The imprisonment of Muslims in the Belene concentration camp, subsequently called forced settlement of a new residence, as the punitive measure in a more mitigated form, was applied against opponents of assimilation policy almost until the fall of communist power in Bulgaria. The article summarizes data on Turks and Pomaks who opposed the state decisions and repression, sent to the second division of the Belene concentration camp in the first two periods (1949-1953 and 1956-1959) of its history. Then we consider in more detail the imprisonment of Pomaks in relation of the change of names in the almost unexplored by this aspect 1960s and 1970s of the concentration camp. Finally, brief parallels are drawn between the internment in these two decades, and the last, largest forced internment of Turks (1984-1987) in the concentration camp in the name change campaign of 1984-1985 and the subsequent years of repression.
{"title":"Belene Concentration Camp and Muslim Communities (1964-1987)","authors":"Zeynep Zafer","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.7","url":null,"abstract":"The imprisonment of Muslims in the Belene concentration camp, subsequently called forced settlement of a new residence, as the punitive measure in a more mitigated form, was applied against opponents of assimilation policy almost until the fall of communist power in Bulgaria. The article summarizes data on Turks and Pomaks who opposed the state decisions and repression, sent to the second division of the Belene concentration camp in the first two periods (1949-1953 and 1956-1959) of its history. Then we consider in more detail the imprisonment of Pomaks in relation of the change of names in the almost unexplored by this aspect 1960s and 1970s of the concentration camp. Finally, brief parallels are drawn between the internment in these two decades, and the last, largest forced internment of Turks (1984-1987) in the concentration camp in the name change campaign of 1984-1985 and the subsequent years of repression.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article juxtaposes normative sketches written during the time of the People’s Re-public of Bulgaria (NRB), which build a collective image of the volunteers of the Second World War, and authentic life stories, in which literary raw moments captured in archival materials (letters, memories, diaries, tapes) are discovered, or interviews published in the 21st century. The collective essay model, created in the prism of social realism by Dimitrina Shtereva, published in the two representative books popularizing the exploits of military women in the 1960s, has been accepted as the norm. In the second part, the archived essay of the well-realized Zdravka Hristova processed in the prism of social realism is closely examined. Comparatively, to these collective and individual images, the literary silhouette of the military correspondent Frülinka Novachkova, who has no other biography than what was said in the obituaries on the occasion of her supposed death, is close.
{"title":"Women on the Front in 1944/1945: Personalities and Plots","authors":"Maia Angelova","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article juxtaposes normative sketches written during the time of the People’s Re-public of Bulgaria (NRB), which build a collective image of the volunteers of the Second World War, and authentic life stories, in which literary raw moments captured in archival materials (letters, memories, diaries, tapes) are discovered, or interviews published in the 21st century. The collective essay model, created in the prism of social realism by Dimitrina Shtereva, published in the two representative books popularizing the exploits of military women in the 1960s, has been accepted as the norm. In the second part, the archived essay of the well-realized Zdravka Hristova processed in the prism of social realism is closely examined. Comparatively, to these collective and individual images, the literary silhouette of the military correspondent Frülinka Novachkova, who has no other biography than what was said in the obituaries on the occasion of her supposed death, is close.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The idea of labour free from exploitation has a fundamental place in communist ideology and was a constant slogan in the public rhetoric of the ‘peoples’ democracies’. This paper aims to examine how labour is defined in the official discourse of state-socialist Bulgaria, how it is associated with the ideas of freedom, coercion, the new communist moral order; and how labour is used as a repressive measure for annihilation the political opponents immediately after the seizure the political power by the Fatherland Front on September 9th ,1944 until the closure of the labour camps in 1962. The juxtaposition of the official state discourse of free labour without exploitation of workers and the people’s accounts reveal whether the ideologemes imposed by the state-party propaganda were accepted and became part of the people's thinking and vernacular memory. My thesis is that the ideologemes of free labour are accepted or at least not problematized in the narratives of the majority of ‘ordinary’ people who lived during the communist regime without being subjected to political repression. The other group, however - the victims of such repression - challenges the regime's propaganda ideologemes of freedom and free labour under socialism, and do so by recounting their own lives and speaking from the undeniable position of witnesses. Thus, in terms of remembering labour, freedom and coercion, the generation born in the 1920s and 1930s is divided into two ‘generational units’ (using Mannheim’s term), that remain on irreconcilable opposing positions.
{"title":"Labour as a Right, Duty, Matter of Honour and Repression in State-Socialist Bulgaria","authors":"Ana Luleva","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.1","url":null,"abstract":"The idea of labour free from exploitation has a fundamental place in communist ideology and was a constant slogan in the public rhetoric of the ‘peoples’ democracies’. This paper aims to examine how labour is defined in the official discourse of state-socialist Bulgaria, how it is associated with the ideas of freedom, coercion, the new communist moral order; and how labour is used as a repressive measure for annihilation the political opponents immediately after the seizure the political power by the Fatherland Front on September 9th ,1944 until the closure of the labour camps in 1962. The juxtaposition of the official state discourse of free labour without exploitation of workers and the people’s accounts reveal whether the ideologemes imposed by the state-party propaganda were accepted and became part of the people's thinking and vernacular memory. My thesis is that the ideologemes of free labour are accepted or at least not problematized in the narratives of the majority of ‘ordinary’ people who lived during the communist regime without being subjected to political repression. The other group, however - the victims of such repression - challenges the regime's propaganda ideologemes of freedom and free labour under socialism, and do so by recounting their own lives and speaking from the undeniable position of witnesses. Thus, in terms of remembering labour, freedom and coercion, the generation born in the 1920s and 1930s is divided into two ‘generational units’ (using Mannheim’s term), that remain on irreconcilable opposing positions.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the discussion, which took place in Bulgaria shortly after the beginning of the First World War, between the Austrian deputy of Ukrainian origin Longin Tsechelski and Nikola Bobchev and Yaroslav Romanchuk. At the end of 1914, Tsechelsky arrived in Sofia to campaign for the support of the Ukrainian people in the struggle for independence publishing a pamphlet "How Russia "liberates" Ukraine?". It accuses Russia of having provoked the war by deceiving Serbia; of using pan-Slavic propaganda promulgating the idea of a single Slavic race; of denying Ukrainian nation the right to self-determination because it is conceived as being part and parcel of the Russian people; of not accepting Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literature as different from the Russian language and Russian literature but were instead considered to be their adjuncts, and some other similar arguments.Russophile circles in the country were immediately prompted to take action, which resulted in a response to Tsechelski with an article by Nikola Bobchev and a brochure by Romanchuk, a Ukrainian living and working in Bulgaria. Naturally, they try to refute the claims by using well-known arguments, talking about the liberating role that Russia played in fighting against Ottoman „slavery“, the Slav solidarity and the commercial interests of the West and more specifically of Austria during that historical moment. In the following year, a new answer followed in a book of more than a hundred pages by Tsechelski and another one by Romanchuk.
{"title":"Resetting the Ideological Clock: How the Russian-Ukrainian Issue Was Part of Bulgarian Discourse a Century Ago","authors":"Roman Hadzhikosev","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the discussion, which took place in Bulgaria shortly after the beginning of the First World War, between the Austrian deputy of Ukrainian origin Longin Tsechelski and Nikola Bobchev and Yaroslav Romanchuk. At the end of 1914, Tsechelsky arrived in Sofia to campaign for the support of the Ukrainian people in the struggle for independence publishing a pamphlet \"How Russia \"liberates\" Ukraine?\". It accuses Russia of having provoked the war by deceiving Serbia; of using pan-Slavic propaganda promulgating the idea of a single Slavic race; of denying Ukrainian nation the right to self-determination because it is conceived as being part and parcel of the Russian people; of not accepting Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literature as different from the Russian language and Russian literature but were instead considered to be their adjuncts, and some other similar arguments.Russophile circles in the country were immediately prompted to take action, which resulted in a response to Tsechelski with an article by Nikola Bobchev and a brochure by Romanchuk, a Ukrainian living and working in Bulgaria. Naturally, they try to refute the claims by using well-known arguments, talking about the liberating role that Russia played in fighting against Ottoman „slavery“, the Slav solidarity and the commercial interests of the West and more specifically of Austria during that historical moment. In the following year, a new answer followed in a book of more than a hundred pages by Tsechelski and another one by Romanchuk.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.18
Miguel Ángel Gómez Mendoza
In 2020, Lucian Boia published a book about natural disasters from a longue durée perspective, focused on epidemics, earthquakes, and climate changes. The review un-derlines the main aspects discussed in the book, pointing out the theoretical ap-proaches used by Lucian Boia in dealing with these topics not only in the reviewed book, but also in his other books related to these topics such as The Weather in the Imagination or Probleme de geografie istorica (Problematics of Historical Geography).
{"title":"A Contribution to the History of Epidemics, Climate and Natural Disasters","authors":"Miguel Ángel Gómez Mendoza","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.18","url":null,"abstract":"In 2020, Lucian Boia published a book about natural disasters from a longue durée perspective, focused on epidemics, earthquakes, and climate changes. The review un-derlines the main aspects discussed in the book, pointing out the theoretical ap-proaches used by Lucian Boia in dealing with these topics not only in the reviewed book, but also in his other books related to these topics such as The Weather in the Imagination or Probleme de geografie istorica (Problematics of Historical Geography).","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.20
Panayot Denev
In 1898 the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA) was started as a modern National Infor-mation Institution. In the time of the Communist regime after 1944, the Agency was under strict political control of the totalitarian power. The two volumes’ History of BTA’ and ‘Personal testimonies’ present unpublished documents about the history of BTA and personal memories of people who worked in the agency, most of them keeping in their journalist work high professional standards.
{"title":"History of the Bulgarian News Agency. Why?","authors":"Panayot Denev","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.20","url":null,"abstract":"In 1898 the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA) was started as a modern National Infor-mation Institution. In the time of the Communist regime after 1944, the Agency was under strict political control of the totalitarian power. The two volumes’ History of BTA’ and ‘Personal testimonies’ present unpublished documents about the history of BTA and personal memories of people who worked in the agency, most of them keeping in their journalist work high professional standards.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article addresses the dynamics of social inequalities in socialist and post-socialist Romania, following the particular situation of Valea Jiului miners (in Romania), from the creating the image of the working-class heroes to the loss of preferential status, together with the post-1989 transition from communism to capitalism and from the planned economy to the market one. Therefore, the article includes the way in which the miners’ class identity was built over time, highlighting rather a preferential status of a psychological nature than a material one, the practices of disciplining their masculinity with the help of state propaganda and how this image of a homogeneous, disciplined and solidary group was diluted after the fall of communism.
{"title":"Miners - a Privileged Category of the Working Class? Valea Jiului (Romania) in Socialism and Post-Socialism","authors":"Maria Mateoniu-Micu","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the dynamics of social inequalities in socialist and post-socialist Romania, following the particular situation of Valea Jiului miners (in Romania), from the creating the image of the working-class heroes to the loss of preferential status, together with the post-1989 transition from communism to capitalism and from the planned economy to the market one. Therefore, the article includes the way in which the miners’ class identity was built over time, highlighting rather a preferential status of a psychological nature than a material one, the practices of disciplining their masculinity with the help of state propaganda and how this image of a homogeneous, disciplined and solidary group was diluted after the fall of communism.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.16
Zhuzhuna Gumbaridze, Zeinab Gvarishvili
The aim of this paper is to reflect the policy of the government of Georgia towards creating higher education opportunities for the youth residing in Abkhazia and outline the supporting measures taken by the Georgian side that contribute to Abkhazian youth’s integration into the mainstream of academia locally and worldwide. Accordingly, as the background of the issue, we start with a brief description of the language ideology in the occupied area and then move to a discussion of the factors which demonstrate the opportunities that ensure and simplify access to higher quality education in Georgia as well as abroad for the targeted group. There are two substantive issues: first, Russian language ideology imposition on Abkhaz youth and, second, the benefits of acquiring a degree in Georgia. We argue that the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia’s recent pro-Western politics have paved the road to new possibilities for cultivating a linguistically diverse, multiethnic, and tolerant society throughout Georgia. Young people living in both the occupied region and Georgia represent the generation that should cohabitate and find a common path of understanding and peace in order to build a common better future.
{"title":"On Politically-Driven Language Discrimination in Post-Soviet Space (from the Example of Occupied Abkhazia)","authors":"Zhuzhuna Gumbaridze, Zeinab Gvarishvili","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.16","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to reflect the policy of the government of Georgia towards creating higher education opportunities for the youth residing in Abkhazia and outline the supporting measures taken by the Georgian side that contribute to Abkhazian youth’s integration into the mainstream of academia locally and worldwide. Accordingly, as the background of the issue, we start with a brief description of the language ideology in the occupied area and then move to a discussion of the factors which demonstrate the opportunities that ensure and simplify access to higher quality education in Georgia as well as abroad for the targeted group. There are two substantive issues: first, Russian language ideology imposition on Abkhaz youth and, second, the benefits of acquiring a degree in Georgia. We argue that the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia’s recent pro-Western politics have paved the road to new possibilities for cultivating a linguistically diverse, multiethnic, and tolerant society throughout Georgia. Young people living in both the occupied region and Georgia represent the generation that should cohabitate and find a common path of understanding and peace in order to build a common better future.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.13
Eriola Qafzezi
The paper presents the results of a cross-linguistic study on the language of the privileged and the deprived in Margaret Atwood ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ and its Albanian translation. Being fully aware that such a novel lends itself to multiple analyses, within the limitations of the current study, we focused on those cases that illustrate the language used specifically from characters that seem to be on different spectrums of the dimension ‘privileged vs. deprived’ and we observed how language and communication alters as the events unfold. The exploration of language in this novel is also an exploration of power hierarchy and a reflection on how totalitarianism is expressed in linguistic choice to reflect deeper issues of oppression, manipulation and propaganda. The paper is composed of three parts: in the first part we describe main features of dystopian literature and The Handmaid’s Tale. In the second part we describe the reciprocal relationship between language and power and in the third part we bring concrete examples from the novel and its translation into Albanian in order to observe whether such expression of power through language is still preserved in Albanian.
{"title":"A Cross-Linguistic Study of the Language of the Privileged and the Deprived: A Case Study of Margaret Atwood’s ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ and its Variant in Albanian Language","authors":"Eriola Qafzezi","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.13","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents the results of a cross-linguistic study on the language of the privileged and the deprived in Margaret Atwood ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ and its Albanian translation. Being fully aware that such a novel lends itself to multiple analyses, within the limitations of the current study, we focused on those cases that illustrate the language used specifically from characters that seem to be on different spectrums of the dimension ‘privileged vs. deprived’ and we observed how language and communication alters as the events unfold. The exploration of language in this novel is also an exploration of power hierarchy and a reflection on how totalitarianism is expressed in linguistic choice to reflect deeper issues of oppression, manipulation and propaganda. The paper is composed of three parts: in the first part we describe main features of dystopian literature and The Handmaid’s Tale. In the second part we describe the reciprocal relationship between language and power and in the third part we bring concrete examples from the novel and its translation into Albanian in order to observe whether such expression of power through language is still preserved in Albanian.","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Balkans as a region of Southeast Europe is one of the most sensitive regions of Europe; this is where the sparks of war arose from the time of the Ottoman Empire until 2001 when a political solution was finally given to each problem of nationalities and inequalities in this region. The former Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of a state, lacking nationality, is one of the sources of conflicts which erupted with bloody wars caused by Serbia. The Yugoslav federation which gained political power after World War II consisted of 6 republics and 2 provinces. According to the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia, all peoples must be integrated into Yugoslavia. Unfortunately within Yugoslavia there were privileged peoples, and others who were treated as secondary-class people. Albanians in Yugoslavia, most of whom belonged to the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, did not experience the status of equal population in Yugoslavia; Bulgarians were treated the same, most of whom lived in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. The Republican government in Macedonia influenced by the Federal one has directly influenced Macedonia in the manner of discrimination against national minorities such as Albanians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ashkali, Turks, etc., while the: Serbian, Montenegrin, Macedonian people have been the most privileged ones within the Republic, as well as in the Yugoslav Federation.The communist regime in Yugoslavia denied any minority efforts for equality and prosperity. The most vocal in the quest for rights were Albanians and Bulgarians, who faced torture, draconian punishments, internment, and even murder in Yugoslav concentration camps. Yugoslavia, namely the Socialist Republic of Macedonia from 1945 until 2001, was the most dictatorial regime in the history of Southeast Europe for Albanians and Bulgarians; unfortunately the Bulgarian community in Macedonia, even with the new constitution, has not resolved its political, cultural, educational status etc…
{"title":"Yugoslav Totalitarian Society, Discrimination Against Albanian and Bulgarian Minorities in Macedonia","authors":"Arsim Sinani, Veli KRYEZIU","doi":"10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.9","url":null,"abstract":"The Balkans as a region of Southeast Europe is one of the most sensitive regions of Europe; this is where the sparks of war arose from the time of the Ottoman Empire until 2001 when a political solution was finally given to each problem of nationalities and inequalities in this region. The former Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of a state, lacking nationality, is one of the sources of conflicts which erupted with bloody wars caused by Serbia. The Yugoslav federation which gained political power after World War II consisted of 6 republics and 2 provinces. According to the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia, all peoples must be integrated into Yugoslavia. Unfortunately within Yugoslavia there were privileged peoples, and others who were treated as secondary-class people. Albanians in Yugoslavia, most of whom belonged to the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, did not experience the status of equal population in Yugoslavia; Bulgarians were treated the same, most of whom lived in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. The Republican government in Macedonia influenced by the Federal one has directly influenced Macedonia in the manner of discrimination against national minorities such as Albanians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ashkali, Turks, etc., while the: Serbian, Montenegrin, Macedonian people have been the most privileged ones within the Republic, as well as in the Yugoslav Federation.The communist regime in Yugoslavia denied any minority efforts for equality and prosperity. The most vocal in the quest for rights were Albanians and Bulgarians, who faced torture, draconian punishments, internment, and even murder in Yugoslav concentration camps. Yugoslavia, namely the Socialist Republic of Macedonia from 1945 until 2001, was the most dictatorial regime in the history of Southeast Europe for Albanians and Bulgarians; unfortunately the Bulgarian community in Macedonia, even with the new constitution, has not resolved its political, cultural, educational status etc…","PeriodicalId":40507,"journal":{"name":"Balkanistic Forum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135486354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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