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Observing the Metaphor Asymmetry Phenomenon in “Ping Yi Jin Ren” Korean-Chinese Texts through the Metaphor Calculation Model 用隐喻计算模型观察《平易进人》汉汉语篇中的隐喻不对称现象
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.14378/kacs.2023.82.82.4
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Relationship between Shape and Meaning in 540 Radicals of 『Shuowen Jiezi』 : Focus on 14 Radicals of 「Volume 1」 《说文解字》540个部首形义关系研究——以《说文解字》第一卷14个部首为例
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.14378/kacs.2023.82.82.5
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引用次数: 0
The Buddhist philosophic origins of the literary xingling theory 文学兴灵论的佛教哲学渊源
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2180210
Pu Hui
Abstract The literary theory of xingling (“soul”) is an early category in the history of Chinese literature, which was first proposed by the famed Buddhist literati Fan Tai, Xie Lingyun, Yan Yanzhi, He Shangzhi and other figures during the Southern Dynasties, Liu and Song periods, and broadly applied by figures such as Liu Xie, Zhong Rong and Yu Xin to esthetic theory and poetry criticism. There are chiefly two aspects to the origins of the literary theory of xingling in Buddhist philosophy: The first is the idea of foxing (“Buddhatā, Buddha-nature”) within teachings on nirvana in Mahāyāna Buddhism, and the second is the idea of shishen (“vijñāna, consciousness”) in Hīnayāna Buddhism. After being introduced into China, the theories of “Buddha-nature” and “consciousness” were ingeniously combined with the concepts of guishen (“supernatural beings”) and linghun (“spirit”) in the native Chinese tradition. “Buddha-nature,” “consciousness,” and shenling (“divinity”) were organically integrated, forming the basic content of the Buddhist theory of xingling, which referred not only to a constant and immutable, supremely powerful, and mystical force intrinsically possessed by all living creatures (sentient beings), but also to a foundational energy that filled the cosmos and obliterated differences. This provided a profound and substantial philosophical basis for the literary theory of xingling by Liu Xie, Zhong Rong, Yu Xin and other figures, imbuing xingling with the status and power of a universal center with supreme sublimity and matchless energy.
摘要性灵文论是中国文学史上的一个早期范畴,最早由南朝刘宋时期著名的佛教文人范泰、谢灵运、阎延之、何尚志等提出,并由刘勰、钟荣、庾信等广泛应用于美学理论和诗歌批评。兴陵文论在佛教哲学中的起源主要有两个方面:一是马赫耶纳佛教涅盘教义中的佛性思想。“佛性”和“意识”理论传入中国后,与中国本土传统中的“鬼神”和“灵”概念巧妙地结合在一起。“佛性”、“意识”和“神性”有机地融合在一起,形成了佛教兴灵论的基本内容,兴灵论不仅指所有生物(有情众生)内在拥有的一种不变的、至高无上的、神秘的力量,更重要的是一种充满宇宙并消除差异的基础能量。这为刘勰、钟荣、庾信等人的兴陵文论提供了深刻而充实的哲学基础,赋予了兴陵至高无上、能量无比的普遍中心的地位和力量。
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引用次数: 0
Regional interactions in the Chan Buddhist literature between Sichuan and Zhejiang in the Northern and Southern Song periods—Centering on the phenomena of “Sichuan Monks as Laju” and “Zhejiang Monks as Xiaosa” 南宋时期川浙禅宗文学的地域互动——以“川僧为拉居”和“浙僧为小萨”现象为中心
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2181612
L. Xiaorong
Abstract In the history of Chan Buddhism, a special phenomenon emerged during the Song dynasty, wherein many Chan monks from Sichuan traveled downstream to the middle and lower reaches of the Yangzi River. Particularly during the Southern Song, Sichuan monks who went to Zhejiang enjoyed preeminent social status and brought political influence, giving rise to a situation in which Sichuan monks and Zhejiang monks were labeled as laju (“indecorous”) and xiaosa (‘unconstrained’), respectively, in Chan literature. From the perspective of regional literary interactions, the “indecorous” Sichuan monks were chiefly presented as having a fondness for beauty, curiosity, comedy, and humor, with a deep understanding of the nature of knowledge and language, all of which had an important influence on Zhejiang monks. The “unconstrained” Zhejiang monks, on the other hand, were described as having a fondness for using the word qing (“clear, pure”) or a “clear” style in the Buddhist landscape theme poetry, which likewise had a profound influence on Sichuan monks after their arrival in Zhejiang. Therefore, it was in the Southern Song capital Hangzhou in Zhejiang, where a new stage was set for literary interactions between Sichuan and Zhejiang monks in the Northern and Southern Song periods.
在禅宗的历史上,宋代出现了一个特殊的现象,许多四川的禅宗僧人顺流而下,来到长江中下游。特别是在南宋时期,四川出家浙江的僧人享有优越的社会地位和政治影响力,在禅宗文学中,四川和尚和浙江和尚分别被称为“不守规矩”和“不守规矩”。从地域文学互动的角度看,“不雅”的四川僧人主要表现为爱美、好奇、喜剧、幽默,对知识和语言的本质有着深刻的理解,这些都对浙江僧人产生了重要影响。另一方面,“无拘无束”的浙江僧人,在佛教山水主题诗中被描述为喜欢使用“清”字(“清,纯净”)或“清”字,这同样对四川僧人到达浙江后产生了深远的影响。因此,正是在南宋都城浙江杭州,为北宋和南宋时期四川和浙江僧人之间的文学交流奠定了一个新的舞台。
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引用次数: 0
A study of lost early Buddhist bibliographic catalogues 早期佛教文献目录遗失研究
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2179865
Feng Guodong
Abstract The Buddhist sutras catalogues are the basis for the study of Buddhist history and literature, but most of the early Buddhist catalogues have vanished, and there were also many discrepancies in the records of later generations. Based on previous scholarship, this article offers a detailed study of the eleven sutras catalogues that were lost before the Tang Dynasty. The authenticity, authorship, dates of compilation, contents, and characteristics of these sutras catalogues are examined in order to present an overall picture of pre-Tang Buddhist sutras catalogues.
摘要佛经目录是研究佛教历史和文学的基础,但早期的佛教目录大多已不复存在,后世的记载也有不少出入。本文在前人研究的基础上,对唐以前失传的十一部佛经目录进行了详细的研究。对这些佛经目录的真实性、作者、编纂日期、内容和特点进行了考察,以期对唐以前的佛经目录进行全面的了解。
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引用次数: 0
Muru yu niunai: Jindai Zhongguo muqin juese de chongsu, 1895–1937 母乳與牛奶: 近代中國母親角色的重塑, 1895–1937 (Infant Feeding and the Reconstruction of Motherhood in Modern China, 1895–1937). 慕鲁玉牛乃:《金代忠国慕钦觉色德崇素》,1895年-1937年母乳與牛奶: 近代中國母親角色的重塑, 1895年-1937年(《近代中国的婴儿喂养与母亲制度的重建》,1895年至1937年)。
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2198980
Jing-Feng Guo
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引用次数: 0
The evolution of Buddhist views on divination: From Original Buddhism to Esoteric Buddhism 佛教占卜观的演变:从原始佛教到密传佛教
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2181613
Yang Gang
Abstract The Buddhist attitude toward divination changed overtime. In early Buddhism, in order to project a positive image of the religious order, to distinguish it from other religious practices, the Buddha had established a precept forbidding monks to engage in divination. However, this prohibition was not strictly enforced, and the Buddha often lumped divination together with other minor illicit conducts. With the development of Mahayana Buddhism, concepts, such as “skillful and expedient means” (upāya-kauśala, 方便善巧) removed obstacles to the secularization of Buddhism, and divination was generally accepted as a worldly means. However, opposition to divination did not disappear completely, and Mahayana Buddhism also attempted to restrain its followers from engaging in divinatory activities. With the mystification of dhāraṇī and the rise of tantric siddhis, the development of Esoteric Buddhism gradually deviated from the path of early Buddhism, and worldly mundane techniques, such as divination were accepted by tantra as symbols of its siddhis’ achievements.
佛教对占卜的态度随着时间的推移而改变。在早期的佛教中,为了展现宗教秩序的正面形象,将其与其他宗教实践区分开来,佛制定了禁止僧侣占卜的戒律。然而,这一禁令并没有得到严格执行,佛陀经常将占卜与其他轻微的违法行为混为一谈。随着大乘佛教的发展,诸如“巧利手段”(upāya kauśala,方便善巧) 消除了佛教世俗化的障碍,占卜被普遍接受为一种世俗手段。然而,对占卜的反对并没有完全消失,大乘佛教也试图限制其信徒从事占卜活动。随着dhāra的神秘化ṇ随着密宗的兴起,密宗的发展逐渐偏离了早期佛教的道路,占卜等世俗技术被密宗接受为其成就的象征。
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引用次数: 0
Yujian huangdong: 18-19 shiji zhujiangkou de xiaorenwu yu dashijie 遇見黃東:18-19世紀珠江口的小人物和大世界 (Encountering Whang Tong: Little People and the Big World in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Pearl River Estuary) 余建煌东:18-19石家庄珠江口德小仁武余大志杰遇見黃東:18-19世紀珠江口的小人物和大世界 (《邂逅黄童:十八、十九世纪珠江口的小人物与大世界》)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2198978
Chen Yushu
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引用次数: 0
Shijie xiangxiang: Xixue dongjian yu Mingqing hanwen Dili wenxian 世界想像: 西學東漸與明清漢文地理文獻 (Imagination of the World: The Eastward Reflections of Western Learning and Chinese Geographical Documents in the Ming and Qing Dynasties) Shijie xiangxiang: Xixue dongjian yu Mingqing hanwen Dili wenxian 世界想像: 西学东渐与明清汉文地理文献 (Imagination of the World: The Eastward Reflections of Western Learning and Chinese Geographical Documents in the Ming and Qing Dynasties)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2198976
P. Baojun
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引用次数: 0
Buddhist literature in Chinese history—Editors’ introduction 中国历史上的佛教文学——编者简介
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00094633.2023.2188048
Guolong Lai, Q. Wang
Beginning in northern India in the fifth century BCE and gradually making its way to China through the Silk Roads via Central Asia in the first century CE, Buddhism had a wide-ranging and significant impact on the advancement of Chinese culture. So much so that during the first half of the twentieth century, Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962), arguably the most illustrious scholar in modern China, coined the term “Indianization” to describe Buddhism’s profound influence in shaping the culture of China over the previous two millennia. “Indeed, nowhere in the world,” Hu proclaimed, “with the only possible exception of the Christianization of Europe, can one find another source of historical materials equal in extent and in length of time.” Moreover, according to him, the extent to which Buddhism influenced Chinese culture extended beyond the religious realm. Indeed, “It [Buddhism] continued to Indianize China long after it had ceased to be a vital and powerful religion in China,” Hu emphasized. In other words, Buddhism eventually evolved into a complex historical force that influenced the development of Chinese culture, despite initially drawing many Chinese as a novel religious belief. The Indianization of China, if we want to borrow Hu Shi’s wisdom again, went through four phases: mass borrowing, resistance and persecution, domestication, and appropriation. There is not enough room here to go into the specifics of Hu’s four phases of analysis. Suffice it to say that Buddhism had a wide-ranging impact because its teachings were infused with Chinese native philosophical, literary, and religious traditions, resulting in a localization of Buddhism that transformed it from its Indian roots into a native Chinese faith. When foreign Buddhist missionaries from India and Central Asia arrived in China in the mid-second century CE and began translating Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, the development of Chinese Buddhist literature began. Initially, the Chinese had little understanding of Buddhism, and its religious icon and practice were frequently mixed with Daoist or other indigenous religious practices. After the fourth and fifth centuries, Buddhist monks, such as Kum arajīva (fl. 385–409 CE), who had more advanced knowledge of Buddhist teachings and Indic languages, produced more accurate and elegant translations, replacing the previous ones, and had a profound impact on both the content and form of Chinese literature. In addition to translation, Chinese monks wrote their own treatises on philosophical problems, commentaries on translated scriptures, historiography and hagiography, poetry, and popular narrative. Some of these writings were intentionally or mistakenly attributed to Indian authors and labeled by Buddhist scholars as “scriptures of doubtful authenticity” (疑經 yijing) or “spurious scriptures” (偽經 weijing). The existence of and debates over apocrypha inspired Chinese monks to embark on a perilous journey to India in search of “true” scriptures and bring
佛教始于公元前5世纪的印度北部,并于公元1世纪通过丝绸之路经中亚逐渐传入中国,对中国文化的发展产生了广泛而重大的影响。以至于在20世纪上半叶,可以说是现代中国最杰出的学者胡适(1891-1962)创造了“印度化”这个词来描述佛教在过去两千年里对中国文化的深刻影响。“事实上,世界上没有任何地方,”胡宣称,“除了欧洲的基督教化之外,人们可以找到另一个在范围和时间长度上与之相当的历史资料来源。”此外,根据他的说法,佛教对中国文化的影响程度超出了宗教领域。事实上,“佛教在中国不再是一个重要而强大的宗教之后,它继续在印度化中国,”胡强调。换句话说,佛教最终演变成一种复杂的历史力量,影响了中国文化的发展,尽管最初作为一种新颖的宗教信仰吸引了许多中国人。如果我们再借用胡适的智慧,中国的印度化经历了大量借用、反抗和迫害、归化和挪用四个阶段。这里没有足够的篇幅来详细讨论胡的四个分析阶段。我只想说,佛教产生了广泛的影响,因为它的教义融入了中国本土的哲学、文学和宗教传统,导致了佛教的本土化,使它从印度的根源转变为中国本土的信仰。公元二世纪中叶,来自印度和中亚的外国佛教传教士来到中国,开始将佛经翻译成中文,中国佛教文学开始发展。最初,中国人对佛教知之甚少,佛教的宗教标志和实践经常与道教或其他本土宗教实践混合在一起。公元四、五世纪以后,佛教僧侣,如Kum arajj ā va(公元385-409年),他们对佛教教义和印度语有更先进的知识,翻译出更准确、更优雅的译文,取代了以前的译文,对中国文学的内容和形式都产生了深远的影响。除了翻译之外,中国僧侣还撰写了自己的哲学问题论文,对翻译的经文,历史和圣徒传记,诗歌和通俗叙事的评论。其中一些作品被有意或错误地归因于印度作者,并被佛教学者贴上“真伪可疑的经文”或“假经文”的标签。伪经的存在和对伪经的争论促使中国僧侣踏上了前往印度的危险之旅,以寻找“真正的”经典,并带回最新的佛教教义。最著名的是唐朝僧人玄奘(公元602-664年),他在印度呆了17年,后于公元645年回到都城长安,并建立了一个大型翻译局,翻译了他从印度带回的一些梵文典籍。游记《大唐西域记》记载了玄奘沿着丝绸之路的朝圣之旅,与他的旅程有关的故事和传说启发了明代小说家吴承恩(约1500-1582年)的《西游记》,这是中国四大名著之一。
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