Pub Date : 2024-04-12DOI: 10.1177/23477989241240899
Mordechai Chaziza
A new era of great power rivalry has returned to the center of the global stage. The Middle East has emerged as one of the key arenas where this rivalry is being played out, and analyzing it through the lens of power transition theory provides valuable insights into the dynamics at play. This study focuses on the great power rivalry between the United States and China in the Middle East through the lens of power transition theory. It examines whether this great power rivalry in the region will allow them to pursue competitive coexistence or if they can expect increasing levels of confrontation and mutual deterrence. The study maintains that the US-China rivalry in the Middle East is multidimensional and spans primarily three dimensions: geo-economic (the Belt and Road Initiative framework), geopolitical (partnership diplomacy), and the race for technological supremacy (the Digital Silk Road). While conflict is not inevitable, it is essential to recognize the potential for confrontation and build a coordinated mechanism to manage and mitigate these tensions.
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Pub Date : 2024-04-11DOI: 10.1177/23477989241240828
Ariel I. Ahram
This article examines the strengths and weaknesses of the peace system in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It views peace not merely as the absence of direct violence but as the result of institutions and systems that mitigate, defuse, and diminish conflict. The peace system of MENA operates at multiple scales and deals with multiple kinds of violent conflict. Different system components produce different forms of positive and negative peace through both formal and informal institutional channels. Consequently, peace in MENA is often uneven and unstable, with progress in one dimension coming at the expense of another. Understanding the gaps and inconsistencies within the MENA peace system can help devise a more realistic and feasible approach to conflict resolution rather than abstract and ultimately impractical ideals. The article identifies shortcomings in the current explanations for the frequency of war, explores the idea of a regional peace system that operates in regional and domestic arenas both formally and informally, and examines policy measures that might bolster or undercut the MENA peace system.
{"title":"In Search of a Middle East and North Africa Peace System","authors":"Ariel I. Ahram","doi":"10.1177/23477989241240828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989241240828","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the strengths and weaknesses of the peace system in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It views peace not merely as the absence of direct violence but as the result of institutions and systems that mitigate, defuse, and diminish conflict. The peace system of MENA operates at multiple scales and deals with multiple kinds of violent conflict. Different system components produce different forms of positive and negative peace through both formal and informal institutional channels. Consequently, peace in MENA is often uneven and unstable, with progress in one dimension coming at the expense of another. Understanding the gaps and inconsistencies within the MENA peace system can help devise a more realistic and feasible approach to conflict resolution rather than abstract and ultimately impractical ideals. The article identifies shortcomings in the current explanations for the frequency of war, explores the idea of a regional peace system that operates in regional and domestic arenas both formally and informally, and examines policy measures that might bolster or undercut the MENA peace system.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140602478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-05DOI: 10.1177/23477989241240833
Abhishek Khajuria
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Pub Date : 2024-02-13DOI: 10.1177/23477989231220444
M. Hallward, Taib Biygautane
When the Abraham Accords were announced in 2020, some lauded these deals as a groundbreaking advancement in Israeli–Arab relations, whereas others saw them as backstabbing the Palestinians. The 2002 Arab Peace Initiative (API), largely ignored by Israel, offered normalized relations with Israel in exchange for withdrawal from the 1967 Occupied Territories, the establishment of a Palestinian state, and a resolution to the Palestinian refugee situation. However, the four Arab states that established relations with Israel under the aegis of the Abraham Accords did so despite Israel’s failure to fulfill API conditions. Given the dismay of many in the region regarding this move and the turnaround in decades of official policy toward Israel, this article investigates the rationale provided by the Arab states for making this diplomatic shift, drawing on quantitative and qualitative data. The study examines the messaging of Arab states and analyzes the economic, geostrategic, and sociocultural justifications in the official media outlets of the four states—the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan, including comparisons with US and UK press. Specifically, it seeks to understand the justifications Arab state elites provided for shifting their policies toward Israel despite the historical conditions set by the API and whether they acknowledge the concerns of Palestinians in their discussion of the Accords. Quantitative findings suggest that media coverage of cooperation varied across the Arab signatories. The coverage in the UAE and Bahrain tended to be more frequent, optimistic, and focused on general and economic cooperation with Israel. In comparison, there tended to be more varied media coverage of the Accords in Sudan and Morocco. Qualitatively, results show that overall economic justifications tended to be used more frequently, and Morocco used sociocultural explanations more than others. Further, the agreements were not presented as peace agreements, unlike how the Accords were discussed in the US and UK press.
2020 年宣布《亚伯拉罕协议》时，一些人称赞这些协议是以色列-阿拉伯关系的突破性进展，而另一些人则认为这些协议是在背后捅巴勒斯坦人一刀。2002 年的《阿拉伯和平倡议》（Arab Peace Initiative，API）在很大程度上被以色列所忽视，该倡议提出以从 1967 年被占领土撤军、建立巴勒斯坦国和解决巴勒斯坦难民问题为交换条件，实现与以色列关系正常化。然而，在《亚伯拉罕协定》的支持下与以色列建立关系的四个阿拉伯国家是在以色列未能满足 API 条件的情况下与以色列建立关系的。鉴于该地区许多人对这一举动以及数十年来官方对以色列政策的转变感到失望，本文利用定量和定性数据调查了阿拉伯国家做出这一外交转变的理由。研究考察了阿拉伯国家传递的信息，分析了四个国家--阿联酋、巴林、摩洛哥和苏丹--官方媒体在经济、地缘战略和社会文化方面的理由，包括与美国和英国媒体的比较。具体而言，它试图了解阿拉伯国家精英在《阿拉伯和平协议》设定的历史条件下改变对以色列政策的理由，以及他们在讨论《协议》时是否承认巴勒斯坦人的关切。定量研究结果表明，各阿拉伯签署国的媒体对合作的报道各不相同。阿联酋和巴林的报道往往更频繁、更乐观，并侧重于与以色列的一般和经济合作。相比之下，苏丹和摩洛哥的媒体对《协定》的报道往往更加多样化。从定性角度看，结果表明，总体经济理由往往被更频繁地使用，而摩洛哥比其他国家更多使用社会文化方面的解释。此外，与美国和英国媒体讨论《协议》的方式不同，《协议》并不是作为和平协议来介绍的。
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Pub Date : 2024-02-13DOI: 10.1177/23477989241226675
Prakash S. Desai
The standard meaning of democracy—a system of governance by the people, for the people, and of the people—has become a debatable narrative. The hesitation to enlarge the scope of democracy to all its beneficiaries or citizens is a major reason for several arguments on democracy. Israel, being a country in the Middle East wherein democracy has not yet been accepted as a mechanism of governance, makes an interesting case to be explored. Its history of democracy and dynamics is unique and has received much theoretical attention. The quintessence of the new argumentations on democracy is “will to democracy” on the part of all citizens in the sense that the will of the people constitutes a decisive factor in making democracy a system for everyone in inclusive form or unmaking democracy as a system for everyone in exclusive form as witnessed in most of the liberal democracies. One can observe that Israel as a society has the will to make the political system inclusive, given its treatment of various Jewish groups who came from different backgrounds and became part of a larger cultural and political society. This has to be and can be extended to the minority, which has the same emotional affiliation to geography and history.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-13DOI: 10.1177/23477989231220444
M. Hallward, Taib Biygautane
When the Abraham Accords were announced in 2020, some lauded these deals as a groundbreaking advancement in Israeli–Arab relations, whereas others saw them as backstabbing the Palestinians. The 2002 Arab Peace Initiative (API), largely ignored by Israel, offered normalized relations with Israel in exchange for withdrawal from the 1967 Occupied Territories, the establishment of a Palestinian state, and a resolution to the Palestinian refugee situation. However, the four Arab states that established relations with Israel under the aegis of the Abraham Accords did so despite Israel’s failure to fulfill API conditions. Given the dismay of many in the region regarding this move and the turnaround in decades of official policy toward Israel, this article investigates the rationale provided by the Arab states for making this diplomatic shift, drawing on quantitative and qualitative data. The study examines the messaging of Arab states and analyzes the economic, geostrategic, and sociocultural justifications in the official media outlets of the four states—the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan, including comparisons with US and UK press. Specifically, it seeks to understand the justifications Arab state elites provided for shifting their policies toward Israel despite the historical conditions set by the API and whether they acknowledge the concerns of Palestinians in their discussion of the Accords. Quantitative findings suggest that media coverage of cooperation varied across the Arab signatories. The coverage in the UAE and Bahrain tended to be more frequent, optimistic, and focused on general and economic cooperation with Israel. In comparison, there tended to be more varied media coverage of the Accords in Sudan and Morocco. Qualitatively, results show that overall economic justifications tended to be used more frequently, and Morocco used sociocultural explanations more than others. Further, the agreements were not presented as peace agreements, unlike how the Accords were discussed in the US and UK press.
2020 年宣布《亚伯拉罕协议》时，一些人称赞这些协议是以色列-阿拉伯关系的突破性进展，而另一些人则认为这些协议是在背后捅巴勒斯坦人一刀。2002 年的《阿拉伯和平倡议》（Arab Peace Initiative，API）在很大程度上被以色列所忽视，该倡议提出以从 1967 年被占领土撤军、建立巴勒斯坦国和解决巴勒斯坦难民问题为交换条件，实现与以色列关系正常化。然而，在《亚伯拉罕协定》的支持下与以色列建立关系的四个阿拉伯国家是在以色列未能满足 API 条件的情况下与以色列建立关系的。鉴于该地区许多人对这一举动以及数十年来官方对以色列政策的转变感到失望，本文利用定量和定性数据调查了阿拉伯国家做出这一外交转变的理由。研究考察了阿拉伯国家传递的信息，分析了四个国家--阿联酋、巴林、摩洛哥和苏丹--官方媒体在经济、地缘战略和社会文化方面的理由，包括与美国和英国媒体的比较。具体而言，它试图了解阿拉伯国家精英在《阿拉伯和平协议》设定的历史条件下改变对以色列政策的理由，以及他们在讨论《协议》时是否承认巴勒斯坦人的关切。定量研究结果表明，各阿拉伯签署国的媒体对合作的报道各不相同。阿联酋和巴林的报道往往更频繁、更乐观，并侧重于与以色列的一般和经济合作。相比之下，苏丹和摩洛哥的媒体对《协定》的报道往往更加多样化。从定性角度看，结果表明，总体经济理由往往被更频繁地使用，而摩洛哥比其他国家更多使用社会文化方面的解释。此外，与美国和英国媒体讨论《协议》的方式不同，《协议》并不是作为和平协议来介绍的。
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Pub Date : 2024-02-13DOI: 10.1177/23477989241226675
Prakash S. Desai
The standard meaning of democracy—a system of governance by the people, for the people, and of the people—has become a debatable narrative. The hesitation to enlarge the scope of democracy to all its beneficiaries or citizens is a major reason for several arguments on democracy. Israel, being a country in the Middle East wherein democracy has not yet been accepted as a mechanism of governance, makes an interesting case to be explored. Its history of democracy and dynamics is unique and has received much theoretical attention. The quintessence of the new argumentations on democracy is “will to democracy” on the part of all citizens in the sense that the will of the people constitutes a decisive factor in making democracy a system for everyone in inclusive form or unmaking democracy as a system for everyone in exclusive form as witnessed in most of the liberal democracies. One can observe that Israel as a society has the will to make the political system inclusive, given its treatment of various Jewish groups who came from different backgrounds and became part of a larger cultural and political society. This has to be and can be extended to the minority, which has the same emotional affiliation to geography and history.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-07DOI: 10.1177/23477989231226004
Bincy Baburaj Kaluvilla
The book offers a perfect analysis of the relationship between individuals in sports and the Middle Eastern area while focusing on a frequently understudied aspect of its culture and civilization. The main aim of this review is to explore the main ideas, assets, and potential weaknesses of the book. With an emphasis on historical developments, sociocultural contexts, and the political ramifications associated with sporting events in the Middle East, this extensive work offers a nuanced understanding of the relevance of sports. This review will analyze the book’s main ideas and determine how effective it is in illuminating this fascinating connection between sports and the Middle East.
{"title":"Danyel Reiche and Paul Michael Brannagan (eds.) (2022). Routledge Handbook of Sport in the Middle East, London: Routledge. Paperback, ISBN: 978–1-003–03291-5. Price: £32:24. 406 pp.","authors":"Bincy Baburaj Kaluvilla","doi":"10.1177/23477989231226004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989231226004","url":null,"abstract":"The book offers a perfect analysis of the relationship between individuals in sports and the Middle Eastern area while focusing on a frequently understudied aspect of its culture and civilization. The main aim of this review is to explore the main ideas, assets, and potential weaknesses of the book. With an emphasis on historical developments, sociocultural contexts, and the political ramifications associated with sporting events in the Middle East, this extensive work offers a nuanced understanding of the relevance of sports. This review will analyze the book’s main ideas and determine how effective it is in illuminating this fascinating connection between sports and the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139951929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-03DOI: 10.1177/23477989231226003
Elias Noeske, Aaron Paulsen, Antonia Gressing
The rapid growth of the Haredi community in Israel presents significant challenges to the nation’s democratic and liberal foundations. This article explores the demographics and implications of the Haredi population growth, emphasizing the need for reform to balance Haredi growth and Israel’s West-aligned core values. It proposes strategies to address key areas such as education, employment, women’s empowerment, queer rights, military and national service, security implications, and the influence of the Haredi community on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and Zionism. By promoting integration, accommodating diverse perspectives, and fostering open dialogue, Israel can navigate this complex situation and create a more inclusive society that upholds its foundational values. The article acknowledges the need for respectful and empathetic dialogue while recognizing the limitations of this perspective. The proposed reforms can be a starting point for discussion and collaboration, potentially inspiring similar efforts in other religious communities worldwide. Israel’s willingness and ability to unite its religious and secular worlds will determine its long-term identity as a democratic and inclusive homeland for the Jewish people.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-03DOI: 10.1177/23477989231226003
Elias Noeske, Aaron Paulsen, Antonia Gressing
The rapid growth of the Haredi community in Israel presents significant challenges to the nation’s democratic and liberal foundations. This article explores the demographics and implications of the Haredi population growth, emphasizing the need for reform to balance Haredi growth and Israel’s West-aligned core values. It proposes strategies to address key areas such as education, employment, women’s empowerment, queer rights, military and national service, security implications, and the influence of the Haredi community on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and Zionism. By promoting integration, accommodating diverse perspectives, and fostering open dialogue, Israel can navigate this complex situation and create a more inclusive society that upholds its foundational values. The article acknowledges the need for respectful and empathetic dialogue while recognizing the limitations of this perspective. The proposed reforms can be a starting point for discussion and collaboration, potentially inspiring similar efforts in other religious communities worldwide. Israel’s willingness and ability to unite its religious and secular worlds will determine its long-term identity as a democratic and inclusive homeland for the Jewish people.
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