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Privileged Agents vs Repressed "Spies" 特权特工vs被压制的“间谍”
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.6
Maria Pileva, A. Pilev
The paper examines the problems faced by evangelical ministers condemned in the so-called Pastoral Trials (1948–1985) and their families. At the same time, the Bulgarian State Security managed to launch its own cadres to take the places of uncomfortable ones on the pulpits and push state policy following the KGB models. And they suc-ceeded in converting even some of the pastors who have been caught up in the judicial processes and declared unjustly. Attention is paid to the instigated opposition against highly educated and erudite clergymen enjoying authority in society, by officials obe-dient to the new authority, ready to sell their faith for some silver coin.
本文考察了在所谓的牧灵审判(1948-1985)中被定罪的福音派牧师及其家人所面临的问题。与此同时,保加利亚国家安全局成功地推出了自己的干部,取代了那些不舒服的人在讲坛上的位置,并按照克格勃的模式推动国家政策。他们成功地改变了一些牧师的信仰,这些牧师被卷入了司法程序,被宣布为不公正的。人们关注的是那些受教育程度高、学识渊博的神职人员在社会上享有权威,服从新权威的官员煽动起来的反对,他们准备出卖自己的信仰来换取一些银币。
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引用次数: 0
Ageing in Bulgaria in turbulent times 动荡时期保加利亚的老龄化问题
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.21
Petya Ilieva-Trichkova
This article is a review of the book „How are we aging in Bulgaria? First results for Bulgaria from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE 2020/2021), Waves 7 & 8“ edited by Ekaterina L. Markova and Gabriela M. Yordanova.
这篇文章是对《保加利亚是如何变老的?》由Ekaterina L. Markova和Gabriela M. Yordanova编辑的《欧洲健康、老龄化和退休调查(SHARE 2020/2021),第7和第8波》对保加利亚的初步结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Caucasus in the 1920s – 1930s: the First Clash of the Democratic World with Russian Bolshevism and Its Consequences 20 - 30年代的高加索:民主世界与俄国布尔什维克主义的第一次冲突及其后果
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.3
G. Gotsiridze
The paper analyzes the historical processes taking place in the Caucasus in the 1920s-1930s, which reflect the destruction of the democratic states of the Caucasus by Rus-sian Bolshevism and the efforts of the political elite of the Caucasus to restore the independence through the unification of the Caucasus. The work highlights the actors of these dramatic events and shows the influence of domestic and foreign factors on the mentioned processes. It is emphasized that the first confrontation between Russian Bolshevism and Western-type democracy took place in the Caucasus, which ended with the defeat of the latter. Based on the critical analysis of rich primary sources, emigrant press, and the records of eyewitnesses, the paper explains the reasons for the victory of Russian Bol-shevism, on the one hand, and, of the defeat of the independent democratic states of the Caucasus, on the other hand, the importance of the unification of the Caucasus to achieve common Caucasian goals is highlighted, the indifferent attitude of the West-ern states (with some exceptions) to the ongoing processes in the Caucasus and their negative role in the victory of Russian Bolshevism is shown. It is emphasized that the pursuit of a pragmatic policy, devoid of values, which was carried out by the Western World in relation to Bolshevik Russia/Soviet Union, is disastrous even for pragmatists, that collaboration with totalitarian and autocratic regimes threatens the democracy and world order based on the basic principles of the international law. Based on the reconciliation of historical events, the paper draws parallels between the political processes going on in the period under investigation and the modern world, it is demonstrated the psycho type of Russia, which does not change historically, on one hand, and the mistakes of the Western world, which contribute to its militarization, on the other hand.
本文分析了20世纪20年代至30年代发生在高加索地区的历史进程,反映了俄罗斯布尔什维克主义对高加索民主国家的破坏以及高加索地区政治精英通过统一高加索地区来恢复独立的努力。该作品突出了这些戏剧性事件的参与者,并展示了国内外因素对上述过程的影响。强调俄国布尔什维克主义和西方式民主主义的第一次对抗发生在高加索地区,并以后者的失败告终。本文通过对丰富的第一手资料、移民媒体和目击者记录的批判性分析,一方面解释了俄国布尔什维克主义胜利的原因,另一方面解释了高加索独立民主国家失败的原因,另一方面强调了高加索统一对实现高加索共同目标的重要性。西方国家(除了一些例外)对高加索地区正在进行的进程的冷漠态度,以及他们在俄国布尔什维克主义胜利中所起的消极作用。有人强调,西方世界对布尔什维克的俄罗斯/苏联所奉行的缺乏价值的实用主义政策,即使对实用主义者来说也是灾难性的,与极权主义和专制政权的合作威胁到以国际法基本原则为基础的民主和世界秩序。在历史事件和解的基础上,本文将调查时期的政治进程与现代世界进行了比较,一方面展示了俄罗斯没有发生历史变化的心理类型,另一方面展示了西方世界的错误,导致了俄罗斯的军事化。
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引用次数: 0
From Being Deprived to Bestowing Privileges – Artistic Reflections of the Wrestlers /Mutri/ Subculture in The Novels by Georgi Stoev 从被剥夺到赋予特权——斯托耶夫小说中摔跤手/穆特里/亚文化的艺术反思
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.12
Nina Debruyne
One of the most characteristic phenomena of the Transition in Bulgaria in the 1990s were the socalled Wrestlers’ brigades. Their emergence and rise left a lasting imprint on the social fabric and provided the initial impetus for the formation of the so-called ‘Wrestlers/ Mutri’ subculture. In a situation of rapidly changing public, economic and social environments in Bulgaria after the fall of the totalitarian regime in 1989, the Wrestlers’ brigades gave young men with modest family backgrounds the opportunity to become part of a set enjoying a progressively privileged economic and social circumstance. In the aftermath of the state's abdication of its regulatory and adjudicative functions, these groups and their individual members gained access to various power levers and transformed from privileged to privileging — granting privileges — both to in-group members (family, friends, etc.) and outsiders such as politicians, business people, artists, etc. This process of transformation from disadvantaged to privileged in this context has not yet been fully explored. The available documentary and archival information is currently limited and difficult to access. Fiction as a parallel source allows us to consider these processes from a different angle. The purpose of the proposed paper is to analyse the novels of Georgi Stoev – admittedly a former member of a Wrestler’s group, as a source of information about the process of transformation from disadvantage to privilege and of specific subcultural traits. By comparing the information in the eight books in the ‘Witnesses of the Times’ and ‘BG Godfather’ series with publicly available documents, studies and publications, a deeper understanding is obtained of the values and dynamics of the Wrestlers/ Mutri subculture in Bulgaria at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century.
20世纪90年代保加利亚转型最具特色的现象之一是所谓的摔跤手队。他们的出现和崛起在社会结构上留下了持久的印记,并为所谓的“摔跤手/ Mutri”亚文化的形成提供了最初的动力。1989年极权主义政权垮台后,保加利亚的公共、经济和社会环境迅速变化,在这种情况下,摔跤手队为家庭背景一般的年轻人提供了机会,使他们成为享受日益优越的经济和社会环境的一员。在国家放弃其监管和裁决职能之后,这些团体及其个人成员获得了各种权力杠杆,并从特权转变为特权-授予特权-包括团体内部成员(家人,朋友等)和局外人(如政治家,商人,艺术家等)。在这种背景下,这种从弱势到优势的转变过程尚未得到充分探讨。现有的文件和档案资料目前是有限的,而且很难取得。小说作为一种平行的来源,使我们能够从不同的角度来考虑这些过程。本文的目的是分析格奥尔基·斯托耶夫的小说——诚然,他是一个摔跤运动员团体的前成员,作为从劣势到特权的转变过程和特定亚文化特征的信息来源。通过将“时代见证人”和“BG教父”系列中的八本书中的信息与公开文件,研究和出版物进行比较,可以更深入地了解20世纪末和21世纪初保加利亚摔跤手/ Mutri亚文化的价值观和动态。
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引用次数: 0
Privileges and „Patronage“ instead of Social Care: "Fighters Against Fascism" in the Social Policies in Communist Bulgaria, 1944–1951 特权和“赞助”代替社会关怀:共产主义保加利亚社会政策中的“反法西斯战士”,1944-1951
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i32.4
Milka Angelova
This article analyses the formation and institutionalisation of the system of privileges in communist Bulgaria. Right after September 1944, the establishment of a system of privileges was initiated, a system that created special categories of citizens opposed in this way to the rest of society. From 1944 on, former partisans became part of the rul-ing elite and granted themselves and their relatives many privileges, transforming themselves into a specially privileged caste. The analysis is based on the archive doc-uments of the Union of the People’s Guerrilla Fighters and the Union of the Fighters against Fascism – institutions existing in the period 1945–1951. The activities of the ‘fighters’ were aimed at substituting in very short terms after the take over the vectors of the public memory in order to legitimize the new power resources. The social system of total control and caste privileges discredited the idea of modern society, social freedom and equality. The author analyses both legislation as well as the ways in which privileges were constructed in social policies in communist Bulgaria.
本文分析了共产主义保加利亚特权制度的形成和制度化。1944年9月之后,特权制度开始建立,这一制度创造了与社会其他部分相对立的特殊公民类别。从1944年开始,前游击队员成为统治精英的一部分,并赋予自己和亲属许多特权,将自己转变为一个特殊的特权阶层。分析是基于人民游击战士联盟和反法西斯战士联盟的档案文件- 1945-1951年期间存在的机构。“战士”的活动旨在在接管公共记忆的载体后,在很短的时间内取代,以使新的权力资源合法化。全面控制和种姓特权的社会制度败坏了现代社会、社会自由和平等的观念。作者分析了共产主义保加利亚的立法以及特权在社会政策中的建构方式。
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引用次数: 0
Gender Marked Phraseologisms in Bulgarian – Aspects of their Semantics and Stylistic Marking 保加利亚语中有性别标记的短语——语义和文体标记的方面
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.19
Nadezhda Stalyanova
The paper explores the language-society relationship in the context of gender-neutral language, a part of inclusive communication that aims to avoid referring to a person's gender while inappropriately highlighting or attributing positive or negative characteristics exclusively associated with one gender. The analysis is situated in the linguistic aspect of so-called gender-sensitive language or gender-neutral language. The text studies the semantics of two phraseologisms in Bulgarian perceived as discriminatory, negatively marked and suggesting gender stereotypes. In order to investigate and analyze the reception and use of the phraseologies мъжка дума (man’s word) and мъжко момиче (man like girl) by school-age youth, we conducted a survey among respondents between 15 and 17 years old. The aim of the study was to analyze to what extent young people perceive the connotative meaning of the phraseologisms, whether they realize their semantics as evaluative and characterizing a certain type of behavior. The questions in the survey are devoted to the stylistic and connotative meaning of the studied expressions. The findings of the study show that phraseologisms with a component indicating a person's biological sex and expressing a certain attitude towards its stereotypical perception in society are not part of the active vocabulary of the Bulgarian students. Young people experience difficulties in defining their semantics. The text predicts that their reduced use in the near future will not be the result of policies enforcing the principles of inclusive communication. These phraseologies will naturally pass into the passive part of the lexical system due to ignorance of their semantics.
本文探讨了中性语言背景下的语言与社会关系,中性语言是包容性交际的一部分,旨在避免提及一个人的性别,而不恰当地突出或归因于只与一种性别相关的积极或消极特征。从语言学的角度分析所谓的性别敏感语言或性别中立语言。本文研究了保加利亚语中被认为具有歧视性、带有负面标记和暗示性别陈规定型观念的两种用语的语义。为了调查和分析学龄青年对мъжка дума(男人的话)和мъжко момиче(男人喜欢的女孩)这两个短语的接受和使用情况,我们对15 - 17岁的受访者进行了调查。本研究的目的是分析年轻人在多大程度上感知到短语的内涵意义,他们是否意识到它们的语义是评价和表征某种类型的行为。调查中的问题致力于所研究表达的风格和内涵意义。这项研究的结果表明,含有表明一个人的生理性别成分和表达对其在社会上的陈规定型观念的某种态度的用语不属于保加利亚学生的活跃词汇。年轻人很难定义自己的语义。该文件预测,在不久的将来,它们的使用减少将不会是执行包容性传播原则的政策的结果。由于对语义学的无知,这些短语会自然而然地进入词汇系统的被动部分。
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引用次数: 0
Fate of Scientists and Artists in the Period of the Red and Big Terror 红色与大恐怖时期科学家与艺术家的命运
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.9
Marine Aroshidze, Nino Aroshidze
Whatever is the nature of the war there are two parties engaged in conflict. Terror is much more terrible, because in this case there are no opposing sides: the “powers that be” methodically destroy “undesirable elements”. In Georgia, the intelligentsia was gradually eliminated: writers, poets, scientists, public figures were sent to camps, shot, evicted by families, forced to write false denunciations. Thus, analyzing the develop-ment of science and culture in Georgia between the two world wars, we can conclude that the Sovietization of Georgia and the regime of "great terror" were characterized by such a large number of victims among the Georgian intelligentsia and talented youth that the problems of science were relegated to the urgent need survive.
无论战争的性质如何,总有两方卷入冲突。恐怖主义要可怕得多,因为在这种情况下,没有对立的一方:“当权者”有条不紊地摧毁“不受欢迎的因素”。在格鲁吉亚,知识分子逐渐被消灭:作家、诗人、科学家、公众人物被送进集中营,被枪毙,被家庭驱逐,被迫写虚假的谴责。因此,分析两次世界大战之间格鲁吉亚科学和文化的发展,我们可以得出结论,格鲁吉亚的苏维埃化和“大恐怖”政权的特点是格鲁吉亚知识分子和有才华的青年中有如此大量的受害者,以至于科学问题被降级为迫切需要生存。
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引用次数: 0
Branded Identities. Remarks on the Holocaust chapter of the Macedonian-Bulgarian War on Identity 品牌的身份。关于马其顿-保加利亚身份战争大屠杀章节的评论
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.8
Péter Krasztev
The paper approaches the issue of the Holocaust in South-Eastern Europe from the perspective of country branding and „competing identities” – term coined by Simon Anholt in the first decade of the 21st century. Though examination of the official North Macedonian and Bulgarian discourses about the WWII reflected in the contem-porary films, serials, political and historical statements, quasi-academic pamphlets, and partly architecture, the study aims to explore the mechanisms of construction of a new, “Holocaust-based” historical identity in these countries. The study argues that the current politics of memory of the two sides is propagandistic and mostly based on PR technologies which are rather indifferent or only partly sensitive to the historical facts and moral/humanist aspects of the question. The conclusion therefore is that the construction of a "competitive identity" by both sides was doomed to failure because countries that cannot achieve a minimum internal consensus on basic human, legal, aesthetic, political, etc. norms and values – as Anholt's concept would require -, have no chance of presenting an outwardly attractive, or at least acceptable, image.
本文从国家品牌和“竞争身份”的角度探讨东南欧大屠杀问题。“竞争身份”是西蒙·安霍尔特在21世纪头十年提出的概念。通过考察当代电影、连续剧、政治和历史声明、准学术小册子和部分建筑中反映的北马其顿和保加利亚关于二战的官方话语,本研究旨在探索在这些国家建立一种新的、“基于大屠杀”的历史身份的机制。该研究认为,目前双方的记忆政治是宣传的,主要基于公共关系技术,这些技术对历史事实和问题的道德/人文主义方面相当冷漠或只有部分敏感。由此得出的结论是,双方对“竞争性身份”的建构注定要失败,因为不能像安霍尔特的概念所要求的那样,在基本的人性、法律、审美、政治等规范和价值观上达成最低限度的内部共识的国家,就没有机会呈现出一种表面上有吸引力的,或者至少是可接受的形象。
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引用次数: 0
For the Monograph of Stoil Mavrodiev "Psychoanalysis in Bulgaria until the 1940s" 斯托尔·马夫罗季耶夫专著《20世纪40年代以前保加利亚的精神分析》
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.20
V. Chavdarova
The review of the book "Psychoanalysis in Bulgaria until the 1940s" presents the historical-psychological research carried out by Assoc. Ph.D. Stoil Mavrodiev, dedicated to the genesis and development of the psychoanalytic movement in Bulgaria in the period of the 1920s –1940s, when it was its apogee. The author offers an analytical-interpretive, critical reading of the works of Bulgarian psychoanalytically oriented authors and reveals their contribution to pedagogy, sociology, philosophy, religion, literary studies, etc. The monograph is the first complete and detailed study of the Bulgarian psychoanalytic heritage.
《20世纪40年代前保加利亚的精神分析》一书的书评介绍了协会开展的历史心理学研究。Stoil Mavrodiev博士,致力于20世纪20年代至40年代保加利亚精神分析运动的起源和发展,当时是其鼎盛时期。作者对保加利亚以精神分析为导向的作者的作品进行了分析-解释和批判性阅读,并揭示了他们对教育学、社会学、哲学、宗教、文学研究等的贡献。该专著是保加利亚精神分析遗产的第一个完整和详细的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Disadvantaged Balkans. Trauma "Berlin Peace Treaty" in the Memory of Bulgarians and Serbs 弱势的巴尔干半岛。保加利亚人和塞尔维亚人记忆中的创伤“柏林和平条约”
IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.10
Evgenia V. Ivanova
The text further develops the author's earlier thesis about the typologies of Bulgarian and Serbian nationalism as dependent on collective memory – heroic or traumatic. And – to some extent – gets into an argument with her. The article examines the reactions of Bulgarian and Serbian society to the decisions of the Berlin Treaty (1878), which proved traumatic for both sides – regardless of the differences in the status of the one and the other. The Berlin Treaty — if it did not cause, it — legitimized four wars, became the starting point for aspirations for the redistribution of the peninsula and a source of traumatic memory. Although the subsequent victories and battles alternate with different intensity, the core elements of national identity remain the series of "Golgotha" (in the Serbian case) and "national catastrophes" (in the Bulgarian). Collective memory, of course, can undergo reversals – depending on the needs of a particular political situation and on the "invention of tradition" to serve this situation.
文本进一步发展了作者关于保加利亚和塞尔维亚民族主义的类型学依赖于集体记忆的早期论文-英雄或创伤。在某种程度上,和她发生了争执。本文探讨了保加利亚和塞尔维亚社会对《柏林条约》(1878年)的决定的反应,无论双方的地位如何不同,这一决定对双方都造成了创伤。《柏林条约》即使没有引起战争,也使四场战争合法化,成为重新分配半岛的愿望的起点和创伤记忆的来源。尽管随后的胜利和战斗以不同的强度交替进行,但民族认同的核心要素仍然是一系列的“各各他”(在塞尔维亚的情况下)和“国家灾难”(在保加利亚)。当然,集体记忆可以经历逆转,这取决于特定政治局势的需要和为这种局势服务的“发明传统”。
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引用次数: 0
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Balkanistic Forum
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