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Co-movement of Oil and Stock Markets During COVID-19: Evidence from the Gulf Corporation Council COVID-19 期间石油和股票市场的共同波动:海湾公司理事会的证据
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-26 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241260199
Muhammad Hanif
This study aims to document the impact of oil price variations on generating stock returns in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) markets during the COVID-19 era. It documents the pandemic era results from January 2020 to October 2022 by employing cointegration, Granger causality, and time-varying coefficient-vector autoregression techniques on daily data. The findings suggest two-way causality between all stock indices and the oil market. Time-dependent relationships were observed during the review period. The findings (based on regression and variance decomposition) indicate that although the reliance of the GCC stock markets was not on oil alone, oil had a significant impact during the study period. It is recommended that investors not consider diversifying portfolios in GCC stocks and oil markets to optimize benefits. The findings are expected to enhance the understanding of academics, market players, regulators, and investors regarding relationships among GCC stocks and oil markets. This study contributes to the literature by documenting the impact of the oil market on stocks during an abnormal period of the COVID-19 pandemic, considering time-varying parameters in a net oil exporting region.
本研究旨在记录 COVID-19 时代石油价格变化对海湾合作委员会(GCC)市场股票回报率的影响。它通过对每日数据采用协整、格兰杰因果关系和时变系数向量自回归技术,记录了 2020 年 1 月至 2022 年 10 月大流行时期的结果。研究结果表明,所有股票指数与石油市场之间存在双向因果关系。在审查期间观察到了时间依赖关系。研究结果(基于回归和方差分解)表明,尽管海湾合作委员会股票市场的依赖并不仅仅是石油,但石油在研究期间产生了重大影响。建议投资者不要考虑将海湾合作委员会股票和石油市场的投资组合多样化,以优化收益。研究结果有望加深学术界、市场参与者、监管者和投资者对海湾合作委员会股票和石油市场之间关系的理解。本研究记录了在 COVID-19 大流行的异常时期石油市场对股票的影响,考虑了净石油出口地区的时变参数,为相关文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
When Religion Takes the Stage: How the Coup Regime Instrumentalizes Religion in Securitizing Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt 当宗教登上舞台:政变政权如何利用宗教确保埃及穆斯林兄弟会的安全
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241262201
Ahmet Fathy İbrahimoğlu, Mehmet Rakipoglu
This study explores the strategic deployment of religion by the Egyptian military regime as a legitimizing tool for the 2013 military coup and ensuing rule. Central to the analysis is the role of the Egyptian Dar al-Ifta, a pivotal state religious institution, in securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates. While multiple frameworks exist to dissect regime preservation tactics, the research harnesses securitization theory to illuminate these strategies. Grounding the arguments in the foundational works of Juha Vuori in nondemocratic contexts, it contends that the Egyptian military regime tactically utilized religious institutions to securitize its adversaries and enriches the extant literature by integrating securitization principles within the Egyptian context and emphasizes underexplored narratives from the Global South. Moreover, it seeks to bridge a research gap on the nexus between religious institutions and individual actors and delves into the intricate interplay between religious and political discourses by examining speeches and statements infused with religious rhetoric for legitimization.
本研究探讨了埃及军政权将宗教作为 2013 年军事政变和随后统治的合法化工具的战略部署。分析的核心是埃及 Dar al-Ifta(一个举足轻重的国家宗教机构)在确保穆斯林兄弟会及其附属组织安全方面的作用。虽然存在多种框架来剖析政权维护策略,但本研究利用安全化理论来阐明这些策略。该研究以尤哈-沃里(Juha Vuori)在非民主背景下的奠基性著作为论据,认为埃及军政权在战术上利用宗教机构使其对手安全化,并通过将安全化原则纳入埃及背景,丰富了现有文献,同时强调了全球南部未被充分探索的叙事。此外,该书还试图弥补宗教机构与个人行为者之间关系的研究空白,并通过研究为合法化而注入宗教修辞的演讲和声明,深入探讨宗教与政治话语之间错综复杂的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring E-Government Development Index as an Indicator of Sustainability in the Gulf Region 将电子政务发展指数作为海湾地区可持续性指标的探索
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-25 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241260161
Muhammad Younus, Eko Priyo Purnomo, Achmad Nurmandi, Chin-Fu Hung, Prathivadi Anand, Tiara Khairunnisa
The primary aim of this article is to assess the E-Government Development Index (EGDI) of Arab Gulf countries, and it elucidates the key obstacles impeding the progress of the Gulf countries in the e-government sector. The EGDI data for the Gulf countries have been obtained from the United Nations, and an online business intelligence tool has been utilized for visualization purposes to facilitate comprehension. The levels of indicators within EGDI have been examined upon effectively retrieving data and presenting it appropriately. The article discusses the key areas of improvement that require governments’ attention in the Gulf countries to enhance their EGDI score. This can be leveraged to advance to global standards, offering their citizens optimal governance. Countries in the Gulf region must recognize that the e-government effort encompasses more than simply the transformation of governance and the provision of high-quality services. Instead, it entails aligning with global trends and effectively competing with other nations regarding developmental advancements. Countries must adhere to prevailing e-government trends to ensure alignment with global standards and expedite national advancement.
本文的主要目的是评估阿拉伯海湾国家的电子政务发展指数(EGDI),并阐明阻碍海湾国家在电子政务领域取得进展的主要障碍。海湾国家的电子政务发展指数数据来自联合国,并利用在线商业智能工具进行可视化,以便于理解。在有效检索数据和适当展示数据的基础上,对 EGDI 中的各级指标进行了审查。文章讨论了海湾国家政府需要关注的关键改进领域,以提高其 EGDI 分数。海湾地区国家必须认识到,提高 EGDI 分数是一项长期的任务。海湾地区国家必须认识到,电子政务工作不仅仅包括治理转型和提供优质服务。相反,它需要与全球趋势保持一致,并在发展进步方面与其他国家有效竞争。各国必须顺应当前的电子政务趋势,确保与全球标准接轨,加快国家进步。
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引用次数: 0
Tourism and Israel– Arab Normalization Processes: The Case of Israel, Morocco, and the UAE 旅游业与以色列-阿拉伯正常化进程:以色列、摩洛哥和阿联酋的案例
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-14 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241258831
Yaron Salman
The Iran factor and the USA’s role as a mediator are cited as notable factors contributing to the Israel–Arab rapprochement that led to the signing of the Abraham Accords in September 2020. These explanations mainly help understand the factors contributing toward the normalization and suggest that economic incentives and tourism are significant factors in sustaining the normalization in the cases of Israel–Morocco and Israel–UAE. By using the theory of tourism diplomacy, the article shows that since the Abraham Accords, tourism has been used by the governments of Israel, Morocco, and the UAE to maintain positive relations; an emotional tourism campaign through pilgrimages and saint veneration is used to promote tourism flow, especially in the case of Morocco; and tourism played a significant role in stabilizing Israel’s relations with the UAE and Morocco. This carries important policy implications for the future normalization process that tourism can play a major political tool used by Israel and Arab countries to maintain positive relations.
伊朗因素和美国作为调解人的作用被认为是促成以色列-阿拉伯关系缓和的重要因素,这导致了 2020 年 9 月《亚伯拉罕协定》的签署。这些解释主要有助于理解促进关系正常化的因素,并表明在以色列-摩洛哥和以色列-阿联酋的案例中,经济激励和旅游业是维持关系正常化的重要因素。通过运用旅游外交理论,文章指出,自《亚伯拉罕协议》签订以来,以色列、摩洛哥和阿联酋政府一直利用旅游业来维持积极的关系;通过朝圣和瞻仰圣人的情感旅游活动来促进旅游流,尤其是在摩洛哥;旅游业在稳定以色列与阿联酋和摩洛哥的关系方面发挥了重要作用。这对未来的正常化进程具有重要的政策影响,即旅游业可以成为以色列和阿拉伯国家维持积极关系的重要政治工具。
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引用次数: 0
The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Multipronged Approach to the Repression of Kurds 伊朗伊斯兰共和国镇压库尔德人的多管齐下方法
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-11 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241258897
A. Hassaniyan
Since the establishment of the modern Iranian nation-state in 1923, successive regimes and governments of Iran have pursued an intricate policy of suppressing and persecuting its Kurdish people, presenting a significant threat to the Kurdish national identity, culture, and society. The successive Iranian regimes have, along with military means, employed the state’s cultural, educational, religious, and economic institutions to accomplish their goals of assimilating and conquering the Kurds. An examination of Kurdish history and politics in Iran reveals that while the international community has some knowledge of the Iranian state’s extensive deployment of military force and explicit militarization of Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), the broader psychological and nonmilitary (soft power) practices employed to suppress the Kurdish movement, identity, and culture are lesser known to the outside world. By focusing on mass media and policies of “divide-and-rule” as measures and mechanisms used by the Iranian state to subdue its Kurdish citizens, this article aims to provide an analysis of the post-1979 state-Kurdish relationships in Iran.
自 1923 年建立现代伊朗民族国家以来,伊朗历届政权和政府一直奉行镇压和迫害库尔德人的复杂政策,对库尔德民族身份、文化和社会构成了重大威胁。除军事手段外,伊朗历届政权还利用国家的文化、教育、宗教和经济机构来实现同化和征服库尔德人的目标。对伊朗库尔德人历史和政治的研究表明,虽然国际社会对伊朗国家在伊朗库尔德斯坦(Rojhelat/东库尔德斯坦)广泛部署军事力量和明确军事化有一定了解,但外界对伊朗为压制库尔德人运动、身份和文化而采取的更广泛的心理和非军事(软实力)做法却知之甚少。本文将重点放在大众传媒和 "分而治之 "政策上,将其作为伊朗国家压制库尔德公民的措施和机制,旨在对 1979 年后伊朗国家与库尔德人的关系进行分析。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging Stereotypes: Examining Arab Womanhood in “The Negotiator” 挑战陈规定型观念:审视 "谈判专家 "中的阿拉伯女性形象
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241243184
Chadi Chahdi
This article presents a participant-based film analysis of Brad Anderson’s The Negotiator (2018), a Netflix production. The objective of this study is to examine the prevalent portrayal of Arabs and Muslims as the primary antagonists in American (neo-Orientalist) cinema. By analyzing the development of Arab characters, the article delves into the construction of villainy and its function in juxtaposition to heroism within the film’s narrative. A particular focus is given to the marginalization of Arab women, who are deprived of agency and the opportunity to express themselves. To address this issue, the study includes perspectives from Arab female participants, allowing them to articulate their perceptions and connections to both the Arab and American characters in the film. The research explores the common depiction of Arab or Muslim women as inactive extras or silenced secondary characters in post-9/11 American films. Through this investigation, the article aims to shed light on the representation and portrayal of Arab and Muslim women in contemporary American cinema.
本文对布拉德-安德森(Brad Anderson)的《谈判官》(The Negotiator,2018 年)(Netflix 出品)进行了参与式电影分析。本研究旨在探讨美国(新东方主义)电影中普遍将阿拉伯人和穆斯林描绘成主要反面角色的现象。通过分析阿拉伯人物的发展,文章深入探讨了反派角色的构建及其在电影叙事中与英雄主义并列的功能。文章特别关注阿拉伯妇女被边缘化的问题,她们被剥夺了表达自我的能力和机会。为解决这一问题,本研究纳入了阿拉伯女性参与者的观点,让她们阐述自己对影片中阿拉伯和美国角色的看法和联系。本研究探讨了 9/11 事件后美国电影中将阿拉伯或穆斯林妇女描绘成不活跃的临时演员或沉默的次要角色的普遍现象。通过这项调查,文章旨在揭示阿拉伯和穆斯林妇女在当代美国电影中的代表性和形象。
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引用次数: 0
State Capacity and Industrial Development: A Comparative Study of Iran and Egypt (1990–2010) 国家能力与工业发展:伊朗和埃及比较研究(1990-2010 年)
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241243190
Kamran Rabiei, Arman Mortazavi
Despite pursuing industrial development to solve various socioeconomic and sociopolitical issues, such as the urgent need to reconstruct war damages in Iran, the foreign debt crisis in Egypt, and population growth in both countries, statistical data show only slight progress. The graphs of the gross domestic product (GDP) growth and exports of goods and services as a percentage of GDP, which are reliable indexes for measuring industrial output, along with the rate of foreign direct investment, demonstrate numerous fluctuations and instability in the economic growth rate for both cases under the period under review. Failing to diversify the economy, Iran and Egypt still relied heavily on unproductive rents, mostly from hydrocarbon exports, at the end of this era. Why is this the case despite the national leadership putting industrial development on the agenda? This article addresses this question by examining state capacity, focusing on the internal cohesion of state authority and its relation to society. In so doing, comparative historical analysis and causal narrative method are used.
尽管通过发展工业来解决各种社会经济和社会政治问题,如伊朗急需重建战争造成的破坏、埃及的外债危机以及两国的人口增长,但统计数据显示,进展甚微。国内生产总值(GDP)增长率、商品和服务出口占 GDP 的百分比以及外国直接投资率是衡量工业产出的可靠指标,这些图表显示,在审查所涉期间,两国的经济增长率都出现了多次波动和不稳定。由于未能实现经济多样化,伊朗和埃及在这一时期结束时仍然严重依赖非生产性租金,其中大部分来自油气出口。尽管国家领导层将工业发展提上了议事日程,但为什么会出现这种情况呢?本文通过研究国家能力来探讨这一问题,重点关注国家权力的内部凝聚力及其与社会的关系。在此过程中,采用了比较历史分析法和因果叙述法。
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引用次数: 0
Jewish Muslims in The Handsome Jew and Don’t Leave Me Here Alone: Conversion, Identity, and Liminality 英俊的犹太人》和《别把我一个人留在这里》中的犹太穆斯林:皈依、身份和界限
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241244594
E. Alwuraafi
The present article addresses the complex interplay of boundaries, belonging, and modes of identity and investigates the space between the distinct boundaries of religious identities. It focuses on the Jewish Muslim identity as it defies categorization and plays out in the liminal space of the Jewish Muslims, a space of fluid and blurred contours, haunted by ancestral religion and inherited culture, and obsessed by a crucial need to reconstruct a new sense of self. The article explores these concepts by referring to two narrative works: Ali Al-Muqri’s The Handsome Jew and Ihsan Abdel Quddous’s Don’t Leave Me Here Alone, which extensively elaborate on the relationship between conversion, identity, and liminality. It argues that Jewish Muslims stay within a liminal space due to their inability to forget their past and assimilate into the present, and that a non-binary Jewish Muslim subject lives in a place that borders the Jewish and Muslim spaces but never crosses into either position completely. The study aims to investigate discourses, as presented in the two texts under discussion, that construct boundaries between individuals of different religious affiliations and the motives for such constructions, and it tries to demonstrate the extent to which liminality can be used as an apt metaphor to define the life of Jewish converts to Islam.
本文探讨了边界、归属和身份模式之间复杂的相互作用,并研究了宗教身份的不同边界之间的空间。文章的重点是犹太穆斯林的身份认同,因为这种身份认同是无法归类的,是在犹太穆斯林的边缘空间中演绎出来的,这个空间的轮廓是流动和模糊的,被祖先的宗教和继承的文化所困扰,并被重建新的自我意识的迫切需要所困扰。文章通过参考两部叙事作品来探讨这些概念:阿里-穆克里(Ali Al-Muqri)的《英俊的犹太人》(The Handsome Jew)和伊桑-阿卜杜勒-库杜斯(Ihsan Abdel Quddous)的《别把我一个人留在这里》(Don't Leave Me Here Alone)广泛阐述了皈依、身份和边缘性之间的关系。本研究认为,犹太穆斯林由于无法忘记过去并融入当下而处于边缘空间,非二元犹太穆斯林主体生活在犹太空间和穆斯林空间的交界处,但从未完全跨入其中任何一个位置。本研究旨在调查所讨论的两部作品中构建不同宗教信仰个人之间界限的论述及其动机,并试图证明边缘性在多大程度上可以作为一种恰当的隐喻来定义皈依伊斯兰教的犹太人的生活。
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引用次数: 0
Leon McCarron (2023). Wounded Tigris: A River Journey Through the Cradle of Civilization. London: Corsair. Hardcover. ISBN: 978-1-4721- 5623-5. Price: £15, pp. 338 莱昂-麦卡伦(2023 年)。受伤的底格里斯河:穿越文明摇篮的河流之旅》。伦敦:Corsair.精装。ISBN:978-1-4721- 5623-5。价格:15 英镑,第 338 页
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-19 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241244440
Anuradha Jangra
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引用次数: 0
Dateline MEI MEI 日期
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-12 DOI: 10.1177/23477989241244439
Md. Muddassir Quamar
{"title":"Dateline MEI","authors":"Md. Muddassir Quamar","doi":"10.1177/23477989241244439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989241244439","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140578682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary Review of the Middle East
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