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Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales最新文献

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RAIMUNDUS LULLUS UND DIE SCHOLASTIK
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-11-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.2.2017919
Charles H. Lohr
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引用次数: 1
The De aeternitate mundi of Boethius of Dacia and the Paris condemnation of 1277 达契亚的波伊提乌的《永恒的世界》和1277年的《巴黎谴责》
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-11-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.2.2017914
M. Mowbray
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引用次数: 2
'TRANSCENDENS' IM MITTELALTER : DAS JENSEITIGE UND DAS GEMEINSAME 中世纪的中心:有钱的和有钱的
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-11-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.2.2017917
J. Aertsen
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引用次数: 1
NOMINALISMUS ALS UNIVERSITÄRE SPEKULATIONSKONTROLLE 落伍是专业平衡
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-11-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.2.2017920
M. Hoenen
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引用次数: 15
Scotus' Fromme Philosophie
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-11-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.2.2017918
Sebastian Lalla
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引用次数: 0
Divine Simplicity and Predestination in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century 二十世纪下半叶的神性纯朴与预定论
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-06-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.1.2014930
John Wei
The doctrine of divine simplicity as developed by Patristic writers suggests that the divine essence is identical to actions of the undivided divine nature, such as knowing and willing. However, natures or essences, on the one hand, and actions, on the other, appear to be fundamentally different. The first belongs to what God is in and of Himself, while the second belongs to the category of the Godhead’s undivided action. Can operations of the divine essence, whether in se or ad extra, be identical to the divine essence, to God’s very being? If so, how? And if not, how are they to be understood? This article examines the way in which four scholastic theologians from the second half of the twelfth century - Peter Lombard, Roland of Bologna, Alan of Lille, and Peter of Poitiers - answer these questions. In doing so, it illuminates the origins of theological techniques that persist and continue to play an important role in fourteenth- century discussions of predestination by theologians such as Peter Auriol, while also demonstrating the inadequacies of describing theologians from the second half of the twelfth century in terms of schools.
由教父作家发展的神性简单主义认为,神性本质与不可分割的神性的行为是相同的,比如知道和愿意。然而,本性或本质,一方面,和行动,另一方面,似乎是根本不同的。前者属于上帝在他自己里面的东西,而后者属于上帝的不可分割的活动范畴。神性本质的运作,无论是外在的还是外在的,能与神性本质,与神的存在完全一致吗?如果有,怎么做?如果不是,又该如何理解它们呢?本文考察了十二世纪下半叶的四位经院神学家——彼得·伦巴第、博洛尼亚的罗兰、里尔的艾伦和普瓦捷的彼得——回答这些问题的方式。在这样做的过程中,它阐明了神学技术的起源,这些技术持续存在并继续在14世纪彼得·奥里奥等神学家对预定论的讨论中发挥重要作用,同时也证明了从学校角度描述12世纪下半叶神学家的不足。
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引用次数: 0
Der Trinitätstheologische Relationssatz des Boethius In der Schule des Thomas von Aquin im 14. Jahrhundert 当你高年级的托马斯·阿金于14年级的学校里发表第二项三位一体理论世纪
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-06-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.1.2014933
L. Hödl
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引用次数: 0
The polemical use of scripture in the chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny 弗拉维尼的休编年史中对经文的论战性使用
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-06-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.1.2014929
P. Healy
This article deals with the exegetical method of Hugh of Flavigny, a Lotharingian monk who composed a world chronicle between c. 1085 and 1102. The second half of Hugh’s work was composed in defence of Pope Gregory VII (1073-85), whose programme of reform and death in exile was the object of much contemporary debate. In his defence of Gregory’s pontificate, Hugh - like many pro-papal writers - had recourse to a polemical interpretation of Scripture that had three main purposes: to justify the legitimacy of Pope Gregory’s measures against King Henry IV of Germany (1056-1106), to prophesise future divine retribution against the apparently victorious party of Henry IV, and to promise future rewards for the Gregorian ‘martyrs’ who had suffered for the cause of righteousness. Hugh’s polemical interpretation of the Bible was very similar in method and intent to others contemporary and near-contemporary supporters of Gregory VII, such as Bernhard of Hildesheim, Manegold of Lautenbach and Bonizo of Sutri. However, in addition to sharing some of the typical concerns and methods of pro-papal polemic, Hugh’s exegesis demonstrates considerable originality, especially when dealing with the reconciliation of apparently contradictory texts and when explaining the process of spiritual regeneration.
本文论述了洛塔林修道士弗拉维尼修的释经方法,他在公元1085年至1102年间撰写了一部世界编年史。休的作品的后半部分是为教皇格列高利七世(1073-85)辩护,他的改革计划和流亡中的死亡是当时许多争论的对象。在为格里高利的教皇宝座辩护时,休——像许多亲教皇的作家一样——诉诸于对圣经的争论性解释,这种解释有三个主要目的:证明教皇格里高利对抗德国国王亨利四世(1056-1106)的措施的合法性,预言未来神对亨利四世明显获胜的政党的惩罚,并承诺未来奖励格里高利“烈士”,他们为正义事业而受苦。休对圣经的辩论性解释在方法和意图上与格列高利七世同时代和近当代的其他支持者非常相似,比如希尔德斯海姆的伯恩哈德,劳滕巴赫的曼戈尔德和苏特里的博尼佐。然而,除了分享亲教皇辩论的一些典型关注和方法之外,休的注释显示出相当大的独创性,特别是在处理明显矛盾的文本的和解和解释精神再生过程时。
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引用次数: 0
Une certaine idée de la science sacrée : La Collatio Super Sacram Scripturam d'Armand de Belvézer, O. P 关于神圣科学的一些想法:阿尔芒·德·贝尔维泽的《超神圣圣经》
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2006-06-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.73.1.2014932
M. Morard
L’article edite la Collatio super Sacram Scripturam in generali d’Armand de Belvezer († apres 1348), contenue dans le ms. Paris, BnF lat 2584. Il propose de la considerer comme la reportation (ou peut-etre le brouillon preparatoire) d’une partie de l’inceptio d’un bachelier sentenciaire, conforme a ce que prescriront les Statuts de l’Universite de Bologne en 1366. Cette lecture conduit a reviser la biographie d’Armand de Belvezer et a preciser, grâce a une etude codicologique approfondie, l’origine du manuscrit, copie entre 1333-1342 pour le successeur d’Armand comme maitre du Sacre Palais, Arnaud de St-Michel. Par son contenu, la Collatio est a verser au dossier des theories du savoir theologique entre 1303 et 1325 et fait etat d’un pre-thomisme serein, teinte d’influences aristoteliciennes et neo-platoniciennes. Elle associe Ecriture sainte et theologie dans un meme eloge, parfaitement coherent mais desservi par un texte corrompu et difficile.
这篇文章编辑了阿尔芒·德·贝尔维泽将军(1348年后†)的《超级圣书》,包含在巴黎女士,BnF lat 2584。他建议将其视为一份报告(或者可能是一份预备草案),根据1366年博洛尼亚大学的章程,这是一份宣判的学士学位论文的一部分。这一阅读导致了对阿尔芒·德·贝尔维泽传记的修订,并通过深入的编纂学研究,澄清了手稿的来源,手稿是在1333年至1342年间为阿尔芒的继任者、神圣宫殿的主人阿尔诺·德·圣米歇尔编写的。就其内容而言,《协约》属于1303年至1325年间神学知识理论的档案,是一种宁静的前托马斯主义,带有亚里士多德和新柏拉图主义的影响。它将圣经和神学结合在一个赞美中,完全一致,但被一个腐败和困难的文本所破坏。
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引用次数: 0
The anonymous commentary on the physics in Erfurt, Cod. Amplon. Q. 312 and Richard Rufus of Cornwall 对德国埃尔福特物理学的匿名评论。Amplon。Q. 312和康沃尔的理查德·鲁弗斯
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2005-12-08 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.72.2.2004137
S. Donati
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引用次数: 19
期刊
Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales
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