Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-85-96
I. A. Kontsevoy
The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.
{"title":"PRACTICES OF THE REVOLUTIONARY DUAL-PARTY SYSTEM: COALITION OF BOLSHEVIKS AND LEFT SRS IN THE AUTHORITIES OF MOSCOW AND MOSCOW REGION","authors":"I. A. Kontsevoy","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-85-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-85-96","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135007002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-128-138
S. A. Sklyarov
The article raises the little-studied topic of the influence of the proletarian revolution in Germany, prepared in 1923 with the active support of the Comintern and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), on relations between Poland and the USSR. The author relies on unpublished archival materials, first published and introduced into scientific circulation, revealing these events in a new light, declassified in the post-Soviet period. The work shows how, despite the presence of radical proposals that threatened a new large-scale war in Europe, the leadership of the RCP(b) chose a more pragmatic approach. Given the military power of the Polish state, Moscow decided to dispense with threats and intimidation that distinguished the Soviet approach to Poland from its policies towards Lithuania and Latvia in order to achieve the lifting of Warsaw's severe restrictions on transit between Germany and the USSR. In response, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) agreed to make a number of concessions, primarily on economic and financial issues, including the payment of 30 million rubles in gold to Poland, to which Warsaw was entitled under the Riga Peace Treaty and was actually sabotaged by Moscow. In addition, the USSR was ready to allow the transit of Polish goods to Persia. This plan did not work, since Poland was aware that the lifting of restrictions on transit between the USSR and Germany increased the chances of revolution in Germany, which threatened Poland with communist countries encircling it. In addition, by the time the Soviet mission arrived in Warsaw with the above-mentioned proposals, there was no longer much sense in insisting on such an exchange with strong opposition from Polish diplomats, since plans to organize a proletarian revolution in Germany had failed.
{"title":"FACTOR OF THE COMMUNIST REVOLUTION IN GERMANY IN SOVIET-POLISH RELATIONS IN 1923","authors":"S. A. Sklyarov","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-128-138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-128-138","url":null,"abstract":"The article raises the little-studied topic of the influence of the proletarian revolution in Germany, prepared in 1923 with the active support of the Comintern and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), on relations between Poland and the USSR. The author relies on unpublished archival materials, first published and introduced into scientific circulation, revealing these events in a new light, declassified in the post-Soviet period. The work shows how, despite the presence of radical proposals that threatened a new large-scale war in Europe, the leadership of the RCP(b) chose a more pragmatic approach. Given the military power of the Polish state, Moscow decided to dispense with threats and intimidation that distinguished the Soviet approach to Poland from its policies towards Lithuania and Latvia in order to achieve the lifting of Warsaw's severe restrictions on transit between Germany and the USSR. In response, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) agreed to make a number of concessions, primarily on economic and financial issues, including the payment of 30 million rubles in gold to Poland, to which Warsaw was entitled under the Riga Peace Treaty and was actually sabotaged by Moscow. In addition, the USSR was ready to allow the transit of Polish goods to Persia. This plan did not work, since Poland was aware that the lifting of restrictions on transit between the USSR and Germany increased the chances of revolution in Germany, which threatened Poland with communist countries encircling it. In addition, by the time the Soviet mission arrived in Warsaw with the above-mentioned proposals, there was no longer much sense in insisting on such an exchange with strong opposition from Polish diplomats, since plans to organize a proletarian revolution in Germany had failed.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135007499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-1-19-38
G. P. Golovchansky, S. N. Korenyuk, M. L. Pereskokov, D. A. Yakimova
The article analyzes the materials of the settlement Vinnyi Zavod II of the late Ananyino time, located in the lower reaches of the Sylva River, from the excavations of 2005. The general characteristic of the topographic situation for the microdistrict of sites of the Early Iron Age is given. The features of the geomorphological structure of the terrace, the stratigraphy of coastal sediments and the causes of the formation of sterile ballast deposits are considered. The description of the investigated objects is presented. The artifacts are analyzed, their detailed chronological attribution is given. The ceramic complex of the settlement was considered separately. Attention was paid to the study of the combination of ornamental motifs and compositions, which allows the authors to take into account the proposed methodology. A comparative analysis of the ceramic material of the Vinnyi Zavod II settlement and the ceramics of the Glyadeno sacred place by the method of main components was made. The result showed both a significant similarity of the complexes and the specifics of the microdistrict of the mouth of the Sylva river. The features of ornamentation form a certain stereotype characteristic of the microregion in the late Ananyino time, continues to develop during the functioning of the Glyadenovo culture, and further in the complexes of the early medieval Nevolino culture of the Sylva-Iren interfluve. The clothing material of the settlement indicates its dating within the end of the 5th– 4th centuries BC. The complex of the Vinnyi Zavod II settlement can be considered a reference for the monuments of the late stage of the Ananyino culture of the Middle Kama region.
{"title":"THE VINNYI ZAVOD II SETTLEMENT ON THE SYLVA RIVER IN THE SYSTEM OF SITES OF THE LATE STAGE OF THE ANANYINO CULTURE OF THE PERM KAMA REGION","authors":"G. P. Golovchansky, S. N. Korenyuk, M. L. Pereskokov, D. A. Yakimova","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-1-19-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-1-19-38","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the materials of the settlement Vinnyi Zavod II of the late Ananyino time, located in the lower reaches of the Sylva River, from the excavations of 2005. The general characteristic of the topographic situation for the microdistrict of sites of the Early Iron Age is given. The features of the geomorphological structure of the terrace, the stratigraphy of coastal sediments and the causes of the formation of sterile ballast deposits are considered. The description of the investigated objects is presented. The artifacts are analyzed, their detailed chronological attribution is given. The ceramic complex of the settlement was considered separately. Attention was paid to the study of the combination of ornamental motifs and compositions, which allows the authors to take into account the proposed methodology. A comparative analysis of the ceramic material of the Vinnyi Zavod II settlement and the ceramics of the Glyadeno sacred place by the method of main components was made. The result showed both a significant similarity of the complexes and the specifics of the microdistrict of the mouth of the Sylva river. The features of ornamentation form a certain stereotype characteristic of the microregion in the late Ananyino time, continues to develop during the functioning of the Glyadenovo culture, and further in the complexes of the early medieval Nevolino culture of the Sylva-Iren interfluve. The clothing material of the settlement indicates its dating within the end of the 5th– 4th centuries BC. The complex of the Vinnyi Zavod II settlement can be considered a reference for the monuments of the late stage of the Ananyino culture of the Middle Kama region.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136302309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_1
V. A. Yevseyev
{"title":"Time as Social, Calendar-ritual, Everyday in the Perception of the English Citizen of the XV century (using Coventry as an example)","authors":"V. A. Yevseyev","doi":"10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88700101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_2
V. N. Yerokhin
{"title":"The Bible of King James I Stuart (1603-1625) in the Religious and Political Situation in England at the Beginning of the 17th Century","authors":"V. N. Yerokhin","doi":"10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53549/27132374_2023_4_1_2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91089806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-97-109
M. А. Kondratyev
The aim of the article is to consider the change in the political culture of the revolution and the development of civil conflict through the prism of the manifestation of political violence in the elections to self-government of Petrograd in the spring and summer of 1917. Elections to the district dumas of the capital were organized by the Petrograd City Duma and the Provisional Government. The election campaign began in May 1917, and the elections themselves took place on May 27–29 and June 3–5, 1917. The elections to the district dumas were the first elections in the new Russia, summing up three months of democratic construction that began after the February Revolution. The election campaign for the Petrograd City Duma began in mid-August, and the elections took place on August 20. They marked the end of the municipal election campaigns that took place in Russia in the summer of 1917. As part of the case-study, the article reconstructs the manifestation of political violence against various actors participating in elections, and the impact of these practices on the transformation of civil conflict and the legitimization of political violence. In the elections to the district dumas of Petrograd, political violence became a traditional means of political struggle, legitimizing its use during elections in other cities of Russia. However, no political violence was used in the elections to the Petrograd City Duma. The author concludes that behind the apparent decrease in the level of political violence on the streets of Petrograd on the eve of the “Kornilov case” lies a process of even greater polarization of society and escalation of civil conflict, when one part of the society is noticeably radicalized with the tacit consent of the other, which led to the emergence of new, more tough and legitimate ultimatum forms of communication between various groups of the population and the authorities.
{"title":"POLITICAL VIOLENCE IT THE CITY ELECTIONS IN PETRO-GRAD IN THE SPRING – SUMMER OF 1917","authors":"M. А. Kondratyev","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-97-109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-97-109","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to consider the change in the political culture of the revolution and the development of civil conflict through the prism of the manifestation of political violence in the elections to self-government of Petrograd in the spring and summer of 1917. Elections to the district dumas of the capital were organized by the Petrograd City Duma and the Provisional Government. The election campaign began in May 1917, and the elections themselves took place on May 27–29 and June 3–5, 1917. The elections to the district dumas were the first elections in the new Russia, summing up three months of democratic construction that began after the February Revolution. The election campaign for the Petrograd City Duma began in mid-August, and the elections took place on August 20. They marked the end of the municipal election campaigns that took place in Russia in the summer of 1917. As part of the case-study, the article reconstructs the manifestation of political violence against various actors participating in elections, and the impact of these practices on the transformation of civil conflict and the legitimization of political violence. In the elections to the district dumas of Petrograd, political violence became a traditional means of political struggle, legitimizing its use during elections in other cities of Russia. However, no political violence was used in the elections to the Petrograd City Duma. The author concludes that behind the apparent decrease in the level of political violence on the streets of Petrograd on the eve of the “Kornilov case” lies a process of even greater polarization of society and escalation of civil conflict, when one part of the society is noticeably radicalized with the tacit consent of the other, which led to the emergence of new, more tough and legitimate ultimatum forms of communication between various groups of the population and the authorities.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135007497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-149-161
I. K. Kiryanov, P. V. Panov
The study deals with the historical content of the memorial laws of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, its dependence on the specifics of the political history of the territories of Russian regions. A qualitative analysis of the initial data made it possible to identify some trends in the purposeful reflection of regional historical features in the laws, such as emphasizing the uniqueness of the contribution to the development of Russian statehood; the inclusion of events that occurred before the territory of the modern region became part of the Russian state; interpretation of the nature of the inclusion of the territories of national republics into Russia. To conduct a comparative quantitative study, original tools were developed – the index of the specifics of political history (the values of regional indicators vary from ≥ 0 to ≤ 9) and the index of the historical content of memorial laws (the values of regional indicators vary from ≥ 0 to ≤ 8). Correlation analysis revealed a statistical relationship between the specifics of political history and the historical content of the regional “laws of memory” – it turned out to be positive and significant. At the same time, the study confirmed that in the practice of commemoration of historical events, not everything is determined by history itself. The repertoire of the actualized past, which found expression in laws, in each case was formed as a result of the interaction of regional ruling elites with professional historians and social activists. The development of tools for a comparative analysis of scenarios for the interaction of mnemonic actors in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and the quantitative measurement of factors influencing historical policy in terms of the adoption of regional memorial laws is the task of a new study.
{"title":"MEMORIAL LAWS OF CONSTITUENT ENTITIES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE SPECIFICITY OF REGIONAL HISTORY: TOOLS FOR COMPARATIVE STUDIES","authors":"I. K. Kiryanov, P. V. Panov","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-149-161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-149-161","url":null,"abstract":"The study deals with the historical content of the memorial laws of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, its dependence on the specifics of the political history of the territories of Russian regions. A qualitative analysis of the initial data made it possible to identify some trends in the purposeful reflection of regional historical features in the laws, such as emphasizing the uniqueness of the contribution to the development of Russian statehood; the inclusion of events that occurred before the territory of the modern region became part of the Russian state; interpretation of the nature of the inclusion of the territories of national republics into Russia. To conduct a comparative quantitative study, original tools were developed – the index of the specifics of political history (the values of regional indicators vary from ≥ 0 to ≤ 9) and the index of the historical content of memorial laws (the values of regional indicators vary from ≥ 0 to ≤ 8). Correlation analysis revealed a statistical relationship between the specifics of political history and the historical content of the regional “laws of memory” – it turned out to be positive and significant. At the same time, the study confirmed that in the practice of commemoration of historical events, not everything is determined by history itself. The repertoire of the actualized past, which found expression in laws, in each case was formed as a result of the interaction of regional ruling elites with professional historians and social activists. The development of tools for a comparative analysis of scenarios for the interaction of mnemonic actors in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and the quantitative measurement of factors influencing historical policy in terms of the adoption of regional memorial laws is the task of a new study.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136367327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-119-127
E. R. Rachev
The article is devoted to the literary publications of the Ukrainophiles, who made attempts to gain a foothold in the Russian printed space in the middle of the 19th century. At that time, there was an activation of the proto-national movement, which sang the Little Russian identity in the heterogeneous southwestern region of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian publications have evolved from literary collections and extended almanacs to the first thick magazine “Osnova”, which captures certain stages in the formation of Ukrainophilism. The article pays attention to the idea of creating a new model of Little Russian journal, which the Ukrainian ethnographer P.A. Kulish tried to implement. However, this idea had to be shelved due to the negative consequences of the exposure of the Cyril and Methodius Society. The Kharkov Romantic School appeared in literary collections as a local manifestation of provincial ethnography, an elegiac curiosity of the local intellectual elite. The capital magazine “Osnova” appeared a decade and a half later thanks to the efforts of a new galaxy of Ukrainian actors who were ahead of their time, formulated a position and presented it to the expert community. During the publication, the authors of the bilingual “Osnova” encountered a number of difficulties that predetermined the short life of the publication. Despite the accusations of national separatism, the Ukrainophiles raised the problem of teaching peoples in their native language, spread Hromadov's practices and achieved indirect recognition of the literary status of the Little Russian language, which in total makes it possible to identify Ukrainophilism of the early 1860s as a national movement. The use of Hrokh’s typology of nationalisms helps to more accurately identify the stage of development of the Little Russian national idea.
{"title":"UKRAINIAN LITERARY EDITIONS OF THE MID-19TH CENTURY: ALMANACS AND «THICK» MAGAZINES IN THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF UKRAINOPHILISM","authors":"E. R. Rachev","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-119-127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-119-127","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the literary publications of the Ukrainophiles, who made attempts to gain a foothold in the Russian printed space in the middle of the 19th century. At that time, there was an activation of the proto-national movement, which sang the Little Russian identity in the heterogeneous southwestern region of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian publications have evolved from literary collections and extended almanacs to the first thick magazine “Osnova”, which captures certain stages in the formation of Ukrainophilism. The article pays attention to the idea of creating a new model of Little Russian journal, which the Ukrainian ethnographer P.A. Kulish tried to implement. However, this idea had to be shelved due to the negative consequences of the exposure of the Cyril and Methodius Society. The Kharkov Romantic School appeared in literary collections as a local manifestation of provincial ethnography, an elegiac curiosity of the local intellectual elite. The capital magazine “Osnova” appeared a decade and a half later thanks to the efforts of a new galaxy of Ukrainian actors who were ahead of their time, formulated a position and presented it to the expert community. During the publication, the authors of the bilingual “Osnova” encountered a number of difficulties that predetermined the short life of the publication. Despite the accusations of national separatism, the Ukrainophiles raised the problem of teaching peoples in their native language, spread Hromadov's practices and achieved indirect recognition of the literary status of the Little Russian language, which in total makes it possible to identify Ukrainophilism of the early 1860s as a national movement. The use of Hrokh’s typology of nationalisms helps to more accurately identify the stage of development of the Little Russian national idea.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136367329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-70-83
V. T. Yungblud, A. I. Sennikov
As a result of the capture of the American embassy by supporters of the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah R. Khomeini, the U.S. lost the chances for a quick restoration of its positions in the Middle East. The events unfolding in Tehran demanded a serious and balanced response from the adminis-tration of John Carter. Under these conditions, the American government and its analytical structures began to look for tools to influence and put pressure on the Islamic regime. One of the potential levers of American policy could be the Kurdish issue, which was again openly put on the agenda after the Islamic revolution of 1978–1979. The potential of the Iranian Kurds in terms of countering the Khomeini regime, their controlla-bility and the conformity of their struggle with U.S. interests have become the subject of analytical work of the state services. The article examines the place and role of the Kurdish question in the search for U.S. res-ponses to the challenges of the Iranian crisis caused by the capture of the U.S. embassy in November 1979. Based on a wide range of documents from the U.S. National Archives, the John Carter Presidential Library, the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Council of National U.S. security, the author traces the course of developing a policy towards Iran and a position regarding the national movement of Ira-nian Kurds. The context of regional policy and the influence of the Afghan issue on the Iranian course of Washington are also traced. As a result of the development of decisions, the line of Secretary of State S. Vance prevailed, demanding to refrain from active aggressive actions against Iran, to ignore the Kurdish movement. The entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan also had an impact, turning the entire political situa-tion in the Middle East upside down.
{"title":"THE U.S. IN SEARCH OF AN ANSWER TO THE IRANIAN CHALLENGE: THE KURDISH CASE, NOVEMBER–DECEMBER 1979","authors":"V. T. Yungblud, A. I. Sennikov","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-70-83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-70-83","url":null,"abstract":"As a result of the capture of the American embassy by supporters of the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah R. Khomeini, the U.S. lost the chances for a quick restoration of its positions in the Middle East. The events unfolding in Tehran demanded a serious and balanced response from the adminis-tration of John Carter. Under these conditions, the American government and its analytical structures began to look for tools to influence and put pressure on the Islamic regime. One of the potential levers of American policy could be the Kurdish issue, which was again openly put on the agenda after the Islamic revolution of 1978–1979. The potential of the Iranian Kurds in terms of countering the Khomeini regime, their controlla-bility and the conformity of their struggle with U.S. interests have become the subject of analytical work of the state services. The article examines the place and role of the Kurdish question in the search for U.S. res-ponses to the challenges of the Iranian crisis caused by the capture of the U.S. embassy in November 1979. Based on a wide range of documents from the U.S. National Archives, the John Carter Presidential Library, the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Council of National U.S. security, the author traces the course of developing a policy towards Iran and a position regarding the national movement of Ira-nian Kurds. The context of regional policy and the influence of the Afghan issue on the Iranian course of Washington are also traced. As a result of the development of decisions, the line of Secretary of State S. Vance prevailed, demanding to refrain from active aggressive actions against Iran, to ignore the Kurdish movement. The entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan also had an impact, turning the entire political situa-tion in the Middle East upside down.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136367855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-18-27
A. A. Turygin
The article analyzes Pan-German propaganda regarding German colonial policy in China (late 19th – early 20th centuries) and describes German-Chinese diplomatic relations in the context of the establishment of the German colonial presence in Kiautschou, as well as the role and significance of the Pan-German League in forming imperial colonial discourse. Key points concern the development of public opinion in Germany regarding colonial policy with the participation of the Pan-German League. The ideas of living space, racial superiority and imperial power, actively developed in the second half of the 19th century, were reworked into the ideology of social radical nationalist associations of the Wilhelmine era, which were systematized in the context of Pan-Germanism. The German colony at Kiautschou was to become a “Musterkolonie”, reflecting the intention of the German elite to compete with the existing colonial empires and avoid fighting, unlike previously, with the local native populations of Africa and Asia, as well as with the governments of economically and politically underdeveloped countries. Pan-German colonial propaganda, oriented, among other things, to this task, nevertheless had as its goal the formation of public opinion within the Reich. The solution to this problem, given the high publication activity within the country (the publication of Alldeutsche Blatter and the purchase of mass periodicals), was due to strategic goals related to direct influence on the Reich government. In the context of Pan-Germanism, the structurization of the previously isolated colonial movement took place, which, thanks to the efforts of the Pan-German League, became one of the leading factors of public opinion.
{"title":"PAN-GERMAN PROPAGANDA AND CHINA: THE AIMS OF GERMAN COLONIAL POLICY IN CHINA IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURIES","authors":"A. A. Turygin","doi":"10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-18-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-18-27","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes Pan-German propaganda regarding German colonial policy in China (late 19th – early 20th centuries) and describes German-Chinese diplomatic relations in the context of the establishment of the German colonial presence in Kiautschou, as well as the role and significance of the Pan-German League in forming imperial colonial discourse. Key points concern the development of public opinion in Germany regarding colonial policy with the participation of the Pan-German League. The ideas of living space, racial superiority and imperial power, actively developed in the second half of the 19th century, were reworked into the ideology of social radical nationalist associations of the Wilhelmine era, which were systematized in the context of Pan-Germanism. The German colony at Kiautschou was to become a “Musterkolonie”, reflecting the intention of the German elite to compete with the existing colonial empires and avoid fighting, unlike previously, with the local native populations of Africa and Asia, as well as with the governments of economically and politically underdeveloped countries. Pan-German colonial propaganda, oriented, among other things, to this task, nevertheless had as its goal the formation of public opinion within the Reich. The solution to this problem, given the high publication activity within the country (the publication of Alldeutsche Blatter and the purchase of mass periodicals), was due to strategic goals related to direct influence on the Reich government. In the context of Pan-Germanism, the structurization of the previously isolated colonial movement took place, which, thanks to the efforts of the Pan-German League, became one of the leading factors of public opinion.","PeriodicalId":41257,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Permskogo Universiteta-Istoriya-Perm University Herald-History","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135007721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：