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Disappointment river: finding and losing the Northwest passage 失望河:寻找和失去西北通道
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1949214
B. Gough
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引用次数: 0
Bypassing the Dutch Monopoly of Relations with Japan: Vasily Golovnin’s Captivity (1811-1813) 绕过荷兰垄断对日关系:瓦西里·戈洛夫宁的被俘(1811-1813)
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1946647
Thomas Pierre Gidney
The turn of the nineteenth century saw an increasing encroachment of Russian explorations into and around isolationist Japan, culminating with the capture and imprisonment of Russian naval captain Vasily Golovnin in 1811. These Russian attempts to “open” Japan were a threat to the established contact between Japan and Europe through the Dutch base in Dejima at Nagasaki, which gave the Dutch a monopoly on relations and the transfer of knowledge between Japan and Europe. However, Russia’s imperial designs in the North Pacific and the Napoleonic wars, which reduced Dutch power, threatened this monopoly, offering new perspectives on Japan and throwing political relations with the Japanese Shogunate (Bakufu) into turmoil. This paper compares Dutch and Russian approaches to contact with Japan at the turn of the nineteenth century and examines how actions such as Golovnin’s imprisonment foreshadowed an end for Japanese isolationism and the Dutch monopoly on contact with the Shogunate.
19世纪之交,俄罗斯对孤立主义的日本及其周边地区的勘探活动日益猖獗,1811年,俄罗斯海军上尉瓦西里·戈洛夫宁被捕入狱,达到了顶峰。这些俄罗斯“开放”日本的企图威胁到了日本和欧洲之间通过长崎德岛的荷兰基地建立的联系,这使荷兰垄断了日本与欧洲之间的关系和知识转让。然而,俄罗斯在北太平洋和拿破仑战争中的帝国设计削弱了荷兰的实力,威胁到了这种垄断,为日本提供了新的视角,并使与日本幕府的政治关系陷入混乱。本文比较了荷兰和俄罗斯在19世纪之交与日本接触的方式,并考察了戈洛夫宁被监禁等行为如何预示着日本孤立主义和荷兰垄断与幕府接触的结束。
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引用次数: 0
Marckalada: The First Mention of America in the Mediterranean Area (c. 1340) 马尔卡拉达:地中海地区首次提及美洲(约1340年)
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1943792
P. Chiesa
The Cronica universalis written by the Milanese friar Galvaneus Flamma (it. Galvano Fiamma, d. c. 1345) contains an astonishing reference to a terra que dicitur Marckalada, situated west from Greenland. This land is recognizable as the Markland mentioned by some Icelandic sources and identified by scholars as some part of the Atlantic coast of North America. Galvaneus’s reference, probably derived by oral sources heard in Genoa, is the first mention of the American continent in the Mediterranean region, and gives evidence of the circulation (out of the Nordic area and 150 years before Columbus) of narratives about lands beyond Greenland. This article provides a transcription of the passage, explains its context in the Cronica universalis, compares it to the other (Nordic) references of Markland, and discusses the possible origin of Galvaneus’s mention of Markland in light of Galvaneus’s biography and working method.
米兰修士Galvaneus Flamma(公元1345年,Galvano Fiamma)撰写的《克罗尼察宇宙》(Cronica universalis)中惊人地提到了位于格陵兰岛以西的马尔卡拉达(Marckalada)。这片土地被一些冰岛消息来源称为Markland,并被学者认定为北美洲大西洋海岸的一部分。加尔瓦涅乌斯的引用可能源于热那亚的口头资料,是地中海地区首次提到美洲大陆,并提供了关于格陵兰岛以外土地的叙事流传(北欧地区之外,哥伦布之前150年)的证据。本文对这篇文章进行了转写,解释了其在《克罗尼察宇宙》中的背景,并将其与其他(北欧)参考文献《马克兰》进行了比较,并根据加尔万尼的传记和工作方法讨论了加尔万尼提及马克兰的可能来源。
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引用次数: 2
Sea People: The Puzzle of Polynesia 海人:波利尼西亚之谜
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891392
D. Buisseret
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引用次数: 0
Portrait of a Prospector: Edward Schieffelin’s Own Story 探索者肖像:爱德华·席菲林自己的故事
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891382
Louise M. Ratliff
language. Cohen observes that “Statistics from the late Ottoman period indicate that even those non-Muslims who attended imperial schools or secured government employment were less likely than Muslims to climb the ranks of the bureaucracy. Even more than other nonMuslim groups, Jews felt obstacles to entering state service, as few among them were proficient in Ottoman, the language of imperial officialdom” p. 11). Also, commanding Cohen’s attention and scholarly treatment are two events few historians have focused on before or since. One is the massacre of Armenians in 1896 in some neighborhoods of Istanbul. Cohen points to both Jewish protection of the Armenians and, at the same time, looting of their properties. She stresses the Jews’ ambivalence toward the event, given this ambiguity. The other event Cohen covers with equal, if not greater, attention is the state visit of Sultan Mehmet V in 1911 to Salonica used by the Jews to demonstrate their patriotism by contributing most of the 26 celebratory arches. These and Ottoman Jews’ other attempts to rise to the ranks of imperial citizens bore less than the desired fruit. Much of the reason was external to them, that is, beyond their control, namely, a period of turmoil which saw the war against Russia (1877–1878), against Greece over Crete (1897), in the Balkans, marked by the loss of Salonica to Greece in 1912, deteriorating economic conditions and governance as a whole, rising interest in socialism and Zionism, and emigration as a popular option. Cohen examines these and other events and their consequences in great depth, like Sir Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, and presents them with the precision of a scientific writer like Isaac Asimov, and the skill of a dramatist like Shakespeare. Her big opus received numerous awards and prizes. This is not surprising. The book fills a void in Ottoman and Sephardi historiography—the ultimate aspiration of an academic work such as this. If it has any weaknesses, they stem from the book’s and its author’s strengths. They are, in a nutshell, the need for more—an update or follow-up. The Ottoman Empire gave way to a modern Turkey of 18 million people, a Turkey that now boasts 82 million whose identity, governance, politics, and alliances are still evolving. Meanwhile, its Sephardi population has dwindled from a peak of nearly a hundred thousand in the young Turkish Republic a century ago to a mere 15,000–20,000 today. What has becoming a Turk meant since becoming Ottomans was the question? What does it mean now? Fortunately for philo-Turks and Sephardi fans, Cohen is young, curious, and seemingly committed enough to provide answers ofthe same quality that she did in her Becoming Ottomans: Sephardi Jews and Imperial Citizenship in the Modern Era.
语言Cohen观察到“奥斯曼帝国晚期的统计数据表明,即使是那些上过帝国学校或获得政府工作的非穆斯林,也比穆斯林更不可能晋升为官僚机构的成员。与其他非穆斯林群体相比,犹太人更感到进入国家服务的障碍,因为他们中很少有人精通奥斯曼帝国的语言”(第11页)。此外,引起科恩的注意和学术待遇是历史学家以前或以后很少关注的两件事。其中之一是1896年在伊斯坦布尔的一些街区发生的亚美尼亚人大屠杀。科恩指出,犹太人既保护亚美尼亚人,又掠夺他们的财产。她强调,鉴于这种模糊性,犹太人对这一事件的矛盾心理。科恩关注的另一件事是苏丹穆罕默德五世1911年对萨洛尼卡的国事访问,犹太人利用这一访问展示了他们的爱国主义,贡献了26个庆祝拱门中的大部分。这些人和奥斯曼帝国犹太人试图晋升为帝国公民的其他尝试并没有取得预期的成果。大部分原因是他们外部的,也就是说,超出了他们的控制范围,即在一段动荡时期,对俄罗斯的战争(1877-1878),对希腊的克里特岛战争(1897),巴尔干半岛的战争,以1912年萨洛尼卡输给希腊为标志,经济状况和治理整体恶化,对社会主义和犹太复国主义的兴趣上升,移民成为一种流行的选择。科恩深入研究了这些和其他事件及其后果,比如柯南·道尔爵士的《福尔摩斯》,并以艾萨克·阿西莫夫这样的科学作家的精确性和莎士比亚这样的剧作家的技巧呈现了这些事件。她的巨著获得了无数奖项。这并不奇怪。这本书填补了奥斯曼和塞法迪史学的空白——这是像这样的学术著作的终极愿望。如果说它有任何弱点,那都源于这本书和作者的长处。简言之,它们是对更多的需求——更新或后续行动。奥斯曼帝国让位于拥有1800万人口的现代土耳其,这个土耳其现在拥有8200万人口,其身份、治理、政治和联盟仍在演变。与此同时,其塞法迪人口已从一个世纪前年轻的土耳其共和国近十万的峰值减少到今天的15000至20000人。问题是,自从成为奥斯曼人以来,成为土耳其人意味着什么?现在这意味着什么?幸运的是,对于philo Turks和Sephardi的粉丝来说,Cohen年轻、好奇,似乎有足够的决心提供与她在《成为奥斯曼人:现代的Sephardi犹太人和帝国公民》中所做的相同质量的答案。
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引用次数: 0
Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France 帝国的使徒:耶稣会士与新法兰西
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891386
Mirela Altic
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引用次数: 1
Texas Comanche Land Revisited 德克萨斯州科曼奇土地考察
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891387
Richard V. Francaviglia
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引用次数: 0
Sailing School: Navigating Science and Skill, 1550-1800 航海学校:航海科学与技能,1550-1800
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891390
C. Sullivan
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引用次数: 2
Mutiny, Mayhem, Mythology: Bounty’s Enigmatic Voyage 兵变、混乱、神话:邦蒂的神秘之旅
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891383
J. Hattendorf
With more than 3,000 books and articles already written about the 1789 mutiny on the Bounty as well as feature films, novels, and plays, a reader might be forgiven for overlooking yet another. That...
关于1789年“赏金号”兵变的书籍和文章已经超过3000本,此外还有故事片、小说和戏剧,读者可能会忽略另一个。那
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引用次数: 0
Disguise—Trust and Truth in Travel Writing 伪装——旅游写作中的信任与真实
IF 0.2 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00822884.2021.1891369
C. Withers
This article contends that “disguise” has been both overlooked in studies of travel writing and is more complex than current studies suppose. The performance of disguise raises important questions about trust—in the traveler, in the truth of what is narrated, and in the knowledge gained in exploration. The article examines examples of disguise in action: nineteenth-century exploration; woman travelers dressing as men; use of scientific instruments by subterfuge. The article suggests that we must distinguish between the intention behind disguise, the forms taken in its performance, and the consequences of disguise. Rather than reject outright the truth claims of what, by the author’s own admission, was arrived at through deceit, the article argues that we must understand the reasons behind the adoption of disguise and that studies of travel writing should pay more attention to how and why disguise features in travel accounts and exploration narratives.
本文认为,“伪装”在旅行写作研究中被忽视了,而且比目前的研究假设的更为复杂。伪装的表现提出了关于信任的重要问题——对旅行者的信任,对所讲述的真相的信任,以及对在探索中获得的知识的信任。这篇文章考察了伪装在行动中的例子:19世纪的探索;打扮成男人的女性旅行者;通过诡计使用科学仪器。文章建议,我们必须区分伪装背后的意图、伪装的表现形式和伪装的后果。这篇文章并没有完全否定作者自己承认的通过欺骗得出的真相,而是认为我们必须理解采用伪装背后的原因,旅行写作的研究应该更多地关注旅行叙述和探索叙事中伪装特征的方式和原因。
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引用次数: 1
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Terrae Incognitae-The Journal of the Society for the History of Discoveries
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