Abstract:Diasporas engage in a variety of practices and activities to commemorate past massacres and genocides that might have led to the formation of the diaspora in the first place. In this process, certain massacres can be constructed as the "chosen trauma" and consequently become a central element in commemoration practices and identity formation. In this paper, we discuss genocide memorialization in the context of the Iraqi Kurdish diaspora in Europe. We focus specifically on genocide memorialization of the Anfal Campaign (1986–1989) that was orchestrated by Saddam Hussein's regime against the Kurdish population in Northern Iraq. We examine how collective remembering for Anfal takes place in the diasporic space, what diasporic articulations and representations of Anfal as the chosen trauma are produced in commemoration practices, and how these genocide memorialization processes differ from those in the homeland context. The article asks the following questions: How do Kurdish diaspora communities in Europe commemorate Anfal? How do diaspora narratives relate to collective memory and identity? What spatial and generational dynamics are at play in these processes?
{"title":"Remembering the Past in Diasporic Spaces: Kurdish Reflections on Genocide Memorialization for Anfal","authors":"M. Toivanen, Bahar Başer","doi":"10.3138/GSI.13.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.13.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Diasporas engage in a variety of practices and activities to commemorate past massacres and genocides that might have led to the formation of the diaspora in the first place. In this process, certain massacres can be constructed as the \"chosen trauma\" and consequently become a central element in commemoration practices and identity formation. In this paper, we discuss genocide memorialization in the context of the Iraqi Kurdish diaspora in Europe. We focus specifically on genocide memorialization of the Anfal Campaign (1986–1989) that was orchestrated by Saddam Hussein's regime against the Kurdish population in Northern Iraq. We examine how collective remembering for Anfal takes place in the diasporic space, what diasporic articulations and representations of Anfal as the chosen trauma are produced in commemoration practices, and how these genocide memorialization processes differ from those in the homeland context. The article asks the following questions: How do Kurdish diaspora communities in Europe commemorate Anfal? How do diaspora narratives relate to collective memory and identity? What spatial and generational dynamics are at play in these processes?","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"13 1","pages":"10 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3138/GSI.13.1.02","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44949376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:"Genocide in Kurdistan" most often refers to events that are recognized as having occurred in Iraq during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scholars also connect it with events in Turkey's early years as a republic. This article describes how some scholars' expansive conception of Kurdistan encompasses regions that also witnessed genocides as large as or larger (in quantitative terms) than these two cases. Armenians, Assyrians, Yezidis, Mandaeans, Shi'i Arabs, and Greek Orthodox Christians witnessed extermination campaigns at various points in Ottoman, Persian, Iraqi, and Turkish history. What is remarkable about Upper Mesopotamia is that these genocides may have reduced native populations in absolute numbers, as compared with ancient or early medieval figures, and to a greater extent than after the genocides of the Kurds or other groups. Like the work of Raphael Lemkin, this article's analysis will not be limited to the period since the Genocide Convention entered into force. Instead, it presents evidence of continuities between the denationalization strategies, official pretexts, and regions mentioned in histories of the various genocides in Upper Mesopotamia.
{"title":"The Long Genocide in Upper Mesopotamia: Minority Population Destruction amidst Nation-Building and \"International Security\"","authors":"Hannibal Travis","doi":"10.3138/gsi.13.1.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/gsi.13.1.06","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:\"Genocide in Kurdistan\" most often refers to events that are recognized as having occurred in Iraq during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scholars also connect it with events in Turkey's early years as a republic. This article describes how some scholars' expansive conception of Kurdistan encompasses regions that also witnessed genocides as large as or larger (in quantitative terms) than these two cases. Armenians, Assyrians, Yezidis, Mandaeans, Shi'i Arabs, and Greek Orthodox Christians witnessed extermination campaigns at various points in Ottoman, Persian, Iraqi, and Turkish history. What is remarkable about Upper Mesopotamia is that these genocides may have reduced native populations in absolute numbers, as compared with ancient or early medieval figures, and to a greater extent than after the genocides of the Kurds or other groups. Like the work of Raphael Lemkin, this article's analysis will not be limited to the period since the Genocide Convention entered into force. Instead, it presents evidence of continuities between the denationalization strategies, official pretexts, and regions mentioned in histories of the various genocides in Upper Mesopotamia.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"13 1","pages":"131 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3138/gsi.13.1.06","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46403566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Twenty-five years after the notorious genocide of Rwanda's Tutsi, heated arguments still prevail about key aspects of the event. At the moment, the greatest dispute concerns the behavior of the Rwanda Patriotic Front, the mostly-Tutsi rebel group that drove the genocidaires from the country and ended up ruling Rwanda to this day. The prevailing school of historiography, one embraced by a majority of scholars and promoted ceaselessly by the RPF government under President Paul Ka-game, sees the RPF army as an exemplary, well-trained, and highly disciplined force, the very antithesis of the genocidaires. But a growing group of scholars and journalists now insist that the RPF were in every way as cruel, vicious, and murderous as were the anti-Tutsi conspirators themselves. This paper examines these arguments and makes some recommendations.
{"title":"Rethinking the Rwandan Narrative for the 25th Anniversary","authors":"G. Caplan","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Twenty-five years after the notorious genocide of Rwanda's Tutsi, heated arguments still prevail about key aspects of the event. At the moment, the greatest dispute concerns the behavior of the Rwanda Patriotic Front, the mostly-Tutsi rebel group that drove the genocidaires from the country and ended up ruling Rwanda to this day. The prevailing school of historiography, one embraced by a majority of scholars and promoted ceaselessly by the RPF government under President Paul Ka-game, sees the RPF army as an exemplary, well-trained, and highly disciplined force, the very antithesis of the genocidaires. But a growing group of scholars and journalists now insist that the RPF were in every way as cruel, vicious, and murderous as were the anti-Tutsi conspirators themselves. This paper examines these arguments and makes some recommendations.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"152 - 190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3138/GSI.12.2.03","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46633384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hans-Lukas Kieser, Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide","authors":"Robert F. Melson","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41528372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines both cosmopolitan and pragmatic arguments for the prosecution of genocide in international and transnational tribunals. While both approaches provide valuable insights regarding the potential for international prosecutions, they each overlook deontological arguments. The paper ends with an outline of a more strictly normative justification for genocide prosecutions.
{"title":"Justice and Genocide","authors":"Aaron Fichtelberg","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.06","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines both cosmopolitan and pragmatic arguments for the prosecution of genocide in international and transnational tribunals. While both approaches provide valuable insights regarding the potential for international prosecutions, they each overlook deontological arguments. The paper ends with an outline of a more strictly normative justification for genocide prosecutions.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"227 - 233"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42744746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Smith, Henry C. Theriault, Elisa G. von Joeden-Forgey, Alex Alvarez
This edition of Genocide Studies International is dedicated to Dr. Herb Hirsch who passed away on January 21, 2019. We are profoundly saddened by the loss of someone who was more than a colleague and co-editor; Herb was also a friend, scholar, teacher, and a fierce and uncompromising advocate for the creation of a safer, less violent, and more just world. Herb was a Professor in the Department of Political Science at Virginia Commonwealth University where he taught courses on US politics and political vio lence, including genocide and human rights. As a scholar, his pioneering contributions to the field of genocide studies cannot be overstated. Herb was one of the founding members of what would become the International Association of Genocide Scholars and was a founding co-editor of the journal Genocide Studies and Prevention and later Genocide Studies International. His scholarship was similarly important and has influ enced a generation of subsequent genocide scholars. His books, articles, and chapters are too numerous to cite here, but a few are worth highlighting. Herb’s book Genocide and the Politics of Memory was one of the first to emphasize the ways individual and collective memory can be manipulated and used in pursuit of genocidal ambitions, while Anti-Genocide: Building an American Movement to Prevent Genocide focused on applying what was known about the onset of genocidal policies and practices towards the development of effective and realistic genocide prevention systems. When the gov ernment of Sweden hosted an international forum on preventing genocide in 2004, Herb was one of only a handful of genocide scholars to be invited to present to policy makers and government leaders from around the world. Over the years, Herb gave many presentations and lectures to various groups and organizations, both around the US and internationally. This included the Zoryan Institute’s International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies of which Herb was a long-standing participant. His legacy and impact are truly global in scale. Sometimes blunt and outspoken in his defense of intellectual rigor and honesty, throughout his life and career, Herb remained a tireless advocate for the advancement of human rights and the protection of those fac ing persecution and victimization. He will be deeply missed.
{"title":"Editors' Dedication","authors":"R. Smith, Henry C. Theriault, Elisa G. von Joeden-Forgey, Alex Alvarez","doi":"10.3138/gsi.12.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/gsi.12.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"This edition of Genocide Studies International is dedicated to Dr. Herb Hirsch who passed away on January 21, 2019. We are profoundly saddened by the loss of someone who was more than a colleague and co-editor; Herb was also a friend, scholar, teacher, and a fierce and uncompromising advocate for the creation of a safer, less violent, and more just world. Herb was a Professor in the Department of Political Science at Virginia Commonwealth University where he taught courses on US politics and political vio lence, including genocide and human rights. As a scholar, his pioneering contributions to the field of genocide studies cannot be overstated. Herb was one of the founding members of what would become the International Association of Genocide Scholars and was a founding co-editor of the journal Genocide Studies and Prevention and later Genocide Studies International. His scholarship was similarly important and has influ enced a generation of subsequent genocide scholars. His books, articles, and chapters are too numerous to cite here, but a few are worth highlighting. Herb’s book Genocide and the Politics of Memory was one of the first to emphasize the ways individual and collective memory can be manipulated and used in pursuit of genocidal ambitions, while Anti-Genocide: Building an American Movement to Prevent Genocide focused on applying what was known about the onset of genocidal policies and practices towards the development of effective and realistic genocide prevention systems. When the gov ernment of Sweden hosted an international forum on preventing genocide in 2004, Herb was one of only a handful of genocide scholars to be invited to present to policy makers and government leaders from around the world. Over the years, Herb gave many presentations and lectures to various groups and organizations, both around the US and internationally. This included the Zoryan Institute’s International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies of which Herb was a long-standing participant. His legacy and impact are truly global in scale. Sometimes blunt and outspoken in his defense of intellectual rigor and honesty, throughout his life and career, Herb remained a tireless advocate for the advancement of human rights and the protection of those fac ing persecution and victimization. He will be deeply missed.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"147 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48196181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:April 2015 marked the 100th anniversary of the massacres perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire against its Armenian subjects. Nevertheless, the Empire's most important heir, the Turkish state, still refuses to recognize these acts as genocide. For this occasion, thousands of Armenians from all over the world came to Yerevan to pay homage to the victims of such violence. This paper proposes an analysis of those tributes in order to understand their relevance for Armenians, both in Armenia and in the diaspora. Based on the considerations developed by Victor Turner, for whom social processes experienced by populations might be seen as social dramas, I will try to interpret the symbolic meaning behind the ceremonies performed at that time and the special preparations undertaken by the city to host them.
{"title":"Forget Me Not: The Drama of Building an Identity on the Centennial of the Genocide of the Armenians","authors":"Pedro Bogossian-Porto","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:April 2015 marked the 100th anniversary of the massacres perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire against its Armenian subjects. Nevertheless, the Empire's most important heir, the Turkish state, still refuses to recognize these acts as genocide. For this occasion, thousands of Armenians from all over the world came to Yerevan to pay homage to the victims of such violence. This paper proposes an analysis of those tributes in order to understand their relevance for Armenians, both in Armenia and in the diaspora. Based on the considerations developed by Victor Turner, for whom social processes experienced by populations might be seen as social dramas, I will try to interpret the symbolic meaning behind the ceremonies performed at that time and the special preparations undertaken by the city to host them.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"191 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46642793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper seeks to explain the counterfactual occurrence of non-genocide under conditions of nationalism, colonialism, and war. Thus, this paper contributes to the debate on the necessary and sufficient conditions for genocidal violence. By controlling for regime type, colonialism, and the presence of nationalism, this paper argues that key junctures in state-formation and specific types of nation-building—namely through total militarization and exclusionary founding narratives—are the conditions that lead societies towards a genocidal turn. The interaction of these elements enables would-be genocidaires to overcome the problem of collective action in mass mobilization. By comparing the similar cases of Nazi Germany, Shōwa Japan, and Fascist Italy, this paper demonstrates how the presence of an exclusionary nationalist ideology in and of itself can be a necessary but insufficient condition, and there are other contingent conditions that must be met in order for elites to be able to mobilize this ideology towards collective and mass violence.
{"title":"Nationalism, Necessary and Sufficient for Genocide? A Counterfactual Account through a Comparative Case Study of Nazi Germany, Shōwa Japan, and Fascist Italy","authors":"Cheng Xu","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.07","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper seeks to explain the counterfactual occurrence of non-genocide under conditions of nationalism, colonialism, and war. Thus, this paper contributes to the debate on the necessary and sufficient conditions for genocidal violence. By controlling for regime type, colonialism, and the presence of nationalism, this paper argues that key junctures in state-formation and specific types of nation-building—namely through total militarization and exclusionary founding narratives—are the conditions that lead societies towards a genocidal turn. The interaction of these elements enables would-be genocidaires to overcome the problem of collective action in mass mobilization. By comparing the similar cases of Nazi Germany, Shōwa Japan, and Fascist Italy, this paper demonstrates how the presence of an exclusionary nationalist ideology in and of itself can be a necessary but insufficient condition, and there are other contingent conditions that must be met in order for elites to be able to mobilize this ideology towards collective and mass violence.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"234 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44000850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Human rights are not (if even considered) prominent within typical nationalist discourses. Nationalism has preoccupations with wars, empire, heroism, common struggles, or self-righteousness. The national past is typically praised within patriotic narratives because this illustrates the idealized characteristics of identity. For the worst twentieth century examples of nationalism (and related political ideologies), it is accepted that their violence emanated from implementing and justifying their philosophies. The language of "human rights" is routinely utilized in relation to these examples, particularly in the field of history. Nations associated with liberalism, democracy, and "moral progress" (such as Britain, America, or Australia) are also attached to heroic nationalist narratives, but these narratives are widely held (by themselves) to be self-evidently true. Such nations have long associations with the principles of post-1945 international law and human rights declarations, but have been selective in their support for human rights. This is mirrored by a willingness to ignore (downplay or even justify) human rights controversies within their own pasts.
{"title":"Liberal Narratives and \"Genocidal Moments\"","authors":"A. Henry","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Human rights are not (if even considered) prominent within typical nationalist discourses. Nationalism has preoccupations with wars, empire, heroism, common struggles, or self-righteousness. The national past is typically praised within patriotic narratives because this illustrates the idealized characteristics of identity. For the worst twentieth century examples of nationalism (and related political ideologies), it is accepted that their violence emanated from implementing and justifying their philosophies. The language of \"human rights\" is routinely utilized in relation to these examples, particularly in the field of history. Nations associated with liberalism, democracy, and \"moral progress\" (such as Britain, America, or Australia) are also attached to heroic nationalist narratives, but these narratives are widely held (by themselves) to be self-evidently true. Such nations have long associations with the principles of post-1945 international law and human rights declarations, but have been selective in their support for human rights. This is mirrored by a willingness to ignore (downplay or even justify) human rights controversies within their own pasts.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"208 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48822936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper explores an episode of state led extreme mass violence in Zimbabwe, commonly referred to as Gukurahundi, with a specific focus on the second phase of the campaign in Matabeleland South in early 1984. During this phase, the state targeted both the political structure of the main political opposition party of ZAPU, as well as the minority Ndebele ethnic group from which ZAPU drew much of its grassroots level political support. Between February and April 1984, the Government of Zimbabwe used food as a political and military weapon of coercion, torture, punishment, and death against the Ndebele people of Matabeleland South. Analysis of (a) transcripts of interviews with survivors and witnesses, and (b) official government communications, between the US Department of State and the American embassy in Harare during 1984, obtained by Freedom of Information (FOI) requests, sheds a critical new lens on the policy of starvation and punishment. The original sources compiled in this study provide evidence of: (1) the suffering of the innocent Ndebele victims of state crime, (2) the knowledge that was available to the Western diplomatic community, (3) the response of the US government to the atrocities, and (4) the response of the Government of Zimbabwe to the atrocities. This study concludes that the deprivation of food supplies, which formed a significant element of this state campaign, deliberately brought between 350,000 and 400,000 people to the extreme edge of starvation in contravention of international law. Corroborating reports from credible sources evidences that these Zimbabwean state crimes resulted in the death of men, women, and children from starvation and dehydration as well as through injuries and illness exacerbated by hunger and malnutrition induced by the government's strict curfew and forced starvation.
摘要:本文探讨了津巴布韦国家主导的极端大规模暴力事件，通常被称为Gukurahundi，特别关注1984年初在南马塔贝莱兰(Matabeleland South)发生的第二阶段运动。在这一阶段，国家的目标是ZAPU主要政治反对党的政治结构，以及少数民族恩德贝勒族，ZAPU从他们那里获得了很多基层政治支持。1984年2月至4月期间，津巴布韦政府将粮食作为政治和军事武器，对南马塔贝莱兰的恩德贝勒人进行胁迫、酷刑、惩罚和死亡。根据《信息自由法》(Freedom of Information, FOI)的要求，对1984年美国国务院和美国驻哈拉雷大使馆之间的幸存者和证人访谈记录，以及(b)官方政府通信进行分析，为饥饿和惩罚政策提供了重要的新视角。本研究汇编的原始资料提供了以下证据:(1)无辜的恩德贝勒人遭受国家罪行的苦难，(2)西方外交界所掌握的知识，(3)美国政府对暴行的反应，以及(4)津巴布韦政府对暴行的反应。这项研究的结论是，剥夺粮食供应是这一国家运动的重要组成部分，蓄意使35万至40万人处于饥饿的极端边缘，这违反了国际法。来自可靠来源的相互印证的报告证明，津巴布韦的这些国家罪行导致男子、妇女和儿童死于饥饿和脱水，以及因政府严格宵禁和强迫饥饿造成的饥饿和营养不良而加剧的受伤和疾病。
{"title":"State-Organized Starvation: A Weapon of Extreme Mass Violence in Matabeleland South, 1984","authors":"Hazel M. G. Cameron","doi":"10.3138/GSI.12.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/GSI.12.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper explores an episode of state led extreme mass violence in Zimbabwe, commonly referred to as Gukurahundi, with a specific focus on the second phase of the campaign in Matabeleland South in early 1984. During this phase, the state targeted both the political structure of the main political opposition party of ZAPU, as well as the minority Ndebele ethnic group from which ZAPU drew much of its grassroots level political support. Between February and April 1984, the Government of Zimbabwe used food as a political and military weapon of coercion, torture, punishment, and death against the Ndebele people of Matabeleland South. Analysis of (a) transcripts of interviews with survivors and witnesses, and (b) official government communications, between the US Department of State and the American embassy in Harare during 1984, obtained by Freedom of Information (FOI) requests, sheds a critical new lens on the policy of starvation and punishment. The original sources compiled in this study provide evidence of: (1) the suffering of the innocent Ndebele victims of state crime, (2) the knowledge that was available to the Western diplomatic community, (3) the response of the US government to the atrocities, and (4) the response of the Government of Zimbabwe to the atrocities. This study concludes that the deprivation of food supplies, which formed a significant element of this state campaign, deliberately brought between 350,000 and 400,000 people to the extreme edge of starvation in contravention of international law. Corroborating reports from credible sources evidences that these Zimbabwean state crimes resulted in the death of men, women, and children from starvation and dehydration as well as through injuries and illness exacerbated by hunger and malnutrition induced by the government's strict curfew and forced starvation.","PeriodicalId":40844,"journal":{"name":"Genocide Studies International","volume":"12 1","pages":"26 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48399964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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