Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030804
Marialucrezia Leone
Between 1276 and 1288, Henry of Ghent composes four quodlibetal questions concerning the 'economic' practice commonly known as 'rent contracts' or emptio-venditio reddituum. In contrast to other authors of his day, Henry holds that these rent contracts are not legitimate, arguing that the practice is just a form of usury. In particular the Flemish doctor, following Aristotle, denounces the emptio-venditio reddituum as a kind of usurious loan being contra naturam. In this article I want to show that behind his condemnation of this 'economic' practice lie two aims: 1) to demonstrate the central role of the master of theology in society, that is, not only in the religious, but also in the civil society of his time; 2) to attack, as a secular master, the religious orders. Henry argues that because the validity of a norm depends on whether or not it conforms to the natural/divine law, rather than to the positive law (civil or canonical), the legitimacy of a norm must be established by the theologian. The reason for this is that the theologian knows the natural and religious law better than anyone else. Accordingly, the secular theologian becomes the unique authority in 'economic' matters in particular and in ethics more generally. By contrast, the religious orders seem to endorse the emptio-venditio reddituum. Henry argues that this betrays their ignorance concerning the natural law. As a consequence, they should not be given authority in 'economic' or moral matters.
{"title":"THE THEOLOGIAN AND THE CONTRACTS : HENRY OF GHENT AND THE EMPTIO-VENDITIO REDDITUUM","authors":"Marialucrezia Leone","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.75.1.2030804","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1276 and 1288, Henry of Ghent composes four quodlibetal questions concerning the 'economic' practice commonly known as 'rent contracts' or emptio-venditio reddituum. In contrast to other authors of his day, Henry holds that these rent contracts are not legitimate, arguing that the practice is just a form of usury. In particular the Flemish doctor, following Aristotle, denounces the emptio-venditio reddituum as a kind of usurious loan being contra naturam. In this article I want to show that behind his condemnation of this 'economic' practice lie two aims: 1) to demonstrate the central role of the master of theology in society, that is, not only in the religious, but also in the civil society of his time; 2) to attack, as a secular master, the religious orders. Henry argues that because the validity of a norm depends on whether or not it conforms to the natural/divine law, rather than to the positive law (civil or canonical), the legitimacy of a norm must be established by the theologian. The reason for this is that the theologian knows the natural and religious law better than anyone else. Accordingly, the secular theologian becomes the unique authority in 'economic' matters in particular and in ethics more generally. By contrast, the religious orders seem to endorse the emptio-venditio reddituum. Henry argues that this betrays their ignorance concerning the natural law. As a consequence, they should not be given authority in 'economic' or moral matters.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"75 1","pages":"137-160"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81960865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024658
M. Gossiaux
This paper reconstructs the teaching of James of Viterbo on the ontological status of the possibles, and compares his position with those of Henry of Ghent and Godfrey of Fontaines. James holds that possibles are real only in a qualified sense, as objects of God's power and knowledge. While James appears to have been influenced by Henry in his explanation of divine knowledge of creatures, in his analysis of the possibles he makes no use of Henry's theory of esse essentiae, and he denies Henry's claim that divine ideas function as exemplar causes of the possibiles. James' theory is actually much closer to that of Godfrey, although Godfrey himself was highly critical of James' teaching.
{"title":"JAMES OF VITERBO AND THE LATE THIRTEENTH-CENTURY DEBATE CONCERNING THE REALITY OF THE POSSIBLES","authors":"M. Gossiaux","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024658","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reconstructs the teaching of James of Viterbo on the ontological status of the possibles, and compares his position with those of Henry of Ghent and Godfrey of Fontaines. James holds that possibles are real only in a qualified sense, as objects of God's power and knowledge. While James appears to have been influenced by Henry in his explanation of divine knowledge of creatures, in his analysis of the possibles he makes no use of Henry's theory of esse essentiae, and he denies Henry's claim that divine ideas function as exemplar causes of the possibiles. James' theory is actually much closer to that of Godfrey, although Godfrey himself was highly critical of James' teaching.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"33 1","pages":"483-522"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88521717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024656
Kristina Mitalaitė
During the first Carolingian period, the creed, defined as symbolum, not only signified the political and ecclesiological unity of Charlemagne's kingdom and then empire, but was also a factor in the organization of theological treatises. The collection of creeds, initially included in Dagulf's manuscript - made as a gift for Pope Hadrian I - was widely copied and «corrected» in the Carolingian world. These emendations to the creed reveal the Carolingian desire to defend faith against new «heresies» like adoptianism or Greek pneumatology.
{"title":"LE CREDO DANS LA MÉTHODE THÉOLOGIQUE DE LA PREMIÈRE PÉRIODE CAROLINGIENNE","authors":"Kristina Mitalaitė","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024656","url":null,"abstract":"During the first Carolingian period, the creed, defined as symbolum, not only signified the political and ecclesiological unity of Charlemagne's kingdom and then empire, but was also a factor in the organization of theological treatises. The collection of creeds, initially included in Dagulf's manuscript - made as a gift for Pope Hadrian I - was widely copied and «corrected» in the Carolingian world. These emendations to the creed reveal the Carolingian desire to defend faith against new «heresies» like adoptianism or Greek pneumatology.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"1 1","pages":"377-421"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73459761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024659
A. Edelheit
This article examines Giovanni Pico della Mirandola's detailed reaction against the condemnation of some of his famous Theses by a papal commission, through a careful reading of his Apology of 1487. This text, which was never studied in detail and still waits for a critical edition, reflects Pico's remarkable familiarity with the scholastic thinkers up to his own times. As part of his self-defense, Pico deals with the relation between opinions and faith, probable knowledge and certain truth, philosophy and theology, thus developing a method for examining theological opinions. To some extent, this method was based on the classical notions of probabile and veri simile, coming from the ancient Academic skeptics, which Pico knew from Cicero and Augustine. This, I argue, was part of Pico's humanist theology, his solution for the authority crisis of his time and for what he regarded as an unsolved tension in scholastic philosophy between human opinions and the revealed truth of faith.
本文通过仔细阅读Giovanni Pico della Mirandola于1487年发表的《致歉书》(Apology)，详细探讨了他对教皇委员会谴责他的一些著名论文的反应。这篇文章，从未被详细研究过，仍在等待一个批评版本，反映了皮科对他自己时代的学术思想家的非凡熟悉。作为他自我辩护的一部分，皮科处理了观点和信仰、可能的知识和确定的真理、哲学和神学之间的关系，从而发展了一种检验神学观点的方法。在某种程度上，这种方法是基于古典的概率和真实的概念，来自古代学术怀疑论者，皮科从西塞罗和奥古斯丁那里了解到。我认为，这是皮科人文主义神学的一部分，他解决了他那个时代的权威危机，解决了他认为在经院哲学中，人类观点与信仰的启示真理之间尚未解决的紧张关系。
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Pub Date : 2007-12-31DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024655
J. Demetracopoulos
In Marc. gr., classis XI,18 (coll. 1042) (saec. XV) an anonymous florilegium consisting of selected paragraphs of the Second Part of the Fifth Division («De providentia Dei») of the 3 rd book of Thomas Aquinas' Summa contra Gentiles is extant. These paragraphs were excerpted from the Greek translation (1354) of the Latin text by Demetrios Cydones (ch. 84, § 8-14; ch. 85, § 19-20; ch. 86, § 9-14; ch. 87; ch. 93; ch. 105 (tide) and 106 (position); ch. 101, § 2 partim; 103; ch. 94, § 3-5; 12-15). The main topic of this text is «fate». An edition of it is offered, and it is argued, on the basis of its similarity with another florilegium Thomisticum of the professed Byzantine Thomist Georgios Scholarios - Gennadios II (ca. 1400 - post 1472) as well as with some of his writings, that it must be attributed to the same author. It should be probably placed in 1444/53 and regarded as part of Scholarios' preparation for refuting Georgios Gemistos - Plethon's Laws 11,6, which from 1439 onwards was circulated independently as Defato.
{"title":"GEORGIOS SCHOLARIOS : GENNADIOS II'S FLORILEGIUM THOMISTICUM II (DE FATO) AND ITS ANTI-PLETHONIC TENOR","authors":"J. Demetracopoulos","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.2.2024655","url":null,"abstract":"In Marc. gr., classis XI,18 (coll. 1042) (saec. XV) an anonymous florilegium consisting of selected paragraphs of the Second Part of the Fifth Division («De providentia Dei») of the 3 rd book of Thomas Aquinas' Summa contra Gentiles is extant. These paragraphs were excerpted from the Greek translation (1354) of the Latin text by Demetrios Cydones (ch. 84, § 8-14; ch. 85, § 19-20; ch. 86, § 9-14; ch. 87; ch. 93; ch. 105 (tide) and 106 (position); ch. 101, § 2 partim; 103; ch. 94, § 3-5; 12-15). The main topic of this text is «fate». An edition of it is offered, and it is argued, on the basis of its similarity with another florilegium Thomisticum of the professed Byzantine Thomist Georgios Scholarios - Gennadios II (ca. 1400 - post 1472) as well as with some of his writings, that it must be attributed to the same author. It should be probably placed in 1444/53 and regarded as part of Scholarios' preparation for refuting Georgios Gemistos - Plethon's Laws 11,6, which from 1439 onwards was circulated independently as Defato.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"52 1","pages":"301-376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88950091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-09-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022841
M. Trizio
{"title":"Byzantine philosophy as a contemporary historiographical project","authors":"M. Trizio","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022841","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"89 1","pages":"247-294"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85853584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-09-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022837
M. Clark
In this article, I explore preliminarily whether Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica was well suited to extended theological inquiry. After providing a brief introduction to Comestor's method to acquaint the reader with the literary character of the History, I turn my attention to the use by Stephen Langton and Hugh of St. Cher, two prominent commentators on the History, of source material that Comestor himself used in composing the History. I pay particular attention to the Lombard's Sentences, the most important source for Comestor's treatment of the first three chapters of Genesis in the first twenty-five chapters of the History and, not surprisingly, a crucial source for his two commentators. Focusing on source material from the Lombard's Sentences used both by Comestor and by Langton and Hugh illustrates well the disparate ends of Comestor and his commentators. It also provides a common basis for comparing not only how the two Peters treated certain problematic theological matters but also how Langton and Hugh interpreted and commented upon Comestor's presentation of the same. I conclude that, at least in certain instances, a work like the History was not entirely amenable to the new ways of pursuing theological inquiry in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.
{"title":"Stephen Langton and Hugh of St. Cher on Peter Comestor's Historia Scholastica : The Lombard's sentences and the problem of sources used by Comestor and his commentators","authors":"M. Clark","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022837","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I explore preliminarily whether Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica was well suited to extended theological inquiry. After providing a brief introduction to Comestor's method to acquaint the reader with the literary character of the History, I turn my attention to the use by Stephen Langton and Hugh of St. Cher, two prominent commentators on the History, of source material that Comestor himself used in composing the History. I pay particular attention to the Lombard's Sentences, the most important source for Comestor's treatment of the first three chapters of Genesis in the first twenty-five chapters of the History and, not surprisingly, a crucial source for his two commentators. Focusing on source material from the Lombard's Sentences used both by Comestor and by Langton and Hugh illustrates well the disparate ends of Comestor and his commentators. It also provides a common basis for comparing not only how the two Peters treated certain problematic theological matters but also how Langton and Hugh interpreted and commented upon Comestor's presentation of the same. I conclude that, at least in certain instances, a work like the History was not entirely amenable to the new ways of pursuing theological inquiry in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"8 1","pages":"63-117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79191957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-09-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022839
S. Mossman
This article examines the defence of the immaculate conception of Mary in the works of the Franciscan Marquard von Lindau (d. 1392), principally the Dekalogerklarung, one of the five most widely transmitted vernacular works in pre-Reformation Germany. It establishes that Marquard's justification rests on a set of pertinent Qur'anic and related Islamic texts that he has collected together from the Pugio fidei, an anti-Jewish treatise in Hebrew and Latin by the Spanish Dominican Ramon Marti (d. c. 1285). Marquard's explicit preference for the Islamic doctrine over the Dominican position, itself perfectly orthodox, regarding the issue displays an unprecedented receptivity towards Islamic theology, which is indicative of a more widespread renewed intellectual engagement with Islam and its doctrines outside the confines of religious polemics on the part of a series of notable mendicants in the period 1300-1450, including Riccoldo da Monte di Croce, Nicholas of Lyra and Robert Holcot. The evidence for the transmission and reception of Islamic theology in the period from the fall of Acre to the fall of Constantinople displays not intellectual stagnation, but the existence of a widened mental space in the period after the demise of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem in which aspects of Islam both could and had to be (re-)evaluated in original and surprisingly often non-polemical ways.
本文探讨了在方济各方爵冯林道(d. 1392)，主要是Dekalogerklarung，五个最广泛传播白话作品在改革前德国的作品中的玛丽的清白概念的辩护。它确立了马卡德的辩护基于一套相关的《古兰经》和相关的伊斯兰文本，这些文本是他从西班牙多米尼加人拉蒙·马蒂(约1285年)用希伯来语和拉丁语写的反犹太论文《Pugio fidei》中收集的。马卡德对伊斯兰教义的明确偏好超过了多米尼加的立场，多米尼加本身就是正统的，在这个问题上，他对伊斯兰神学的接受程度是前所未有的，这表明在1300-1450年期间，一系列著名的乞丐，包括Riccoldo da Monte di Croce, Lyra的Nicholas和Robert Holcot，在宗教辩论的范围之外，对伊斯兰及其教义进行了更广泛的新的知识接触。从阿克(Acre)陷落到君士坦丁堡(Constantinople)陷落这段时间里，伊斯兰神学的传播和接受的证据显示的不是智力上的停滞，而是在耶路撒冷十字军王国灭亡后的一段时间里，存在着一个更广阔的精神空间，在这个空间里，伊斯兰的各个方面都可以(也必须)以原始的、令人惊讶的、经常是非争论的方式(重新)评估。
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Pub Date : 2007-09-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022836
F. Morenzoni
Palemon Glorieux proposed in 1949 to attribute a small treatise on Penance (De confessione) that was published for the first time in 1674 to William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 to 1249. F. N. M. Dietkstra has rejected this attribution in 1994, essentially because the treatise is present in the Jacques de Vitry's collection of Sermones de tempore. However, the text appears -explicitly attributed to the bishop of Paris - in one of the six manuscripts of sermons that Robert of Sorbon bequeathed, probably in 1274, to the library of the college that he founded. The three manuscripts of the 13 th century that indicate William of Auvergne as the author of the De confessione make plausible this attribution. The paper ends with the edition of the short version of the text.
Palemon Glorieux在1949年提出将1674年首次出版的关于忏悔的小论文归功于奥弗涅的威廉，他在1228年至1249年担任巴黎主教。F. N. M. Dietkstra在1994年拒绝了这一归因，主要是因为这篇论文出现在雅克·德·维特里的《时间布道集》中。然而，这段文字出现在索邦的罗贝尔(Robert of Sorbon)可能在1274年遗存给他所创立的学院图书馆的六份布道手稿中的一份——明确地归因于巴黎主教。13世纪的三份手稿表明，奥弗涅的威廉是《忏悔录》的作者，这使得这种归属似乎是合理的。论文以文本的短版本的版本结束。
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Pub Date : 2007-09-30DOI: 10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022835
Tianyue Wu
The topic of shame has attracted little attention in Augustinian scholarship. This article will provide a detailed analysis of Augustine's case studies of Lucretia's rape and Adam's act of covering himself after the Fall in De ciuitate Dei. It will be argued that Augustine's subtle depiction of shame-feeling in the context of guilt and sin offers us an illuminating interpretation of shame and its intimate relation to personal identity.
{"title":"Shame in the context of sin : Augustine on the feeling of shame in De Civitate Dei","authors":"Tianyue Wu","doi":"10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/RTPM.74.1.2022835","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of shame has attracted little attention in Augustinian scholarship. This article will provide a detailed analysis of Augustine's case studies of Lucretia's rape and Adam's act of covering himself after the Fall in De ciuitate Dei. It will be argued that Augustine's subtle depiction of shame-feeling in the context of guilt and sin offers us an illuminating interpretation of shame and its intimate relation to personal identity.","PeriodicalId":41176,"journal":{"name":"Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales","volume":"2 1","pages":"1-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2007-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88454930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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