Pub Date : 2009-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037162
T. Jeschke
The doctrinal part of this study focuses on the early fourteenth-century debate concerning whether human beings are to love God more than themselves. The main protagonist in the debate is Durand of St. Pourcain, who argues that we are to love God more than ourselves, and not only by a charitable love (caritas) but also by a natural kind of friendship (amor amicitiae). Durand, who is best known in the secondary literature as an opponent of Thomas Aquinas, holds himself in this case close to Aquinas's doctrine. Even some harsh critics of Durand and defenders of St. Thomas, like John of Naples and Peter of Palude, do not differ from Durand in their general view, merely criticizing some of Durand's arguments and little details in his position rather than offering an alternative position. Indeed, all the participants in this debate argue against James of Viterbo, who claims in his Quodl. II, q. 20 that we have to assume a greater natural friendship towards ourselves than towards God. In the historical-philological part of this study, Book III, d. 29, q. 2 of Durand's Sentences Commentary in its first redaction (of which we do not possess any manuscripts) is reconstructed on the basis of Peter of Palude's text, which accurately transmits Durand's treatment of the topic.
{"title":"DURANDUS UND EINIGE DOMINIKANER GEGEN JAKOB VON VITERBO: (MIT EINER TEXTEDITION VON IN III SENTENTIARUM, D. 29, Q. 2 DES PETRUS DE PALUDE)","authors":"T. Jeschke","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037162","url":null,"abstract":"The doctrinal part of this study focuses on the early fourteenth-century debate concerning whether human beings are to love God more than themselves. The main protagonist in the debate is Durand of St. Pourcain, who argues that we are to love God more than ourselves, and not only by a charitable love (caritas) but also by a natural kind of friendship (amor amicitiae). Durand, who is best known in the secondary literature as an opponent of Thomas Aquinas, holds himself in this case close to Aquinas's doctrine. Even some harsh critics of Durand and defenders of St. Thomas, like John of Naples and Peter of Palude, do not differ from Durand in their general view, merely criticizing some of Durand's arguments and little details in his position rather than offering an alternative position. Indeed, all the participants in this debate argue against James of Viterbo, who claims in his Quodl. II, q. 20 that we have to assume a greater natural friendship towards ourselves than towards God. In the historical-philological part of this study, Book III, d. 29, q. 2 of Durand's Sentences Commentary in its first redaction (of which we do not possess any manuscripts) is reconstructed on the basis of Peter of Palude's text, which accurately transmits Durand's treatment of the topic.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"16 1","pages":"111-198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82669364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037160
Rega Wood
The preponderance of the evidence indicates that Richard Rufus wrote the commentary on Aristotle's Physics I published in 2003 as well as two commentaries on the Metaphysics. Rufus' Aristotle commentaries date from the 1230's as is clear from his own and Roger Bacon's references. Twice in an undisputed Metaphysics commentary Rufus cites the distinctive and unchanging views about instantaneous change he stated «in Physicis» or «super librum Physicorum». Of course, some of his other opinions changed. In the course of claiming that these changes do not militate against the attribution, this article addresses the general question: What are the appropriate standards for an attribution?
大量证据表明，理查德·鲁弗斯撰写了亚里士多德2003年出版的《物理学》的评论，以及《形而上学》的两篇评论。鲁弗斯的亚里士多德评论可以追溯到1230年代，从他自己和罗杰·培根的参考文献中可以清楚地看出这一点。在一篇无可争议的形而上学评论中，鲁弗斯两次引用了他所说的“in physics”或“super librum Physicorum”中关于瞬时变化的独特而不变的观点。当然，他的一些其他观点也改变了。在声称这些改变不会影响归因的过程中，本文解决了一个普遍的问题:什么是归因的适当标准?
{"title":"THE WORKS OF RICHARD RUFUS OF CORNWALL: THE STATE OF THE QUESTION IN 2009","authors":"Rega Wood","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037160","url":null,"abstract":"The preponderance of the evidence indicates that Richard Rufus wrote the commentary on Aristotle's Physics I published in 2003 as well as two commentaries on the Metaphysics. Rufus' Aristotle commentaries date from the 1230's as is clear from his own and Roger Bacon's references. Twice in an undisputed Metaphysics commentary Rufus cites the distinctive and unchanging views about instantaneous change he stated «in Physicis» or «super librum Physicorum». Of course, some of his other opinions changed. In the course of claiming that these changes do not militate against the attribution, this article addresses the general question: What are the appropriate standards for an attribution?","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"103 1","pages":"1-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85476141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037163
A. Brungs, Frédéric Goubier
For John Wyclif, the fundamental belief that Scripture is true de virtute sermonis is grounded in the fact that the meanings of the words therein are equivocal. A word can have several different meanings depending on whether it is outside or inside Scripture as well as on its location in Scripture. This principle allows each and every word in Scripture to be endowed with its own meaning - however figurative, i.e., metaphorical, allegorical etc. it may be -, tailored for the very context in which it is used. Scripture cannot then fail to be true in virtue of the syntactic-semantic properties of language, which are precisely set up in accordance with the message to be delivered. All in all, Scripture as the matrix of all logics and semantics is a holistic system that may serve as master key for deciphering any possible meaning of a word.
{"title":"On Biblical Logicism","authors":"A. Brungs, Frédéric Goubier","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037163","url":null,"abstract":"For John Wyclif, the fundamental belief that Scripture is true de virtute sermonis is grounded in the fact that the meanings of the words therein are equivocal. A word can have several different meanings depending on whether it is outside or inside Scripture as well as on its location in Scripture. This principle allows each and every word in Scripture to be endowed with its own meaning - however figurative, i.e., metaphorical, allegorical etc. it may be -, tailored for the very context in which it is used. Scripture cannot then fail to be true in virtue of the syntactic-semantic properties of language, which are precisely set up in accordance with the message to be delivered. All in all, Scripture as the matrix of all logics and semantics is a holistic system that may serve as master key for deciphering any possible meaning of a word.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"305 1","pages":"199-244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73021075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033407
Declan Lawell
{"title":"Qualiter vita prelatorum conformari debet vite angelice","authors":"Declan Lawell","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033407","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"1 1","pages":"303-336"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75421395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033405
W. Zemler-Cizewski
{"title":"Rupert of Deutz and the Law of the Stray Wife","authors":"W. Zemler-Cizewski","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.2.2033405","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"8 1","pages":"257-269"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86912041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030801
Matthias Perkams
The article argues against the view that Peter Abelard's ethical theory had no lasting influence in its time. It establishes that Abelard's Parisian successor Robert of Melun adopted his views and elaborated upon them. According to Robert, in his day it was commonly assumed that sin is action against one's own conscience. Like Abelard, he held that intention alone makes the difference between good and bad actions. Robert had, however, a more elaborate theory of the will than did Abelard, and Robert discussed the relationship between the will and intention. Robert's most relevant texts on these topics are edited on the basis of all available manuscripts, and their textual relationship is discussed.
{"title":"ROBERT VON MELUN UND DIE REZEPTION DER ABAELARDISCHEN ETHIK IM 12. JAHRHUNDERT : Nebst einer kritischen Edition von Robert von Melun, Sententiae, I, II, [0], 164-171 und I, I, 8, 79-84","authors":"Matthias Perkams","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030801","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030801","url":null,"abstract":"The article argues against the view that Peter Abelard's ethical theory had no lasting influence in its time. It establishes that Abelard's Parisian successor Robert of Melun adopted his views and elaborated upon them. According to Robert, in his day it was commonly assumed that sin is action against one's own conscience. Like Abelard, he held that intention alone makes the difference between good and bad actions. Robert had, however, a more elaborate theory of the will than did Abelard, and Robert discussed the relationship between the will and intention. Robert's most relevant texts on these topics are edited on the basis of all available manuscripts, and their textual relationship is discussed.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"1 1","pages":"33-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89568025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030802
T. Haye
The codex Vaticanus latinus 10380 contains the earliest medieval didactic poem dealing with the causes of earthquakes. Because the author, an anonymous writer of the first half of the twelfth century, successively considers ancient poetry, pagan philosophy (especially Calcidius' translation of Plato's Timaios), and Christian doctrine, the text seems to be part of the famous intellectual tradition that is known as the 'school of Chartres'. This paper presents a critical edition and a literary evaluation of the text.
{"title":"EIN HOCHMITTELALTERLICHES GEDICHT ÜBER ERDBEBEN ALS REFLEX DER CHARTRESER NATURPHILOSOPHIE","authors":"T. Haye","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030802","url":null,"abstract":"The codex Vaticanus latinus 10380 contains the earliest medieval didactic poem dealing with the causes of earthquakes. Because the author, an anonymous writer of the first half of the twelfth century, successively considers ancient poetry, pagan philosophy (especially Calcidius' translation of Plato's Timaios), and Christian doctrine, the text seems to be part of the famous intellectual tradition that is known as the 'school of Chartres'. This paper presents a critical edition and a literary evaluation of the text.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"59 33","pages":"77-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030802","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72445589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030803
P. Beullens, Pieter de Leemans
This article offers a general hypothesis on how Moerbeke's translations of the Corpus Aristotelicum were disseminated at the University of Paris by means of exemplar and peciae. For each translation, (at least) two exemplaria appear to have circulated, one of which is older, of better quality, and more widely disseminated. It is argued that these original exemplaria are the ones mentioned in the 1304 list of exemplaria owned by the Paris University stationarius Andre de Sens. Moreover, it is not unlikely that some of these original exemplaria were copied from Thomas Aquinas' personal copy. The second exemplaria, on the other hand, which from a text critical point of view are related to the original ones, appear to be an attempt in the last decade of the thirteenth century to create a parallel dissemination of the translations in Paris.
本文对莫尔贝克翻译的《亚里士多德文集》如何在巴黎大学通过范例和例证的方式传播提供了一个一般性假设。对于每一个译本，(至少)有两个范例流传，其中一个更古老，质量更好，传播更广泛。有人认为，这些原始范例是巴黎大学文员安德烈·德·森(Andre de sens)拥有的1304年范例清单中提到的那些。此外，这些原始范例中的一些也不太可能是从托马斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)的个人副本中复制的。另一方面，第二个范例，从文本批判的角度来看，它与原始版本有关，似乎是十三世纪最后十年在巴黎创造平行传播译本的尝试。
{"title":"ARISTOTE À PARIS : LE SYSTÈME DE LA PECIA ET LES TRADUCTIONS DE GUILLAUME DE MOERBEKE","authors":"P. Beullens, Pieter de Leemans","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030803","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a general hypothesis on how Moerbeke's translations of the Corpus Aristotelicum were disseminated at the University of Paris by means of exemplar and peciae. For each translation, (at least) two exemplaria appear to have circulated, one of which is older, of better quality, and more widely disseminated. It is argued that these original exemplaria are the ones mentioned in the 1304 list of exemplaria owned by the Paris University stationarius Andre de Sens. Moreover, it is not unlikely that some of these original exemplaria were copied from Thomas Aquinas' personal copy. The second exemplaria, on the other hand, which from a text critical point of view are related to the original ones, appear to be an attempt in the last decade of the thirteenth century to create a parallel dissemination of the translations in Paris.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"10 1","pages":"87-135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84598100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-06-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030800
Nadja Germann
This article is focused on the concept of logic in Avicenna's Isagoge, a text which had great impact both on Arabic and Western thought. Its main section is devoted to an investigation of Avicenna's clarification of the nature of logic, its proper subject matter as well as its place within the canon of the philosophical sciences. In this connection, special attention is given to Avicenna's use of the concepts 'art' (sinā'a) and 'science' ('ilm). Significantly, he regards logic as both a science and an art, and argues that in the latter sense, logic is an instrument for the philosophical sciences. Because Avicenna's Isagoge was read in the Latin West for several centuries, his ideas on the nature of logic played a prominent role in the debates at medieval universities and hence were a likely source of the distinction between 'logica utens and 'logica docens'.
{"title":"LOGIK ZWISCHEN 'KUNST' UND 'WISSENSCHAFT' : AVICENNA ZUM STATUS DER LOGIK IN SEINER ISAGOGE","authors":"Nadja Germann","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030800","url":null,"abstract":"This article is focused on the concept of logic in Avicenna's Isagoge, a text which had great impact both on Arabic and Western thought. Its main section is devoted to an investigation of Avicenna's clarification of the nature of logic, its proper subject matter as well as its place within the canon of the philosophical sciences. In this connection, special attention is given to Avicenna's use of the concepts 'art' (sinā'a) and 'science' ('ilm). Significantly, he regards logic as both a science and an art, and argues that in the latter sense, logic is an instrument for the philosophical sciences. Because Avicenna's Isagoge was read in the Latin West for several centuries, his ideas on the nature of logic played a prominent role in the debates at medieval universities and hence were a likely source of the distinction between 'logica utens and 'logica docens'.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"49 1","pages":"1-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82958741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030805
Isabelle Mandrella
In the history of metaphysics the position of John Duns Scotus is of major significance. Scotus argues that a univocal concept of being qua being serves as the subject of metaphysics. But the question remains whether this ought to be a concept of being which is so common that it even includes both real and mental being. Scotus himself opts for metaphysics as a real science by excluding the ens rationis from it. How did his pupils receive this doctrine? Do they conform with the interpretation of metaphysics as a real science or do they consider being to be «supertranscendental», i.e., as being common to real as well as mental being and even transcending the transcendentals in the sense of a mere something? For these questions, the position of the Franciscan Nicolaus Bonetus (-1280 to 1343), probably a pupil of Scotus', is of great importance because he indeed defends the innovative position - almost completely unknown today - that 'being' is univocal to real and mental being. Here I present and interpret this metaphysical thesis of Bonetus, his sources and consequences. For this purpose I also draw on by John P. Doyle's studies on the supertranscendental, which are dedicated to finding the missing link between medieval and Kantian conceptions of metaphysics.
在形而上学史上，约翰·邓斯·司各脱的地位具有重要的意义。斯各脱斯认为，作为存在的存在是形而上学的主题。但问题仍然存在，这是否应该是一个如此普遍的存在概念，甚至包括真实的和精神的存在。司各脱自己选择形而上学作为一门真正的科学，将理性排除在外。他的学生是如何接受这一教义的?他们是否符合形而上学作为一门真正的科学的解释，或者他们是否认为存在是“超先验的”，也就是说，作为真实存在和精神存在的共同存在，甚至在纯粹的某种意义上超越了先验?对于这些问题，方济各会士尼古拉斯·博内图斯(francis Nicolaus Bonetus, 1280 - 1343年)的立场非常重要，他可能是司各脱的学生，因为他确实捍卫了一个创新的立场——今天几乎完全不为人所知——“存在”是真实和精神存在的唯一概念。在这里，我提出并解释博内图斯的形而上学论点，他的来源和后果。为此，我还借鉴了约翰·p·道尔关于超先验的研究，这些研究致力于寻找中世纪和康德形而上学概念之间缺失的联系。
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