Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989211017598
Prabhat Jawla
{"title":"Ben Hubbard (2020). MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed Bin Salman","authors":"Prabhat Jawla","doi":"10.1177/23477989211017598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017598","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"374 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46937862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989211017596
J. Abadi
This article analyzes the course of US–Yemeni relations from the 1940s to the present and aims to explain the reasons for the twists and turns in bilateral relations. It argues that the US government never developed a unique “Yemen policy” and that its attitude toward that country was determined largely by its ties with Saudi Arabia. Yemen began to loom large in US foreign policy in the early 1960s when Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser intervened on behalf of the Republicans who staged a coup against the Royal imamate regime, which relied on Saudi support. The article shows that President John Kennedy looked favorably on the new Republican regime in Yemen despite the robust relations that existed between the United Statesand Saudi Arabia. In addition, it argues that despite the war in Yemen, which lasted from 1962 to 1970 and caused instability in this region, this country did not loom large in US foreign policy. This was largely due to the British presence in south Yemen and especially in the port of Aden, which lasted until 1967. The article shows how the British withdrawal from Aden increased Yemen’s value in the eyes of US policymakers, but even then, no effort was made to fashion a unique policy toward this country. In addition, the article demonstrates how Washington’s attitude changed in 1969 when the country was divided into North Yemen, which tended to regard the Soviet Union as its protector and South Yemen, which continued to rely on US aid. And lastly, the article traces US–Yemeni relations from 1990, when the country reunited, until the present. It demonstrates how the bilateral relations were affected by the superpowers’ rivalry during the Cold War, the fight against terrorism, and disagreement between the Republican and the Democratic parties in the United States.
{"title":"Constraints and Adjustments in the US–Yemeni Relations","authors":"J. Abadi","doi":"10.1177/23477989211017596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017596","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the course of US–Yemeni relations from the 1940s to the present and aims to explain the reasons for the twists and turns in bilateral relations. It argues that the US government never developed a unique “Yemen policy” and that its attitude toward that country was determined largely by its ties with Saudi Arabia. Yemen began to loom large in US foreign policy in the early 1960s when Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser intervened on behalf of the Republicans who staged a coup against the Royal imamate regime, which relied on Saudi support. The article shows that President John Kennedy looked favorably on the new Republican regime in Yemen despite the robust relations that existed between the United Statesand Saudi Arabia. In addition, it argues that despite the war in Yemen, which lasted from 1962 to 1970 and caused instability in this region, this country did not loom large in US foreign policy. This was largely due to the British presence in south Yemen and especially in the port of Aden, which lasted until 1967. The article shows how the British withdrawal from Aden increased Yemen’s value in the eyes of US policymakers, but even then, no effort was made to fashion a unique policy toward this country. In addition, the article demonstrates how Washington’s attitude changed in 1969 when the country was divided into North Yemen, which tended to regard the Soviet Union as its protector and South Yemen, which continued to rely on US aid. And lastly, the article traces US–Yemeni relations from 1990, when the country reunited, until the present. It demonstrates how the bilateral relations were affected by the superpowers’ rivalry during the Cold War, the fight against terrorism, and disagreement between the Republican and the Democratic parties in the United States.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"307 - 337"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49286748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-18DOI: 10.1177/23477989211032446
M. Salehi, Ali Zuhair Maalah, Hamideh Nazaridavaji
This research examines the relationship between political connections, board interlock, and the quality of financial reporting of the listed companies on the Iraq Stock Exchange (ISE) with ISIS's mediating role (the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). This research is about the mediating part of ISIS in the relationship between board interlock, political connections, and financial reporting quality. The study attempts to reveal whether or not political connections and board interlock can improve financial reporting quality. A multiple regression model is used to test the research hypothesis. The samples consist of 245 (firm-year) companies listed on the ISE from 2012 to 2018, and the hypothesis is tested by multiple regression based on integrated data models. The results demonstrate a significant and negative relationship between political connections, board interlock, and financial reporting quality. Thus, higher political connections reduce the quality of financial reporting. The results also conveyed that ISIS contributes to the decline of this relationship. This research expands the literature review on ISIS’s impact on these engaged countries' economies.
{"title":"The ISIS Impacts on the Political Connections, Board Interlock, and Quality of Financial Reporting","authors":"M. Salehi, Ali Zuhair Maalah, Hamideh Nazaridavaji","doi":"10.1177/23477989211032446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211032446","url":null,"abstract":"This research examines the relationship between political connections, board interlock, and the quality of financial reporting of the listed companies on the Iraq Stock Exchange (ISE) with ISIS's mediating role (the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). This research is about the mediating part of ISIS in the relationship between board interlock, political connections, and financial reporting quality. The study attempts to reveal whether or not political connections and board interlock can improve financial reporting quality. A multiple regression model is used to test the research hypothesis. The samples consist of 245 (firm-year) companies listed on the ISE from 2012 to 2018, and the hypothesis is tested by multiple regression based on integrated data models. The results demonstrate a significant and negative relationship between political connections, board interlock, and financial reporting quality. Thus, higher political connections reduce the quality of financial reporting. The results also conveyed that ISIS contributes to the decline of this relationship. This research expands the literature review on ISIS’s impact on these engaged countries' economies.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"460 - 476"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49592521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-11DOI: 10.1177/23477989211028748
S. Aarthi, Mrutuyanjaya Sahu
International labor migration is the unique reality of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states. Despite seemingly open migration policies and reforms, the GCC states recently engaged in international and domestic policies to manage the migrant population better. Considering the dependency of Gulf states on migrant labor and the constant increase in migration to these states, this article aims to understand the policies pertaining to the presence, conditions of residence, integration, and socioeconomic rights of the migrant labor force. After an overview of migration trends and patterns in the GCC states, the article examines the migration policy framework that regulates and governs migration in the GCC. It also highlights the recent reforms and initiatives taken by the GCC states and a few sending countries which have impacted the migration flows, migrant rights, and development benefits of migration. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion on policy challenges and provides recommendations as a way forward.
{"title":"Migration Policy in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States: A Critical Analysis","authors":"S. Aarthi, Mrutuyanjaya Sahu","doi":"10.1177/23477989211028748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211028748","url":null,"abstract":"International labor migration is the unique reality of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states. Despite seemingly open migration policies and reforms, the GCC states recently engaged in international and domestic policies to manage the migrant population better. Considering the dependency of Gulf states on migrant labor and the constant increase in migration to these states, this article aims to understand the policies pertaining to the presence, conditions of residence, integration, and socioeconomic rights of the migrant labor force. After an overview of migration trends and patterns in the GCC states, the article examines the migration policy framework that regulates and governs migration in the GCC. It also highlights the recent reforms and initiatives taken by the GCC states and a few sending countries which have impacted the migration flows, migrant rights, and development benefits of migration. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion on policy challenges and provides recommendations as a way forward.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"410 - 434"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44635928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-11DOI: 10.1177/23477989211031793
Mahjoob Zweiri, T. B. James
This article aims to analyze the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia from 2015 when the latter refused to cooperate on the kingdom’s war in Yemen. The relationship can be understood through the dependency theory and its paradigm of aid dependence, which explain Pakistan’s external reliance on foreign nations like Saudi Arabia and China. The relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is asymmetrical, considering long-lasting religious, economic, and security ties. Pakistan’s dependence on the Saudis for repeated economic bailout packages and loans to support its finances highlights the nature of this unbalanced relationship. Furthermore, the situation in Kashmir and Saudi Arabia’s increasingly close ties with India have worsened the Saudi relations with Pakistan. Pakistan’s neighbor, India, seeks to fill this void, as it is now Saudi Arabia’s fourth largest trading partner. This article also considers the military aspect of the relationship as Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities are among the most critical factors determining its strategic relationship with Saudi Arabia. Finally, the article considers Pakistan’s mediation role in conflicts related to Saudi Arabia.
{"title":"Saudi Arabia–Pakistan Relations: An Age of Uncertainty or Decline?","authors":"Mahjoob Zweiri, T. B. James","doi":"10.1177/23477989211031793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211031793","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to analyze the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia from 2015 when the latter refused to cooperate on the kingdom’s war in Yemen. The relationship can be understood through the dependency theory and its paradigm of aid dependence, which explain Pakistan’s external reliance on foreign nations like Saudi Arabia and China. The relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is asymmetrical, considering long-lasting religious, economic, and security ties. Pakistan’s dependence on the Saudis for repeated economic bailout packages and loans to support its finances highlights the nature of this unbalanced relationship. Furthermore, the situation in Kashmir and Saudi Arabia’s increasingly close ties with India have worsened the Saudi relations with Pakistan. Pakistan’s neighbor, India, seeks to fill this void, as it is now Saudi Arabia’s fourth largest trading partner. This article also considers the military aspect of the relationship as Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities are among the most critical factors determining its strategic relationship with Saudi Arabia. Finally, the article considers Pakistan’s mediation role in conflicts related to Saudi Arabia.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"496 - 511"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44019015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-02DOI: 10.1177/23477989211017597
Asmady Idris, Asri Salleh
Malaysia’s military involvement in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen Ops Yemen II (2015–2018) had been a subject of rigorous debate in the country. Those who opposed it saw the operation as a breach of Malaysia’s Non-Alignment Policy, especially when it involves military operation in a foreign country’s civil war. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze why and how the Barisan Nasional (BN)-led Malaysian government decided to send armed forces to participate in the Saudi-led military operations stationed in Riyadh. In examining this, an analysis on the role of systemic and leadership factors within the conceptual framework of the foreign policy of developing countries is used to explain the character of Malaysia’s joint military operation with Saudi Arabia in the Yemen Crisis. The method and data analysis of this article were mostly derived from written documentary analysis and discussion with related individuals. The findings indicated that both systemic political pressure and the role of leadership were constantly and constructively influenced intersubjective interactions with other domestic factors, which played a vital role in Malaysia’s decision to join the Saudi-led military operations.
{"title":"The Role of Systemic and Leadership Factors in Influencing Malaysia’s Joint Military Involvementin the Saudi-led Coalition in Yemen,2015–2018","authors":"Asmady Idris, Asri Salleh","doi":"10.1177/23477989211017597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017597","url":null,"abstract":"Malaysia’s military involvement in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen Ops Yemen II (2015–2018) had been a subject of rigorous debate in the country. Those who opposed it saw the operation as a breach of Malaysia’s Non-Alignment Policy, especially when it involves military operation in a foreign country’s civil war. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze why and how the Barisan Nasional (BN)-led Malaysian government decided to send armed forces to participate in the Saudi-led military operations stationed in Riyadh. In examining this, an analysis on the role of systemic and leadership factors within the conceptual framework of the foreign policy of developing countries is used to explain the character of Malaysia’s joint military operation with Saudi Arabia in the Yemen Crisis. The method and data analysis of this article were mostly derived from written documentary analysis and discussion with related individuals. The findings indicated that both systemic political pressure and the role of leadership were constantly and constructively influenced intersubjective interactions with other domestic factors, which played a vital role in Malaysia’s decision to join the Saudi-led military operations.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"356 - 373"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477989211017597","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44968646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1177/2347798921999178
Mustafa Yetim, Tamer Kaşıkçı
This article investigates the current modification in Turkey’s actor perception according to the Middle East’s changing dynamics. Clarifying the shift in Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) and the emergent structural realities in the Middle East as a result of increasing agency of the violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the aftermath of several Arab revolutions, the current article scrutinizes the adaption of Turkish foreign policy to these regional realities. In this context, to prove Turkey’s active orientation toward the recent regional environment, its exceptional engagement with one of the important VNSAs, namely the Free Syrian Army (FSA) or Syrian National Army (SNA), has been empirically examined. Within this background, the current resurrection of the VNSAs in the Middle East and regional-global actors’ reactions to this reality will also be analyzed. Afterward, Turkey’s unique and swift compliance with this reality and the consequent modification of its actor perception will be explored.
{"title":"Re-adapting to Changing Middle Eastern Politics: The Modification in Turkey’s Actor Perception and Turkey-Free Syrian Army (FSA) Relations","authors":"Mustafa Yetim, Tamer Kaşıkçı","doi":"10.1177/2347798921999178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2347798921999178","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the current modification in Turkey’s actor perception according to the Middle East’s changing dynamics. Clarifying the shift in Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) and the emergent structural realities in the Middle East as a result of increasing agency of the violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the aftermath of several Arab revolutions, the current article scrutinizes the adaption of Turkish foreign policy to these regional realities. In this context, to prove Turkey’s active orientation toward the recent regional environment, its exceptional engagement with one of the important VNSAs, namely the Free Syrian Army (FSA) or Syrian National Army (SNA), has been empirically examined. Within this background, the current resurrection of the VNSAs in the Middle East and regional-global actors’ reactions to this reality will also be analyzed. Afterward, Turkey’s unique and swift compliance with this reality and the consequent modification of its actor perception will be explored.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"193 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2347798921999178","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48351428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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