Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1177/23477989221139518
Prabhat Jawla
{"title":"Ray Takeyh (2021). The Last Shah: America, Iran, and the Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty. Yale University Press & Council for Foreign Relations. Hardback, ISBN: 9780300217797. Price: ₹2,800. 332 pp.","authors":"Prabhat Jawla","doi":"10.1177/23477989221139518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221139518","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42430813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1177/23477989221143582
Francisco Salvador Barroso Cortés, Christophe Kairouz
The article examines how the lack of circulation of political elites has contributed to setting up an economic–political system designed to avoid the construction of a political entity and common Lebanese identity for fear of losing their traditional role and privileges on the political scene. Toward this, the article provides a general assessment of the Lebanese consociational democracy to understand the elements and factors hampering this form of political governance. Then it delves into the main socio-political factors that allow the triumph of communitocracy. It shows how the lack of circulation on elites, on the one hand, the consociational system on the other, affect democratization and nation-building processes. It throws light on the misbehavior of the Lebanese elites concerning the challenge that democracy and national building represent.
{"title":"The Lack of Circulation of Elites in Lebanon: Towards Communitocracy and Autocratization","authors":"Francisco Salvador Barroso Cortés, Christophe Kairouz","doi":"10.1177/23477989221143582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221143582","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines how the lack of circulation of political elites has contributed to setting up an economic–political system designed to avoid the construction of a political entity and common Lebanese identity for fear of losing their traditional role and privileges on the political scene. Toward this, the article provides a general assessment of the Lebanese consociational democracy to understand the elements and factors hampering this form of political governance. Then it delves into the main socio-political factors that allow the triumph of communitocracy. It shows how the lack of circulation on elites, on the one hand, the consociational system on the other, affect democratization and nation-building processes. It throws light on the misbehavior of the Lebanese elites concerning the challenge that democracy and national building represent.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44186722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-06DOI: 10.1177/23477989221143276
Çağdaş Üngör
This article examines China’s vaccine drive in Eastern Mediterranean countries of Türkiye, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territories during 2020–2021 from a soft power angle. 1 Although Chinese COVID-19 era health diplomacy is presented as a major breakthrough in the West, this study argues that continuities are more visible in the Eastern Mediterranean context with regard to China’s discourse and diplomatic practices. Beijing invested in the existing notions of propaganda, such as solidarity with developing countries, anti-Americanism, and economic partnership. In assessing the impact of Chinese vaccine diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the study investigates major diplomatic events and concludes that China could not improve its image in Türkiye in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"Chinese Vaccine Diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean: Continuities and Rupture in Beijing’s Soft Power Prospects","authors":"Çağdaş Üngör","doi":"10.1177/23477989221143276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221143276","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines China’s vaccine drive in Eastern Mediterranean countries of Türkiye, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territories during 2020–2021 from a soft power angle. 1 Although Chinese COVID-19 era health diplomacy is presented as a major breakthrough in the West, this study argues that continuities are more visible in the Eastern Mediterranean context with regard to China’s discourse and diplomatic practices. Beijing invested in the existing notions of propaganda, such as solidarity with developing countries, anti-Americanism, and economic partnership. In assessing the impact of Chinese vaccine diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the study investigates major diplomatic events and concludes that China could not improve its image in Türkiye in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65673712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1177/23477989221143833
Kiran Faiza
Islamic banking is becoming a major alternative to conventional banking in many parts of the world, including the Gulf region. Although one of the prevalent reasons includes religious inclination, the variety of products added by Islamic banks contributes to customers switching from conventional to Islamic banking. This study analyses the factors responsible for customers’ decision to switch to Islamic banking in Oman through a questionnaire survey from Omani nationals in Muscat, Salalah, and Sohar. The data analysis tool included Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) analysis using SPSS and AMOS software. Some of the variables incorporated in the study include physical quality, outcome quality, interaction quality, customer satisfaction, trust, price, religion, and social prestige, which are the dependent variables. The independent variable includes the decision to switch. These variables have been incorporated to evaluate their impact on customers’ decision-making to switch from conventional to Islamic banking. The results indicate that interaction quality significantly influences the switching decision, whereas physical environment and outcome quality could not influence the decision. Moreover, customer satisfaction and trust positively affect the decision. Religion significantly influences switching decisions, while the price and social prestige have no association with it. The findings suggest that religion is a strong determinant and positively impacts switching decisions. Additionally, the people of Oman consider the quality of service, customer service, and trust before switching decisions.
{"title":"Determinants of Consumers’ Decision to Switch to Islamic Banking System: A Case Study of Oman","authors":"Kiran Faiza","doi":"10.1177/23477989221143833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221143833","url":null,"abstract":"Islamic banking is becoming a major alternative to conventional banking in many parts of the world, including the Gulf region. Although one of the prevalent reasons includes religious inclination, the variety of products added by Islamic banks contributes to customers switching from conventional to Islamic banking. This study analyses the factors responsible for customers’ decision to switch to Islamic banking in Oman through a questionnaire survey from Omani nationals in Muscat, Salalah, and Sohar. The data analysis tool included Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) analysis using SPSS and AMOS software. Some of the variables incorporated in the study include physical quality, outcome quality, interaction quality, customer satisfaction, trust, price, religion, and social prestige, which are the dependent variables. The independent variable includes the decision to switch. These variables have been incorporated to evaluate their impact on customers’ decision-making to switch from conventional to Islamic banking. The results indicate that interaction quality significantly influences the switching decision, whereas physical environment and outcome quality could not influence the decision. Moreover, customer satisfaction and trust positively affect the decision. Religion significantly influences switching decisions, while the price and social prestige have no association with it. The findings suggest that religion is a strong determinant and positively impacts switching decisions. Additionally, the people of Oman consider the quality of service, customer service, and trust before switching decisions.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47640061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1177/23477989221140684
Shirzad Azad
Although the contemporary trajectory of South Korea’s rather multifaceted connections to Iran is a six-decade-long narrative, a great deal of its staggering successes and sobering setbacks took place just over the past decade and a half, coinciding with the ebbs and flows in the Iranian nuclear issue. The Korean policy response toward the sundry international sanctions levied against Iran in the wake of its contentious nuclear program played an indispensable role in the East Asian nation’s substantially fluctuating relationship with the Iranians in political, economic, technological, and cultural areas. The Koreans could outstrip almost all of their Western and Eastern rivals in Iran when they made it possible for the latter to secure parts of its badly needed economic and technological requirements denied to Tehran because of certain international impediments and restrictions, but the Korean omnipresence throughout the Iranian society set on a swift downward slope as soon as the East Asian state was no longer able to keep serving those sanctioned interests.
{"title":"Tethered to Sanctions to the Nth Degree: The Rise and Fall of South Korea in Iran","authors":"Shirzad Azad","doi":"10.1177/23477989221140684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221140684","url":null,"abstract":"Although the contemporary trajectory of South Korea’s rather multifaceted connections to Iran is a six-decade-long narrative, a great deal of its staggering successes and sobering setbacks took place just over the past decade and a half, coinciding with the ebbs and flows in the Iranian nuclear issue. The Korean policy response toward the sundry international sanctions levied against Iran in the wake of its contentious nuclear program played an indispensable role in the East Asian nation’s substantially fluctuating relationship with the Iranians in political, economic, technological, and cultural areas. The Koreans could outstrip almost all of their Western and Eastern rivals in Iran when they made it possible for the latter to secure parts of its badly needed economic and technological requirements denied to Tehran because of certain international impediments and restrictions, but the Korean omnipresence throughout the Iranian society set on a swift downward slope as soon as the East Asian state was no longer able to keep serving those sanctioned interests.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44177356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-20DOI: 10.1177/23477989221118498
Hani Anouti
The main focus of this article is the political discrimination and/or exclusion of Christian minorities in Syria, with a particular focus on the era of Hafez al-Assad. It begins by analyzing the characteristics of the political regime in the pre- and during Hafez al-Assad era and then tackles and measures the level of state secularization from 1950 until the al-Assad period. Political discrimination against the Christians of Syria will then be measured and identified to understand better how and why secular regimes in the Arab region discriminate against religious minorities at a political level, in this case, the Christians of Syria.
{"title":"Religious Minorities in Secular Autocratic Arab Regimes: The Political Discrimination of Christians in Syria","authors":"Hani Anouti","doi":"10.1177/23477989221118498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221118498","url":null,"abstract":"The main focus of this article is the political discrimination and/or exclusion of Christian minorities in Syria, with a particular focus on the era of Hafez al-Assad. It begins by analyzing the characteristics of the political regime in the pre- and during Hafez al-Assad era and then tackles and measures the level of state secularization from 1950 until the al-Assad period. Political discrimination against the Christians of Syria will then be measured and identified to understand better how and why secular regimes in the Arab region discriminate against religious minorities at a political level, in this case, the Christians of Syria.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42316422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989221100067
Ariel Admoni
Qatar slowly opened up to the democratic system. In 1963, the Qatari Sheikh made some concessions and allowed Municipal Council to be elected by all Qatari males. However, it appears to have faded from view without any noticeable impact. After the independence, Sheikh Khalifa believed that elections were neither necessary nor useful and his son, Sheikh Hamad, began to reform the country in this area. In April 2003, Qatari citizens voted on a constitution that included an election. Until 2021, Doha postponed plans for a partially elected Shura Council. Instead, members of the body, the top advisory body for the government, have been appointed by the Emir. On October 2, 2011, Qataris began voting in the Emirate’s first legislative election. The results were an example of the conservative view of the Qatari population. The conservative atmosphere also appeared in the sessions of another elected advisory council, the Central Municipal Council (CMC) and every reform or change can be initiated only by the leadership, specifically the Emir. The conservative atmosphere and the significant role of the Emir in the change appeared especially in the question of the women in the democratic process. However, during the years, the Al-Thani continued to closely monitor the implementation of the elections and make sure things would not go out of hand. Moreover, political participation limited different factions of the Al-Thani family and prominent families in the Emirate, sometimes connected through marriages to the ruling family.
{"title":"Order from Above: The Evolvement of Elections in Qatar","authors":"Ariel Admoni","doi":"10.1177/23477989221100067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221100067","url":null,"abstract":"Qatar slowly opened up to the democratic system. In 1963, the Qatari Sheikh made some concessions and allowed Municipal Council to be elected by all Qatari males. However, it appears to have faded from view without any noticeable impact. After the independence, Sheikh Khalifa believed that elections were neither necessary nor useful and his son, Sheikh Hamad, began to reform the country in this area. In April 2003, Qatari citizens voted on a constitution that included an election. Until 2021, Doha postponed plans for a partially elected Shura Council. Instead, members of the body, the top advisory body for the government, have been appointed by the Emir. On October 2, 2011, Qataris began voting in the Emirate’s first legislative election. The results were an example of the conservative view of the Qatari population. The conservative atmosphere also appeared in the sessions of another elected advisory council, the Central Municipal Council (CMC) and every reform or change can be initiated only by the leadership, specifically the Emir. The conservative atmosphere and the significant role of the Emir in the change appeared especially in the question of the women in the democratic process. However, during the years, the Al-Thani continued to closely monitor the implementation of the elections and make sure things would not go out of hand. Moreover, political participation limited different factions of the Al-Thani family and prominent families in the Emirate, sometimes connected through marriages to the ruling family.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48865717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989221099342
Sinem Cengiz
Numerous studies have examined the decades-old Saudi-Iranian rivalry, which has played out in various regional arenas, notably Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Gulf. This article explores the place that Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq occupies within this rivalry. As the KRG’s foreign relations have attracted scholarly attention since the late 1990s, the article examines the Saudi Arabia–KRG relations in the post-2003 Iraq War, with a special focus on growing Iranian influence in Iraq. The end of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the subsequent rise of Shiite-dominated governments in Baghdad has shaken the regional balance, bringing out Iran as an influential actor in the Middle East. This laid the foundation for new understandings in the Saudi regional policy as Riyadh emphasized its relations with Iraq and the KRG, which became a crucial factor that can balance and imbalance power in the Middle East. It argues that common concerns for security and relative gains paved the way for a closer relationship between Riyadh and Erbil to counter threats emanating from both Iran and ISIS. Through case-specific information to those interested in Kurdish politics and the Middle East, it not only delves into the driving forces behind Riyadh-Erbil relations but also aims to present the Saudi interpretation of the 2017 Kurdish referendum.
{"title":"Dynamics of Saudi Arabia–KRG Relations: From 2003 Iraq War to 2017 Referendum and Beyond","authors":"Sinem Cengiz","doi":"10.1177/23477989221099342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221099342","url":null,"abstract":"Numerous studies have examined the decades-old Saudi-Iranian rivalry, which has played out in various regional arenas, notably Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Gulf. This article explores the place that Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq occupies within this rivalry. As the KRG’s foreign relations have attracted scholarly attention since the late 1990s, the article examines the Saudi Arabia–KRG relations in the post-2003 Iraq War, with a special focus on growing Iranian influence in Iraq. The end of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the subsequent rise of Shiite-dominated governments in Baghdad has shaken the regional balance, bringing out Iran as an influential actor in the Middle East. This laid the foundation for new understandings in the Saudi regional policy as Riyadh emphasized its relations with Iraq and the KRG, which became a crucial factor that can balance and imbalance power in the Middle East. It argues that common concerns for security and relative gains paved the way for a closer relationship between Riyadh and Erbil to counter threats emanating from both Iran and ISIS. Through case-specific information to those interested in Kurdish politics and the Middle East, it not only delves into the driving forces behind Riyadh-Erbil relations but also aims to present the Saudi interpretation of the 2017 Kurdish referendum.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43813813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.1177/23477989221118723
Fadi Zatari
{"title":"Abdul Rahman Al-Kawakibi (2021). The Nature of Tyranny and the Devastating Results of Oppression. Translated by Amer Chaikhouni. London: Hurst Publishers. Hardback, ISBN 9781787385481. Price: £45, 152 pp.","authors":"Fadi Zatari","doi":"10.1177/23477989221118723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221118723","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42472586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.1177/23477989221116478
Anindita Chatterjee
The migration of Indians to Gulf countries can be traced back to the early twentieth century. With the discovery of oil in the region, Indian laborers began to migrate for a better livelihood, which also served as a valuable source of income for the country. Oil field workers who have migrated from India to the Gulf region are employed in oil rigs located in remote desert areas. They include both skilled as well as unskilled laborers and are employed in high-risk field-based jobs wherein family is not allowed. They work as international commuters and return home on a rotational basis at regular intervals. They constitute transnational families wherein most rely on telecommunication to connect with their family members in India and fulfill their social obligations. The economic, political, and sociocultural impact of migration has been studied by social scientists in substantial detail from the perspective of homeland as well as host land, but not much has been discussed about the experience of wives/spouses of oil field workers who are left behind at home even though their population is fairly large in India. Available data on the social and psychological impact of international migration suggest that such migration histories have both positive and negative impacts on transnational families. The COVID-19 pandemic, which affected the global scenario, did not spare them either. This article is a part of a meso-level study wherein a group of women residing in different parts of India was interviewed regarding their experience as wives of oil field workers in Gulf countries. Their husbands could not return home due to travel bans imposed by the Middle Eastern countries owing to the pandemic. This article attempts to look at significant issues pertaining to family and international migration to Gulf countries in the COVID times.
{"title":"“The Long Wait for Homecoming”: Looking at the Lives of Oil Field Wives in COVID-19 Times","authors":"Anindita Chatterjee","doi":"10.1177/23477989221116478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989221116478","url":null,"abstract":"The migration of Indians to Gulf countries can be traced back to the early twentieth century. With the discovery of oil in the region, Indian laborers began to migrate for a better livelihood, which also served as a valuable source of income for the country. Oil field workers who have migrated from India to the Gulf region are employed in oil rigs located in remote desert areas. They include both skilled as well as unskilled laborers and are employed in high-risk field-based jobs wherein family is not allowed. They work as international commuters and return home on a rotational basis at regular intervals. They constitute transnational families wherein most rely on telecommunication to connect with their family members in India and fulfill their social obligations. The economic, political, and sociocultural impact of migration has been studied by social scientists in substantial detail from the perspective of homeland as well as host land, but not much has been discussed about the experience of wives/spouses of oil field workers who are left behind at home even though their population is fairly large in India. Available data on the social and psychological impact of international migration suggest that such migration histories have both positive and negative impacts on transnational families. The COVID-19 pandemic, which affected the global scenario, did not spare them either. This article is a part of a meso-level study wherein a group of women residing in different parts of India was interviewed regarding their experience as wives of oil field workers in Gulf countries. Their husbands could not return home due to travel bans imposed by the Middle Eastern countries owing to the pandemic. This article attempts to look at significant issues pertaining to family and international migration to Gulf countries in the COVID times.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45890507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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