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Adam of Bocfeld or Roger Bacon? New remarks on a commentary on the Book of Causes 博菲尔德的亚当还是罗杰·培根?对《原因之书》注释的新评论
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.85.1.3284826
D. Calma
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引用次数: 2
Koinzidenz der Gegensätze und Voluntarisierung Gottes 神模模的唯意志
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.83.1.3154585
Isabelle Mandrella
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引用次数: 0
Trinitarian Theology, Authority, and Fideism [Book review] 三位一体神学、权威与信仰论[书评]
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.81.2.3062084
Mikko Posti
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引用次数: 0
What Can we Know About God? John Buridan and Marsilius of Inghen on the Intellect's Natural Capacity for Knowing God's Essence 关于神,我们能知道什么?约翰·布里丹和英亨的马西利乌斯论知识分子认识上帝本质的自然能力
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2010-06-30 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.77.1.2050375
F. J. Kok
Recent investigations into the relationship between the questions on the Metaphysics authored by Marsilius of Inghen, on the one hand, and John Buridan, on the other, have revealed interesting doctrinal contrasts between them. The present article extends these investigations by examining the metaphysical question of whether we have a natural capacity for knowing God. Even though Marsilius followed Buridan's reasoning to a great extent, he disagreed with his main point: that our intellect has the natural capacity for abstracting an absolute, simple, essential concept of God from his effects. The disagreement is rooted in their differing conceptions of what an absolute concept of God entails, viz. Buridan's strictly philosophical conception vis-a-vis Marsilius' more theological conception.
最近对马西利乌斯和布里丹的《形而上学》问题之间关系的研究,揭示了他们之间有趣的理论对比。本文通过考察我们是否有认识上帝的自然能力的形而上学问题来扩展这些调查。尽管马西利乌斯在很大程度上遵循了布里丹的推理,但他不同意布里丹的主要观点:我们的智力具有从上帝的影响中抽象出绝对、简单、基本概念的自然能力。分歧的根源在于他们对上帝的绝对概念所包含的不同概念,即布里丹的严格哲学概念与马西利乌斯的更神学的概念。
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引用次数: 0
LE PROLOGUE DE LA LECTVRA IN ETHICAM VETEREM DU «COMMENTAIRE DE PARIS» (1235-1240) INTRODUCTION ET TEXTE CRITIQUE 《巴黎评论》(1235-1240)导论和批评文本
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2010-06-30 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.77.1.2050371
Irene Zavattero
The article offers an edition of the prologue to the Lectura in Ethicam ueterem of the so-called «Commentary of Paris». This is one of six surviving commentaries on the first three books of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics translated into Latin by Burgundio of Pisa. The «Commentary of Paris» was probably composed around 1235-1240 by an anonymous master of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Paris. The prologue survives in one manuscript from the Abbey St.-Martial of Limoges and describes the purpose of moral philosophy. This science is necessary for human beings since it enables them to acquire virtues and directs the practical intellect, which comprises two parts: a superior part, which is always oriented toward the good, and an inferior one, which needs ethics in order to reach its perfection.
这篇文章提供了所谓的《巴黎评论》的《伦理学》的序言版。这是亚里士多德《尼各马可伦理学》前三本幸存的六本注释之一,由比萨的勃艮第翻译成拉丁文。《巴黎评论》可能是在1235-1240年左右由巴黎大学文学院的一位匿名大师创作的。序言保存在利摩日圣马夏尔修道院的一份手稿中,描述了道德哲学的目的。这门科学对人类来说是必要的,因为它使人类获得美德,并指导实践智力,实践智力包括两部分:高级部分,它总是朝着善的方向发展,低级部分,它需要伦理才能达到完美。
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引用次数: 2
AUGUSTINE, THOMAS AQUINAS, HENRY OF GHENT, AND JOHN DUNS SCOTUS: ON THE THEOLOGY OF THE FATHER'S INTELLECTUAL GENERATION OF THE WORD 奥古斯丁,托马斯阿奎那,亨利的根特,和约翰邓斯斯科特:对神学的父亲的知识分子一代的词
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2010-06-30 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.77.1.2050372
S. Williams
There are two general routes that Augustine suggests in De Trinitate, XV, 14-16, 23-25, for a psychological account of the Father’s intellectual generation of the Word. Thomas Aquinas and Henry of Ghent, in their own ways, follow the first route; John Duns Scotus follows the second. Aquinas, Henry, and Scotus’s psychological accounts entail different theological opinions. For example, Aquinas (but neither Henry nor Scotus) thinks that the Father needs the Word to know the divine essence. If we compare the theological views entailed by their psychologies we find a trajectory from Aquinas, through Henry, and ending with Scotus. This theological trajectory falsifies a judgment that every Augustinian psychology of the divine persons amounts to a pre-Nicene functional Trinitarianism. This study makes clear how one’s awareness of the theological views entailed by these psychologies enables one to assess more thoroughly psychological accounts of the identity and distinction of the divine persons.
奥古斯丁在《论三位一体》,15,14-16,23-25中,提出了两种一般的途径,来解释天父对圣言的知识生成。托马斯·阿奎那和根特的亨利以他们自己的方式走了第一条路;John Duns Scotus紧随其后。阿奎那、亨利和司各脱的心理描述包含了不同的神学观点。例如,阿奎那(但亨利和司各脱都不是)认为天父需要神的话语来认识神的本质。如果我们比较一下他们的心理学所包含的神学观点,我们会发现一条轨迹,从阿奎那,到亨利,最后到斯各各。这个神学轨迹伪造了一个判断,即每一个奥古斯丁心理学的神圣的人相当于一个前尼西亚功能三位一体。这项研究清楚地表明,一个人对这些心理学所包含的神学观点的认识,如何使一个人能够更彻底地评估对神的身份和区别的心理描述。
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引用次数: 3
Zur Meister Eckhart-Rezeption im Spätmittelalter 比如中世纪艾哈特旅馆前台先生
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2010-06-30 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.77.1.2050374
Mikhail Khorkov
Two major challenges in the study of the 14th- and 15th-century reception of Eckhart's German sermon Beati pauperes spiritu have centered on an anonymous Latin translation of this sermon (Ms. Koblenz, Landeshauptarchiv, Abt. 701, Nr. 149, fols. 7v-10v). Specifically these challenges are to explain (1) the absence in the Latin translation of the term beatitudo (frequently used by Aquinas and Eckhart) and (2) the use of the term aeterna felicitas as the Latin rendering of the medieval German word saelicheit. The latter rendering in particular is typical of the writings of Nicholas of Cusa and is of great importance for his interpretation of Eckhart's thought.
在研究14世纪和15世纪对埃克哈特的德语布道“Beati pauperes spiritu”的接受情况时,两个主要挑战集中在这篇布道的匿名拉丁语翻译上(Koblenz女士,Landeshauptarchiv,约701,第149页,副页)。7 v-10v)。具体来说,这些挑战是解释(1)在拉丁翻译中缺少beatitudo一词(阿奎那和埃克哈特经常使用)和(2)使用aeterna felicitas一词作为中世纪德语单词seelicheit的拉丁翻译。后者是库萨的尼古拉斯的典型作品,对他对埃克哈特思想的解读具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
SPECTACULA CONTEMPLATIONIS (1244-46): A TREATISE BY THOMAS GALLUS 《壮观的沉思》(1244- 1246):托马斯·加卢斯的专著
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2009-12-31 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.2.2045807
Declan Lawell
This article presents for the first time a critical edition of a minor treatise named Spectacula contemplationis or The Spectacles of Contemplation by Thomas Gallus. The treatise's aim is to describe the various levels of knowledge that are traversed by the soul in its ascent to God. By the author's own admission, the treatise is inspired by the six types of contemplation listed by Richard of St Victor in his work on contemplation, Benzamin maior. Gallus's treatment however is not just a repetition of the material covered by his fellow Victorine. Though short in length, the treatise reveals some original developments and major points of divergence from Richard's intellectual approach, which reflect the affective Dionysianism of the Abbot of Vercelli. It also calls to mind features of Hugh of St Victor's De tribus diebus and Bonaventure's Itinerarium mentis in Deum, as well as revealing the previously neglected fact that Gallus may have been the author of, or at least wrote a commentary on, a sequence entitled Super mentem exultemus.
这篇文章首次提出了托马斯·加卢斯的一篇小论文的评论版本,名为《沉思的景象》或《沉思的景象》。这篇论文的目的是描述灵魂在上升到上帝的过程中所经历的不同层次的知识。作者自己承认,这篇论文的灵感来自圣维克多的理查德在他关于沉思的著作《Benzamin maior》中列出的六种沉思。然而,加勒斯的处理不仅仅是重复他的同伴维多利亚所涵盖的材料。虽然篇幅较短,但这篇论文揭示了理查的智力方法的一些原始发展和主要分歧,反映了维切利修道院院长的情感酒神主义。它也让人想起了圣维克多的休的《死亡祭品》和博纳旺蒂尔的《在Deum的旅行》的特点,以及揭示了之前被忽视的事实,即加卢斯可能是一个名为“超级兴奋”的序列的作者,或者至少写了一个评论。
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引用次数: 2
PHILOSOPHY IN THE EARLY LATIN MIDDLE AGES (C. 700 ― C. 1100): A SURVEY OF RECENT WORK 中世纪早期拉丁哲学(约700 -约1100年):近代著作概览
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2009-12-31 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.2.2045810
J. Marenbon
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引用次数: 0
Students, masters, and ‘heterodox’ doctrines at the Parisian Faculty of Arts in the 1270s 1270年代巴黎艺术学院的学生、硕士和“异端”学说
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2009-06-30 DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.76.1.2037161
L. Bianchi
A few years ago, Malcolm de Mowbray argued that nearly everything that had been written concerning the origins of the condemnation issued on March 7, 1277 by the bishop of Paris, Stephen Tempier, was based on the unproven assumption that what motivated the condemnation were provocative doctrines taught by university (especially Arts) masters; in contrast, de Mowbray maintained that the sources of the prohibited views were not the Arts masters, but students who uttered them in the course of «their disputations». The present article discusses the historiographical and methodological background of de Mowbray's interpretation, provides evidence of the involvement of full-fledged masters in the dissemination of the prohibited doctrines, and examines the meaning of some controversial expressions and passages found in Tempier's prefatory letter (specifically: studentes in artibus, quasi dubitabiles in scolis tractare et disputare presumunt, ut eis nesciant respondere).
几年前,马尔科姆·德·莫布雷(Malcolm de Mowbray)认为,几乎所有关于1277年3月7日巴黎主教斯蒂芬·坦皮尔(Stephen Tempier)发出的谴责的起源的文章,都是基于一个未经证实的假设,即引发谴责的是大学(尤其是艺术)硕士教授的挑衅性教义;相反,莫布雷坚持认为,被禁止的观点的来源不是艺术大师,而是学生在“他们的争论”过程中说出这些观点。本文讨论了莫布雷解释的史学和方法论背景,提供了成熟的大师参与传播被禁止的教义的证据,并检查了Tempier的序言信中发现的一些有争议的表达和段落的含义(特别是:学生在artibus,在scolis tractare和有争议的假设中,但他们是无知的回应者)。
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引用次数: 2
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Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales
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