a result, these gendered representations evidence a continuing failure of refugee law to take women’s rights violations seriously.
本文审查了过去20年来寻求庇护的妇女在英国高等法院(移民和庇护分庭)提出的涉及强迫婚姻的上诉。长期以来,国际上一直将强迫婚姻理解为一个人权问题。在英国,政府推出了一系列政策和立法措施,以解决其国民的强迫婚姻问题,这些措施都是在人权话语中制定的。本条的目的是审查法庭在妇女庇护申请中对强迫婚姻的界定方式。根据女权主义对性别和难民法的贡献,这篇文章揭示了两个有问题且相互关联的趋势。首先,强迫婚姻形式的性别伤害仍然存在于“私人”领域。其次,通过将强迫婚姻和包办婚姻混为一谈,以及使用委婉语,出现了一种值得注意的轻视趋势。因此,这些性别化的陈述证明难民法继续没有认真对待侵犯妇女权利的行为。
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引用次数: 0
Concluding Reflections from the former UNHRC Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences (2009–15) 联合国人权理事会前暴力侵害妇女及其因果问题特别报告员的总结思考(2009 - 2015)
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac014
R. Manjoo
This concluding chapter provides an overview of the chapters, as well as briefly highlighting the relevant normative frameworks applicable to the issues addressed in this special edition journal. The authors have addressed structural, institutional, and individual gaps and challenges in the refugee protection sphere and have raised concerns about the lack of adequate acknowledgement of gendered aspects of the asylum frameworks and processes, and crucially the differential impact thereof. The gaps in the legally binding instruments governing this area of human rights protection, and the minimal attention to the connection between theory and practice and its resulting consequences, are highlighted by some authors.
这最后一章提供了各章的概述,并简要强调了适用于本特别版期刊所讨论问题的相关规范框架。作者讨论了难民保护领域的结构性、制度性和个人差距和挑战,并提出了对庇护框架和程序的性别方面缺乏充分承认的关切,关键是其差异影响。一些作者强调指出,关于保护人权这一领域的具有法律约束力的文书存在差距,对理论与实践之间的联系及其后果的注意最少。
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引用次数: 0
Non-State Actors of Protection and the Sliding Scale of Protection for Refugee Women 非国家保护行为体和难民妇女保护的浮动规模
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac020
Christel Querton
The article argues that although the gradual recognition of non-State actors as agents of persecution was hailed as a success in ensuring better protection for refugee women at risk of harm from their community or family, the associated development of non-state actors as agents of protection has had a detrimental impact on the protection of refugee women in Europe and more globally. More specifically, the article identifies various everyday practices of reliance on male family members and undefined social networks as actors of protection. These co-constructing practices are exercised by different entities involved in refugee status determination processes, including governments, national and regional courts, and regional and international asylum agencies. Although the trend has gone largely unnoticed, it has resulted in a sliding scale of protection for refugee women. The article argues that endorsing non-State actors of protection, such as male family members and undefined social networks, amounts to a requirement that women seeking asylum take action to avoid being persecuted by placing themselves under the protection of those private actors. This is contrary to international refugee law doctrine, fails to consider the possibility of new forms of harm and is, in itself, a breach of women’s human rights.
文章认为,尽管逐渐承认非国家行为者是迫害的代理人被誉为成功地确保了对面临社区或家庭伤害风险的难民妇女的更好保护,但非国家行为者作为保护代理人的相关发展对欧洲乃至全球难民妇女的保护产生了不利影响。更具体地说,这篇文章将依赖男性家庭成员和未定义的社交网络的各种日常做法确定为保护行为体。参与难民地位确定过程的不同实体,包括政府、国家和地区法院以及地区和国际庇护机构,都在实施这些共建做法。尽管这一趋势在很大程度上没有被注意到,但它导致对难民妇女的保护规模不断下滑。该条认为,支持非国家保护行为者,如男性家庭成员和未定义的社会网络,相当于要求寻求庇护的妇女采取行动,将自己置于这些私人行为者的保护之下,避免受到迫害。这违反了国际难民法原则,没有考虑到新形式伤害的可能性,本身就是对妇女人权的侵犯。
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引用次数: 3
“Our Wish Is To Be Human Again”: Refugee Women Speaking Up and Taking Space “我们的愿望是再次做人”:难民妇女发声并占据空间
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac016
Loraine Masiya Mponela
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引用次数: 0
Pathways to Refugee Protection for Women: Victims of Violence or Genuine Lesbians? 妇女难民保护之路:暴力受害者还是真正的女同性恋?
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac013
M. Dustin
Failures in UK decision-making for women seeking protection from gender-based violence vary depending on the claimant’s (purported) sexuality. These failures are attributable, at least in part, to the application of the particular social group Refugee Convention ground which channels claims along two distinct pathways: one path, for women assumed to be straight, focuses on the violence that threatens them; in contrast, for lesbian and bisexual women, the focus is on their sexuality. In either case, the claimant’s autonomy and individuality is eclipsed, but different stereotypes come into play depending on her (imputed) sexuality. This article argues that greater use of the political opinion Convention ground, and a holistic, rights-based approach would improve refugee status determination for all women, regardless of their sexuality.
英国妇女在寻求保护免受基于性别的暴力侵害方面的决策失误因索赔人(声称)的性取向而异。这些失败至少在一定程度上可归因于适用特定的社会团体《难民公约》的理由,该理由沿着两条不同的道路引导索赔:一条道路,对于被认为是异性恋的妇女来说,侧重于威胁她们的暴力;相比之下,对于女同性恋和双性恋女性来说,重点是她们的性取向。在任何一种情况下,索赔人的自主权和个性都会被掩盖,但根据她的(推测的)性取向,不同的刻板印象会发挥作用。这篇文章认为,更多地利用《公约》的政治观点基础,以及基于权利的整体方法,将改善所有妇女的难民地位决定,无论她们的性取向如何。
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引用次数: 0
Ambivalent (In)Securities: Comparing Urban Refugee Women’s Experiences of Informal and Formal Security Provision 矛盾的安全:比较城市难民妇女在非正式和正式安全保障方面的经验
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac011
S. Linn
Using feminist theories of geolegality, geopolitics, and intersectionality, this article presents Syrian refugee women’s experiences and perceptions of both formal and informal security providers in Amman and Beirut in 2016–2017. Based on qualitative data from refugee women based in these cities since the onset of the Syrian civil war, this article argues three related points regarding urban refugee women and their experiences with security providers. First, that although not gendered at the State level, refugee law is applied in gendered ways in the everyday by State and non-State security providers and that this has direct outcomes as to how refugee women perceive and access security services in their host cities. Secondly, that whilst women perceive both formal and informal security providers in ambivalent terms, they are deeply appreciative of State security presence in urban areas which seem vulnerable to tension and conflict. Lastly, in order to understand ambivalent experiences of (in)security of (in)formal security providers, we need closer examinations of the ways in which identity interacts with structures of policy, law and culture, using feminist theories of intersectionality and geolegality.
本文运用地缘合法性、地缘政治和交叉性的女权主义理论,介绍了2016-2017年安曼和贝鲁特的叙利亚难民妇女对正式和非正式安全提供者的经历和看法。基于自叙利亚内战开始以来在这些城市的难民妇女的定性数据,本文就城市难民妇女及其与安全提供者的经历提出了三个相关的观点。首先,虽然在国家一级没有性别化,但难民法在日常生活中由国家和非国家安全提供者以性别化的方式适用,这对难民妇女在其收容城市如何看待和获得安全服务产生了直接影响。第二,虽然妇女对正式和非正式保安人员的看法是矛盾的,但她们对国家安全人员在城市地区的存在深感赞赏,因为城市地区似乎容易受到紧张局势和冲突的影响。最后,为了理解正式安全提供者对安全的矛盾体验,我们需要使用交叉性和地缘合法性的女权主义理论,更仔细地研究身份与政策、法律和文化结构相互作用的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Erratum to: Accountability in Humanitarian Action 《人道主义行动中的问责制》的勘误
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-08 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac001
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac002
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.2 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/rsq/hdac005
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Refugee Survey Quarterly
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