Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.133
Sangrok Lee
In South Korea, the frontline of the Cold War in East Asia, an active anti-nuclear movement could not emerge until the 1970s due to the effects of Korean War, national division, and the Cold War culture. In the 1970s, youth activists, religious figures, and intellectuals who opposed the military regime became concerned about environmental issues as a reaction to the adverse effects of industrialization pursued by the military. In the 1980s, the ecological movement gave way to the anti-nuclear peace movement, which confronted the security discourse that dominated the Cold War era. The South Korean democratization movement of the 1980s overcame and transcended Cold War factionalism on an ideological level, and as a result, anti-nuclear peace activists opposed the nuclear disarmament of the Korean Peninsula and called for the abolition of nuclear power plants. Based on anti-foreign nationalism, they used a discourse that directly linked individual life, safety, and health rights to national survival and peace, and treated nuclear weapons as a symbol of imperialist oppression.Environmentalist organizations, such as the ‘Anti-Pollution Movement Association’, actively engaged in solidarity activities with local residents' protests against the construction of nuclear power plants and nuclear waste sites. As the case of Yeonggwang-gun, Jeollanam-do shows, the difference in position between the local residents who pursued economic compensation and the establishment of a sustainable basis for livelihood and the environmental movement group that pursued the public spread of the anti-nuclear movement led to distrust and conflict, despite the devoted solidarity of both sides. As the case of Anmyeonisland shows, conflicts between residents were intensified by monetary inducements from government organizations, undermining their everyday relationships. Nevertheless, the anti-nuclear movement in Korea from the late 1980s to the early 1990s contributed greatly to breaking the myth of nuclear power omnipotence in the Cold War era, revealing the ecological agenda to Korean society, and laying the foundation for the growth of the eco-environmental movement in the 1990s.
{"title":"Breaking the Myth of Nuclear Power Omnipotence in the Cold War era: Discourse on Nuclear Power and the Movement against the Construction of Nuclear Power Plants in South Korea in the 1980s and early 1990s","authors":"Sangrok Lee","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.133","url":null,"abstract":"In South Korea, the frontline of the Cold War in East Asia, an active anti-nuclear movement could not emerge until the 1970s due to the effects of Korean War, national division, and the Cold War culture. In the 1970s, youth activists, religious figures, and intellectuals who opposed the military regime became concerned about environmental issues as a reaction to the adverse effects of industrialization pursued by the military. In the 1980s, the ecological movement gave way to the anti-nuclear peace movement, which confronted the security discourse that dominated the Cold War era. The South Korean democratization movement of the 1980s overcame and transcended Cold War factionalism on an ideological level, and as a result, anti-nuclear peace activists opposed the nuclear disarmament of the Korean Peninsula and called for the abolition of nuclear power plants. Based on anti-foreign nationalism, they used a discourse that directly linked individual life, safety, and health rights to national survival and peace, and treated nuclear weapons as a symbol of imperialist oppression.Environmentalist organizations, such as the ‘Anti-Pollution Movement Association’, actively engaged in solidarity activities with local residents' protests against the construction of nuclear power plants and nuclear waste sites. As the case of Yeonggwang-gun, Jeollanam-do shows, the difference in position between the local residents who pursued economic compensation and the establishment of a sustainable basis for livelihood and the environmental movement group that pursued the public spread of the anti-nuclear movement led to distrust and conflict, despite the devoted solidarity of both sides. As the case of Anmyeonisland shows, conflicts between residents were intensified by monetary inducements from government organizations, undermining their everyday relationships. Nevertheless, the anti-nuclear movement in Korea from the late 1980s to the early 1990s contributed greatly to breaking the myth of nuclear power omnipotence in the Cold War era, revealing the ecological agenda to Korean society, and laying the foundation for the growth of the eco-environmental movement in the 1990s.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46424553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.101
Eunsun Cho
This paper examines the unfolding of North Korean discourse on “konghae (pollution)” in the context of the Cold War and developmentalism during the 1970s. Scrutinizing how the North Korean regime justified its own environmental management approach by critiquing the handling of the konghae issue in capitalist states, this study elucidates the impact of North Korea’s Cold War framing on the intertwined dynamics of development and the environment. In particular, the import of Japanese polluting industries into South Korea triggered the introduction of the term konghae into the North Korean vernacular and the subsequent proliferation of related discourse, which may have also been influenced by the growing global consciousness of environmental matters and the corresponding dialogue on potential solutions.While Cold War framing impeded North Korean acknowledgment of its own developing pollution problem, discourse on pollution expanded as it became harder to ignore the growing phenomenon of pollution within the country and awareness of pollution became more common. This led to efforts in the 1980s and 1990s to respond to environmental concerns in North Korea, such as the enactment of the Environmental Protection Law in 1986 and the incorporation of environmental rights into the Constitution in 1992. This paper highlights the significance of the 1970s as a pivotal pre-transition phase during which North Korea’s environmental discourse evolved from a confined focus on konghae to a broader, more comprehensive conception of the environment. Despite this progression, the developmentalist idea that technological advancement can resolve environmental challenges persists in the DPRK.
{"title":"The Environment in the Box of Cold-War Developmentalism: North Korea’s 1970s Discourse on Pollution (konghae)","authors":"Eunsun Cho","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.101","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the unfolding of North Korean discourse on “konghae (pollution)” in the context of the Cold War and developmentalism during the 1970s. Scrutinizing how the North Korean regime justified its own environmental management approach by critiquing the handling of the konghae issue in capitalist states, this study elucidates the impact of North Korea’s Cold War framing on the intertwined dynamics of development and the environment. In particular, the import of Japanese polluting industries into South Korea triggered the introduction of the term konghae into the North Korean vernacular and the subsequent proliferation of related discourse, which may have also been influenced by the growing global consciousness of environmental matters and the corresponding dialogue on potential solutions.While Cold War framing impeded North Korean acknowledgment of its own developing pollution problem, discourse on pollution expanded as it became harder to ignore the growing phenomenon of pollution within the country and awareness of pollution became more common. This led to efforts in the 1980s and 1990s to respond to environmental concerns in North Korea, such as the enactment of the Environmental Protection Law in 1986 and the incorporation of environmental rights into the Constitution in 1992. This paper highlights the significance of the 1970s as a pivotal pre-transition phase during which North Korea’s environmental discourse evolved from a confined focus on konghae to a broader, more comprehensive conception of the environment. Despite this progression, the developmentalist idea that technological advancement can resolve environmental challenges persists in the DPRK.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68311249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.219
D. Lim
Network analysis is a methodology that helps understand complex phenomena by visualizing member interactions. In the context of Eastern Jin, Sixteen Kingdoms, Song, Northern Wei period, network analysis can shed light on the position of Paekche and Koguryŏ by analyzing negotiation networks. While existing studies have focused on negotiations between these states and China, few have visualized the entire negotiation network or compared the positions of Paekche and Koguryŏ within the broader East Asian network. This paper explores the network analysis methodology for ancient East Asian negotiation data and conducts a pilot analysis of specific periods.The methodology for applying network analysis to ancient history involves several steps, including evaluating its suitability, quantifying the data, verifying data reliability, and analyzing and visualizing the data. Limitations of using network analysis to study ancient history include obtaining sufficient data and verifying data reliability. Ancient East Asian negotiation data is relatively more abundant than other records, making it a good candidate for network analysis. However, because negotiation data is recorded from the perspective of various actors, it is essential to verify the reliability of the data by ancient history researchers.This paper theoretically analyzes the negotiation data of the Eastern Jin, Sixteen Kingdoms, Song, and Northern Wei periods. The negotiation network analysis reveals that Eastern Jin is the most centralized country, with Koguryŏ actively engaging in negotiations and Paekche focusing on diplomacy with Eastern Jin. The centrality analysis on the negotiation frequency data during Song and Northern Wei period shows that the Song and Northern Wei had the highest centrality in negotiation frequency among 28 countries, with Koguryŏ, Tuyuhun, and Paekche also prominent. The negotiation route analysis reveals the flow of information, with the Song having the highest betweenness centrality, Koguryŏ serving as a conduit to Shilla, and Paekche controlling the route to Mahan, Kaya, and Wa. Paekche plays a crucial role as a conduit between various regions, despite having lower centrality than Koguryŏ.In conclusion, this paper explored the methodology of applying network analysis to ancient East Asian negotiation data and attempted to understand the structural structure of ancient East Asian negotiation networks by analyzing negotiation data from a specific time period.
{"title":"Exploring a New Methodology for Studying Korean Ancient History Using Network Analysis: Focusing on negotiation data from the Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms to the Song and Northern Wei period","authors":"D. Lim","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.219","url":null,"abstract":"Network analysis is a methodology that helps understand complex phenomena by visualizing member interactions. In the context of Eastern Jin, Sixteen Kingdoms, Song, Northern Wei period, network analysis can shed light on the position of Paekche and Koguryŏ by analyzing negotiation networks. While existing studies have focused on negotiations between these states and China, few have visualized the entire negotiation network or compared the positions of Paekche and Koguryŏ within the broader East Asian network. This paper explores the network analysis methodology for ancient East Asian negotiation data and conducts a pilot analysis of specific periods.The methodology for applying network analysis to ancient history involves several steps, including evaluating its suitability, quantifying the data, verifying data reliability, and analyzing and visualizing the data. Limitations of using network analysis to study ancient history include obtaining sufficient data and verifying data reliability. Ancient East Asian negotiation data is relatively more abundant than other records, making it a good candidate for network analysis. However, because negotiation data is recorded from the perspective of various actors, it is essential to verify the reliability of the data by ancient history researchers.This paper theoretically analyzes the negotiation data of the Eastern Jin, Sixteen Kingdoms, Song, and Northern Wei periods. The negotiation network analysis reveals that Eastern Jin is the most centralized country, with Koguryŏ actively engaging in negotiations and Paekche focusing on diplomacy with Eastern Jin. The centrality analysis on the negotiation frequency data during Song and Northern Wei period shows that the Song and Northern Wei had the highest centrality in negotiation frequency among 28 countries, with Koguryŏ, Tuyuhun, and Paekche also prominent. The negotiation route analysis reveals the flow of information, with the Song having the highest betweenness centrality, Koguryŏ serving as a conduit to Shilla, and Paekche controlling the route to Mahan, Kaya, and Wa. Paekche plays a crucial role as a conduit between various regions, despite having lower centrality than Koguryŏ.In conclusion, this paper explored the methodology of applying network analysis to ancient East Asian negotiation data and attempted to understand the structural structure of ancient East Asian negotiation networks by analyzing negotiation data from a specific time period.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46737753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.11
Sang‐Hyun Kim
There is a growing interest among historians in South Korean society’s engagement with the environment. Yet, many studies tend to accept a narrative based on a type of ‘post-materialist value’ thesis: Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the South Korean public, preoccupied with basic economic sustenance, showed minimal interest in the escalating environmental degradation. Environmental issues gained prominence only after the 1990s, it is presumed, as South Korea’s economic growth reached a certain threshold, accompanied by the rise of a substantial middle class that showed interest in quality-of-life and supported the expansion of the new environmental movement. Recent historical studies have challenged this narrative, revealing that ‘pollution’ problems had already surfaced as routine societal concerns in the 1970s. However, there remains a need for a critical examination of how the meanings and nature of environmental issues, including pollution, were understood and contested prior to the 1990s. Moreover, the assumption that environmental awareness naturally arose in response to a given trajectory of ‘development’ needs to be interrogated. This study addresses these limitations in previous studies. It investigates the intertwining concerns and discussions about pollution with those regarding the negative consequences of ‘high growth’ in South Korea from the late 1960s to the early-to-mid 1970s. Specifically, the study focuses on the emergence of radical political-economic perspectives on the environment, later embraced by the anti-pollution movement of the late 1970s and 1980s. The paper also explores the transnational influence and connections within these discussions regarding the problematic relationships between ‘growth’ and ‘pollution.’
{"title":"Questioning Growth, Interrogating Pollution: South Korea’s Political Economic Approaches to the Environment in the Early 1970s","authors":"Sang‐Hyun Kim","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.11","url":null,"abstract":"There is a growing interest among historians in South Korean society’s engagement with the environment. Yet, many studies tend to accept a narrative based on a type of ‘post-materialist value’ thesis: Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the South Korean public, preoccupied with basic economic sustenance, showed minimal interest in the escalating environmental degradation. Environmental issues gained prominence only after the 1990s, it is presumed, as South Korea’s economic growth reached a certain threshold, accompanied by the rise of a substantial middle class that showed interest in quality-of-life and supported the expansion of the new environmental movement. Recent historical studies have challenged this narrative, revealing that ‘pollution’ problems had already surfaced as routine societal concerns in the 1970s. However, there remains a need for a critical examination of how the meanings and nature of environmental issues, including pollution, were understood and contested prior to the 1990s. Moreover, the assumption that environmental awareness naturally arose in response to a given trajectory of ‘development’ needs to be interrogated. This study addresses these limitations in previous studies. It investigates the intertwining concerns and discussions about pollution with those regarding the negative consequences of ‘high growth’ in South Korea from the late 1960s to the early-to-mid 1970s. Specifically, the study focuses on the emergence of radical political-economic perspectives on the environment, later embraced by the anti-pollution movement of the late 1970s and 1980s. The paper also explores the transnational influence and connections within these discussions regarding the problematic relationships between ‘growth’ and ‘pollution.’","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45864402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.181
Taejin Hwang
The continued US military presence for nearly eighty years in South Korea has produced militarized landscapes of postcoloniality in South Korea. Here, militarized landscapes denote both official American military camps and their vernacular camptowns (kijich'on) as well as social-cultural expressions affected by this spatial militarization, such as the former camptown women’s experiences. As the contours of these militarized borderlands are shifting today with the consolidating of the American military footprint in South Korea, this study seeks to connect these contemporary manifestations with their historical developments. In so doing, it hopes to contribute to what Homi Bhabha conceptualizes as “re-membering”－ “a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the trauma of the present.” While camps are becoming even more insulated Americanized spaces and the once marginalized camptowns are caught in a liminal stride toward internationalism, this study examines how these borderlands, which had not only embodied Korea’s coloniality but also catalyzed changes in the greater bilateral relations, are “re-membered.” It then discusses how former kijich'on women and civic organizations that constitute the “Camptown Women’s Human Rights Coalition” are at the forefront of this postcolonial “re-membering.” Through the subjectivity-formation and trans-border activism of those once rendered voiceless victims sacrificed by the state, the former camptown women themselves have demonstrated how they are the main agents of their own historical integration. Their re-membering, moreover, contributes to bringing to the national center the marginalized history of Korea’s militarized landscapes in Pax Americana, which in turn forces us to re-member our shared postcolonial trauma.
{"title":"“Re-membering” South Korea’s Militarized Landscapes in Pax Americana: Post-Cold War US Military Camps, Camptowns, and Former Camptown Women","authors":"Taejin Hwang","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.181","url":null,"abstract":"The continued US military presence for nearly eighty years in South Korea has produced militarized landscapes of postcoloniality in South Korea. Here, militarized landscapes denote both official American military camps and their vernacular camptowns (kijich'on) as well as social-cultural expressions affected by this spatial militarization, such as the former camptown women’s experiences. As the contours of these militarized borderlands are shifting today with the consolidating of the American military footprint in South Korea, this study seeks to connect these contemporary manifestations with their historical developments. In so doing, it hopes to contribute to what Homi Bhabha conceptualizes as “re-membering”－ “a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the trauma of the present.” While camps are becoming even more insulated Americanized spaces and the once marginalized camptowns are caught in a liminal stride toward internationalism, this study examines how these borderlands, which had not only embodied Korea’s coloniality but also catalyzed changes in the greater bilateral relations, are “re-membered.” It then discusses how former kijich'on women and civic organizations that constitute the “Camptown Women’s Human Rights Coalition” are at the forefront of this postcolonial “re-membering.” Through the subjectivity-formation and trans-border activism of those once rendered voiceless victims sacrificed by the state, the former camptown women themselves have demonstrated how they are the main agents of their own historical integration. Their re-membering, moreover, contributes to bringing to the national center the marginalized history of Korea’s militarized landscapes in Pax Americana, which in turn forces us to re-member our shared postcolonial trauma.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47229756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.1
Sang-Hyun Kim
{"title":"Editor’s Introduction: Entangled Histories of the Environment and Development in Korea","authors":"Sang-Hyun Kim","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135783019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.259
A. Benedittis
In this article, we have examined some aspects of the editing of the Parhaego (Reflections on Parhae). First of all, we have tried to contextualize the work within the panorama of late Chosŏn historiography. In this sense, we have remarked that the work is part of a gradual reshaping of the story of Parhae, rearticulated within the narrative of Chosŏn history. Yu Tŭkkong’s major contribution was not to revolutionize the historical narrative of Korea nor the perception of the Parhae kingdom, but rather to collect all the sources then available for reconstructing the history of the kingdom, enjoying his privileged position within the Kyujanggak (the Royal Library). In considering this, we have observed that despite the apparent liberalism of the Chŏngjo reign, publishing and scholarship were actually under strict surveillance. During this period, the king imposed a ban on the import of books from the Qing Empire and also forced several scholars to correct their literary style. Amid this climate of control and censorship, the editing of the Parhaego took place－a work that had a rather unusual and troubled genesis, being subjected to numerous alterations and corrections since its publication in 1784. Reconstructing the genesis of this book, albeit only partially, may also provide a starting point for further reflections on authorship during this crucial phase of the Chosŏn period, when the book was exposed to possible corrections, rewritings, and expansions, even without the full consent of the original author. This process is particularly evident in the Parhaego, which was not merely historical work, but also highly political as a manifesto giving voice to the policy of reconquering the Northern Territories that was in vogue in those years.
{"title":"Censorship and autocensorship: Some considerations on the editorial history of the Parhaego","authors":"A. Benedittis","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.259","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we have examined some aspects of the editing of the Parhaego (Reflections on Parhae). First of all, we have tried to contextualize the work within the panorama of late Chosŏn historiography. In this sense, we have remarked that the work is part of a gradual reshaping of the story of Parhae, rearticulated within the narrative of Chosŏn history. Yu Tŭkkong’s major contribution was not to revolutionize the historical narrative of Korea nor the perception of the Parhae kingdom, but rather to collect all the sources then available for reconstructing the history of the kingdom, enjoying his privileged position within the Kyujanggak (the Royal Library). In considering this, we have observed that despite the apparent liberalism of the Chŏngjo reign, publishing and scholarship were actually under strict surveillance. During this period, the king imposed a ban on the import of books from the Qing Empire and also forced several scholars to correct their literary style. Amid this climate of control and censorship, the editing of the Parhaego took place－a work that had a rather unusual and troubled genesis, being subjected to numerous alterations and corrections since its publication in 1784. Reconstructing the genesis of this book, albeit only partially, may also provide a starting point for further reflections on authorship during this crucial phase of the Chosŏn period, when the book was exposed to possible corrections, rewritings, and expansions, even without the full consent of the original author. This process is particularly evident in the Parhaego, which was not merely historical work, but also highly political as a manifesto giving voice to the policy of reconquering the Northern Territories that was in vogue in those years.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43010878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.53
Jihye Yang
During the period of rapid economic growth since the 1970s, Korea imported many polluting industrial facilities from Japan, resulting in the generation of huge amounts of hazardous waste. While the problems of environmental degradation such as these were an integral part of Korea’s development process, they have received only scant attention in the official history of the country’s economic development, often being dismissed as peripheral issues. This paper aims to go beyond this tendency by rewriting the history of economic growth that underlay the disputes caused by the importation of polluting industries from Japan in the 1970s. Its features can be summarized as follows.First, Japan was the most damaging pollution exporter to Korea in the 1970s, and it was also the direct channel to import the knowledge of pollution, and alternative logic against the pollution issues.Second, discussions over industrial pollution in the 1970s occurred in the antagonistic relationship between four groups: the government, media, opposition party, and scholars.Third, a group of experts played various roles, including bureaucrats, researchers, and policy makers, leading the discussion of pollution in Korean society in the 1970s.It has been well over 50 years since 1970. Nevertheless, Korean society still does not hesitate to create areas and people that become shadows in the wake of development. This explains why we should focus on the “sick body” rather than the “numbers” in this age of science and technology.
{"title":"Rewriting the Economic Growth History of Korea in the 1970s: Focusing on the Pollution Imports and the Shadow People of Economic Growth","authors":"Jihye Yang","doi":"10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.2.53","url":null,"abstract":"During the period of rapid economic growth since the 1970s, Korea imported many polluting industrial facilities from Japan, resulting in the generation of huge amounts of hazardous waste. While the problems of environmental degradation such as these were an integral part of Korea’s development process, they have received only scant attention in the official history of the country’s economic development, often being dismissed as peripheral issues. This paper aims to go beyond this tendency by rewriting the history of economic growth that underlay the disputes caused by the importation of polluting industries from Japan in the 1970s. Its features can be summarized as follows.First, Japan was the most damaging pollution exporter to Korea in the 1970s, and it was also the direct channel to import the knowledge of pollution, and alternative logic against the pollution issues.Second, discussions over industrial pollution in the 1970s occurred in the antagonistic relationship between four groups: the government, media, opposition party, and scholars.Third, a group of experts played various roles, including bureaucrats, researchers, and policy makers, leading the discussion of pollution in Korean society in the 1970s.It has been well over 50 years since 1970. Nevertheless, Korean society still does not hesitate to create areas and people that become shadows in the wake of development. This explains why we should focus on the “sick body” rather than the “numbers” in this age of science and technology.","PeriodicalId":40840,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Korean History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47878814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.1.1
Raymond Kyooyung Ra
This theoretical piece discusses the Sinchon Station IDAHOBIT billboard vandalism case and the collective action that occurred in reaction to it in August 2020 to open more avenues and perspectives for studying queer visibility politics in South Korea. A Bakhtinian “carnival,” the culture of queer Korean visibility politics draws inspirations from many different sources, signifying multiple perspectives and affects that are often considered incompatible with one another. Through semi-structured interviews of individuals who participated in constructing the co-authored space of the IDAHOBIT billboard, this project parses out the eclecticism involved in the creative poaching of Sinchon Station that sources aesthetics and historicity from internationalist queer visibility politics, local traditions of Korean leftist democratic movements, K-pop fan practices, etc. A reconsideration of the Sinchon Station IDAHOBIT billboard as a site of complex intentions pushes us to (borrowing Cedric Robinson and Sunyoung Park’s words) “discover” the historical vein of radically transformative power through queer praxis.
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Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.22372/ijkh.2023.28.1.63
Kyu‐hyun Jo
Most sociological and historical accounts on sex trafficking and Japanese war crimes focus on conceptual and theoretical analyses concerning linkages between sex trafficking, social stratification, and victims. While these studies enhance theoretical knowledge about sexual slavery, they do not meticulously explore how the Japanese actually manipulated and managed sexual slavery in China into a legalized practice despite the fact that it blatantly violated Japanese and international law. I argue that Japan attempted to design sexual slavery into a legalized practice by exercising a Panopticon, or more specifically, by emphasizing the maintenance of tight regulations on hygiene, prohibition, and unruly behavior of soldiers inside brothels. These attempts do not hide the fact that the Japanese military breached Japanese and international law by abandoning a commitment to human rights and dignity as stipulated by the Japanese Criminal Code and The International Convention on the Prohibition of the Sale and Purchase of Women for Prostitution (1925).
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