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Confusions Between English Nominal and Adjectival Forms Among Students at the Dar es Salaam University College of Education: Are they Predictable? 达累斯萨拉姆大学教育学院学生对英语名义和形容词形式的混淆:他们是可预测的吗?
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.56279/jhss.v11i2.5
Loveluck Muro, B. Lema
This paper examines confusions between English nominal and adjectival forms among students at the Dar es Salaam University College of Education (DUCE). In particular, it establishes consistencies and inconsistencies in the use of English nominal and adjectival forms; and informs pedagogical interventions that can be adopted to redress the situation. Data was collected from a review of selected students’ examination scripts, and then subjected to error analysis in relation to the identified themes. The findings show that students vary greatly in the way they use nominal and adjectival forms such that some errors are consistently predictable, while others are intricately inconsistent and unpredictable. To address the problem, this paper recommends a case-by-case critical analysis of the problems; instead of the general conclusions that students experience problems in language use. Specifically, the paper suggests the need to study the nature, distribution and consistency of the committed errors and/or mistakes so as to come up with effective interventions.
本文调查了达累斯萨拉姆大学教育学院(DUCE)学生对英语名义形式和形容词形式的混淆。特别是,它建立了英语名义和形容词形式使用的一致性和不一致性;并告知可以采取的教学干预措施,以纠正这种情况。数据是通过审查选定的学生的考试脚本收集的,然后根据确定的主题进行错误分析。研究结果表明,学生们使用名词和形容词形式的方式差异很大,因此有些错误是可以预测的,而另一些则是复杂的不一致和不可预测的。为了解决这个问题,本文建议对问题进行逐案批判性分析;而不是学生在语言使用方面遇到问题的一般结论。具体而言,本文建议有必要研究所犯错误的性质、分布和一致性,以便提出有效的干预措施。
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引用次数: 0
Has Feminism Changed Women’s Realities in Africa? An Interrogation of the Poems of Ogundipe and Shire 女权主义改变了非洲妇女的现实吗?奥冈迪佩和夏尔诗歌的审讯
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.56279/jhss.v11i2.2
Edith Bwana
African feminist movements of the 1960’s marked the starting point of debates from the origin of feminism in Africa to its impact on women and the society at large. Literature has from the go been used as a vehicle to reflect the life and its vicissitude on African women. African women writers have used literature as a platform to challenge and re-imagine gender relations within their societies and the continent as a whole. Yet, the question arises: despite half a century’s worth of literary production, has the reality of women, as reflected in literature, changed? This paper thematically interrogates the collection of poems by Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Sew the Old Days and Other Poems published in 1985, in comparison to Warsan Shire’s Teaching My Mother How to Give Birth of 2011. Both poets are renowned for depicting current issues faced by women and their struggles in patriarchal systems. A thematic analysis allows for the inference of change: do these poets address the same struggles, or has almost thirty-year difference brought about discernible changes?
20世纪60年代的非洲女权运动标志着从非洲女权主义起源到其对妇女和整个社会的影响的辩论的起点。文学从一开始就被用作反映非洲妇女生活及其变迁的工具。非洲女作家将文学作为挑战和重新想象其社会和整个非洲大陆性别关系的平台。然而,问题出现了:尽管半个世纪的文学创作价值,但文学中反映的女性现实是否发生了变化?本文对Molara Ogundipe-Leslie 1985年出版的诗集《往昔岁月》和其他诗歌进行了主题研究,并将其与Warsan Shire的《教母亲如何生产》进行了比较。这两位诗人都以描绘女性面临的当前问题和她们在父权制度下的斗争而闻名。主题分析允许对变化的推断:这些诗人是在讨论同样的斗争,还是近三十年的差异带来了明显的变化?
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引用次数: 0
Diminutive Noun Class in Bantu Languages: Is Kiswahili Deviant? 班图语中的小名词类:斯瓦希里语是否越轨?
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.56279/jhss.v11i2.1
Rodrick Ndomba
Noun class prefixes ki-/vi- and ka-/tu- found in Bantu diminutives are widespread despite claims that these affixes are missing in Kiswahili. This study was qualitative, employing data from Kiswahili native speakers, selected literary works of art written in Kiswahili by Kiswahili speakers, and Kiswahili chat messages from WhatsApp forums of Kiswahili speakers. The study reveals that Kiswahili speakers use ka- and tu- affixes in addition to ki-/vi- to form diminutives. These affixes may attach to noun stems as in ka-toto/tu-toto ‘tiny child/tiny children’; or may attach to prefixed stems as pre-prefixes as in ki-m-nazi ‘small/short coconut tree’ and vi-mi-nazi ‘small/short coconut trees. The study findings also reveal that the noun class prefixes trigger agreement on modifiers and verb complexes regardless of their forms as prefixes or pre-prefixes as observed in ki-toto ki-moja ki-zuri ‘one pretty little girl’; or in ka-dada ka-na-miliki-gari ‘pretty little girl owning a car’ where the ki- and ka- on the subject noun stems (-toto and -dada) re-surface as subject markers (SMs) on the modifiers -moja ‘one’ and -zuri ‘pretty’; and on the verb complex -na-miliki ‘owning’. These facts provide strong support for arguing that Kiswahili projects special diminutive affixes in class 12/13 that triggers agreement on other modifiers.
名词类前缀ki-/vi-和ka-/tu-在班图语小词中很普遍,尽管有人声称斯瓦希里语中没有这些词缀。这项研究是定性的,使用了斯瓦希里语母语者的数据,斯瓦希里语使用者用斯瓦希里语写的文学作品,以及斯瓦希里语使用者的WhatsApp论坛上的斯瓦希里语聊天信息。研究表明,斯瓦希里语使用者除了使用ki-/vi-外,还使用ka-和tu-词缀来构成小音。这些词缀可以附在名词词干上,如ka-toto/tu-toto ' tiny child/tiny children ';或者可以附着在有前缀的茎上,如ki-m-nazi“小/短椰子树”和vi-mi-nazi“小/短椰子树”中的前缀。研究还发现,名词类前缀触发修饰语和动词复合体的一致性,无论其作为前缀还是前缀的形式,如ki-toto ki-moja ki-zuri“一个漂亮的小女孩”;或者在ka-dada ka-na-miliki-gari中,“拥有一辆车的漂亮小女孩”,主名词上的ki-和ka-词干(-toto和-dada)在修饰语-moja (one)和-zuri (pretty)上作为主语标记(SMs)重新出现;动词复数-na-miliki表示“拥有”。这些事实为斯瓦希里语在12/13类中使用特殊的小词缀触发对其他修饰语的一致提供了强有力的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Effects of Behavioral Skills Training on Teachers’ Implementation of Power Card Strategy 行为技能培训对教师权力卡策略实施的影响
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.5
Y. Aslan
Behavioral Skills Training (BST) is an effective, well-designed package to train educators of individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). In this study, BST was used to train three teachers on how to accurately implement the Power Card Strategy (PCS). Multiple probe design with probe conditions across participants was used for assessing effects of using BST to train teachers on PCS. Data indicated that all three teachers showed significant improvement in PCS practice. The mean score was 14% for all three teachers during the baseline session. After training, they achieved 100% accuracy in three consecutive sessions. Those results were maintained three weeks later. Social validity data also showed that BST was effective and acceptable.
行为技能培训(BST)是一个有效、精心设计的一揽子计划,旨在培训自闭症谱系障碍(ASD)患者的教育工作者。在本研究中,BST用于培训三名教师如何准确实施电源卡策略(PCS)。采用多探针设计和参与者的探针条件来评估使用BST对教师进行PCS培训的效果。数据表明,三位教师在PCS实践中都表现出了显著的改进。在基线课程中,三位教师的平均得分均为14%。经过训练,他们连续三次达到100%的准确率。这些结果在三周后得以维持。社会有效性数据也表明BST是有效的和可接受的。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic politics and National Integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic 尼日利亚第四共和国的民族政治与民族融合
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.88
Adebajo Adeola Aderayo, K. Olawunmi
One of the contentious issues affecting national integration in Nigeria is ethnic politics. An ethnicity is a potent tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria. It has not only affected nation-building but has also constituted security and governance challenges threatening national integration. Despite different measures adopted to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primordial sentiments pervade the political system, festering like a malignant tumour with associated prognosis. The paper explored the implications of ethnic politics on national integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Data elicited from secondary sources were utilized for the study. The findings showed that the dominant ethnic groups determine party formation, voting patterns and allocation of public goods. Ethnic politics is deployed by the political class to access and maintain their grip of power while other sub-ethnic groups are sidelined. Undue ethnicization of Nigeria's politics has not only encouraged prebendalised politics but affected democratic development. Electoral malpractices, political instability and crises experienced in Nigeria have their roots in ethnic politics. The study recommended, among other things, that there is a need for reorientation of Nigerian citizens on the danger ethnicized politics portends to nation-building and national integration. Furthermore, there is the need to redefine citizenship, indigene-settler syndrome and son of the soil conundrum that has been spurring ethnic politics in Nigeria.
影响尼日利亚民族融合的一个有争议的问题是民族政治。在尼日利亚,种族是动员获得权力和资源的有力工具。它不仅影响国家建设,而且构成威胁国家一体化的安全和治理挑战。尽管采取了不同的措施来促进不同民族之间的民族团结,但原始的情绪弥漫在政治体系中,像恶性肿瘤一样溃烂,并伴随着预后。本文探讨了尼日利亚第四共和国的民族政治对民族融合的影响。本研究使用了二手资料。研究结果表明,占主导地位的族群决定了政党的组成、投票模式和公共产品的分配。民族政治是政治阶层用来获取和维持权力的手段,而其他亚民族则被边缘化。尼日利亚政治的不当种族化不仅助长了先入之见的政治,而且影响了民主发展。尼日利亚的选举舞弊、政治不稳定和危机都源于种族政治。该研究建议,除其他事项外,有必要使尼日利亚公民重新认识到种族政治对国家建设和国家一体化的危险。此外,有必要重新定义公民身份、土著定居者综合症和土地之子难题,这些问题一直在尼日利亚引发种族政治。
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引用次数: 0
How Do Turkish Youth’s Individualist and Collectivist Characteristics Affect Their Willingness to Migrate? The Mediator Role of Life Satisfaction 土耳其青年的个人主义和集体主义特征如何影响他们的移民意愿?生活满意度的中介作用
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.40
Melike Boztilki, Çiğdem Uludağ Güler, Orhan Koçak
Many personal factors can also be effective in people's decision to migrate in addition to environmental factors. Having individualistic or collectivist tendencies is thought to be one of these factors. In this study, we will examine the relationship between the willingness of young people between the ages of 18-30 living in Turkey to migrate and their individualism-collectivism tendencies towards migration. The level of life satisfaction, which is one of the personal factors thought to be effective on the desire to migrate, was determined as the mediating variable in the research. Consistent with the prevailing trend in the literature, the main hypothesis of the research is that young people with high individualistic tendencies and young people with low life satisfaction will have a higher desire to migrate. As a result of the research, these hypotheses were confirmed. For collectivist youth, it was determined that being married and having children increased their desire to migrate. This result shows that the probability of migration is not high only for people that are classically associated with migration, such as having individualistic traits and low life satisfaction, being single and young. For the collectivist youth who attach importance to values such as family, tradition, and social solidarity, the effect of establishing a family increases the desire to migrate is due to lowering the emotional and social costs of being separated from the community.
除了环境因素外,许多个人因素也会影响人们的移民决定。具有个人主义或集体主义倾向被认为是这些因素之一。在这项研究中,我们将研究居住在土耳其的18-30岁年轻人的移民意愿与他们的个人主义-集体主义移民倾向之间的关系。生活满意度水平被认为是对移民欲望有效的个人因素之一,被确定为研究中的中介变量。与文献的流行趋势一致,本研究的主要假设是,个人主义倾向高的年轻人和生活满意度低的年轻人会有更高的移民欲望。作为研究的结果,这些假设得到了证实。对于集体主义青年来说,结婚生子增加了他们迁移的愿望。这一结果表明,只有那些典型的与移民相关的人,如个人主义特征和生活满意度低、单身和年轻的人,移民的可能性并不高。对于重视家庭、传统和社会团结等价值观的集体主义青年来说,建立家庭的效果增加了移民的愿望,这是由于降低了与社区分离的情感和社会成本。
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引用次数: 0
The Issue of Azerbaijan in Ottoman Society and the role of the Special Organization Teshkilat-i Mahsusa 奥斯曼社会中的阿塞拜疆问题和特别组织Teshkilat-i Mahsusa的作用
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.76
Asim Jannatov
The issue of Azerbaijan was the focus of attention of the Ottoman Empire before the proclamation of the Republic of Turkiye. The Ottoman dynasty, which had conquered a large part of Europe up to the gates of Vienna, later lost much of its territory. The loss of large areas of the Ottoman Empire forced him to take security measures in neighboring countries. Despite extensive conquests in Africa and Europe, the Ottoman Empire lost much of its territory and vitality in its wars with Russia. This factor gave grounds to take more serious steps against Russia. In order to prevent Russia from advancing further, uniting the Azerbaijani Turks in the Caucasus and Iran against it was the right choice for the security of the Ottoman state. The Ottoman Special Organization – Teshkilat-i Mahsusa established on the eve of the war due to a lack of troops, which was active in Iran and the Caucasus, did much to strengthen security in the Ottoman Empire before and during the World War I. In general, the Organization played an important role in raising the Azerbaijani Turks against Tsarist Russia and in the formation of the Azerbaijani question in Ottoman society.
在宣布土耳其共和国成立之前,阿塞拜疆问题是奥斯曼帝国关注的焦点。奥斯曼王朝曾征服了欧洲直至维也纳城门的大部分地区,但后来失去了大部分领土。奥斯曼帝国大片领土的丧失迫使他在邻国采取安全措施。尽管在非洲和欧洲进行了广泛的征服,但奥斯曼帝国在与俄罗斯的战争中失去了许多领土和活力。这一因素使美国有理由对俄罗斯采取更严厉的措施。为了防止俄国进一步推进,将高加索地区的阿塞拜疆土耳其人与伊朗联合起来反对它,是奥斯曼国家安全的正确选择。奥斯曼特别组织(Teshkilat-i Mahsusa)在战争前夕由于缺乏军队而成立,活跃于伊朗和高加索地区,在第一次世界大战之前和期间为加强奥斯曼帝国的安全做了很多工作。总的来说,该组织在动员阿塞拜疆土耳其人反对沙俄和在奥斯曼社会形成阿塞拜疆问题方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Life, Art, and Politics: Pakistan and Social Misrepresentations 生活、艺术和政治:巴基斯坦与社会误读
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.105
S. Naqvi
This paper critically analyses how Mohsin Hamid in ‘Discontent and Its Civilizations’ delineates the rupture lines prompted by a decade and a half of tectonic change, from the ‘war on terror’ to the struggles of individuals to maintain humanity in the inflexible physiognomy of repressive ideology, or the apathetic face of globalization. Whether he is discussing ritual love affairs or pop culture, drones or the pattern of day-to-day life in an extended family, he carries us beyond the doomsayer headlines of a perturbed West and a turbulent East and helps to bring a dazzling manifold world within spiritual and intellectual reach. The classifications under which the essays are congregated: Life, Art, and Politics may be considered universal, as the themes of these segments are wide-ranging. Hamid’s nonfiction pieces of writings are deep-rooted in the shifting nature of his homeland. He talks about the way in which Pakistan “plays a recurring role as villain in the horror sub-industry within the news business” (Hamid, 2014). He believes that in Pakistan, Islam has been as a binding force for developing unity for strengthening nationhood. Although Pakistan; “a test bed for pluralism on a globalising planet” (Hamid, 2014), is still struggling for “more pluralism” (Hamid, 2014). American drone attacks have had a deeply detrimental effect by refusing the sovereignty of Pakistan and Pakistani society, and by demanding ‘do more’ to accost the problem of extremists who tyrannize Pakistanis/Muslims or non-Pakistanis/ non-Muslims in the same way. Such social misrepresentations, for some selfish self-interests, neither only shatter the image of a nation in the world, but also play a vital role in transformation of the nation alike with the help of such vague reflections. Pakistan and Islam both need to be reviewed without any “makeup and plastic fangs” (Hamid, 2014) or else future generations will look back at our era and think of us with the same perplexity that we think of those who lived in societies that legalized slavery.
本文批判性地分析了莫辛·哈米德(Mohsin Hamid)在《不满及其文明》(“不满及其文明”)一书中如何描绘了15年的结构性变化所引发的断裂线,从“反恐战争”到个人在压制性意识形态的僵化面相中维护人性的斗争,或者全球化的冷漠面孔。无论他讨论的是仪式性的爱情还是流行文化、无人机还是大家庭的日常生活模式,他都把我们带离了西方动荡不安和东方动荡不安的末日预言的头条新闻,并帮助我们将一个令人眼花缭乱的多元世界带入精神和智力的范围。这些文章聚集的分类:生活,艺术和政治可以被认为是普遍的,因为这些部分的主题是广泛的。哈米德的非虚构作品深深植根于他祖国不断变化的本质。他谈到巴基斯坦“在新闻行业的恐怖子行业中扮演反派角色”的方式(Hamid, 2014)。他认为,在巴基斯坦,伊斯兰教一直是发展团结和加强国家地位的一种约束力。尽管巴基斯坦;“全球化星球上多元化的试验台”(Hamid, 2014),仍在为“更多的多元化”而奋斗(Hamid, 2014)。美国的无人机袭击拒绝了巴基斯坦和巴基斯坦社会的主权,并要求“采取更多行动”来解决极端分子的问题,这些极端分子以同样的方式暴政巴基斯坦人/穆斯林或非巴基斯坦人/非穆斯林。这种出于一己私利的社会歪曲,不仅破坏了一个国家在世界上的形象,而且借助这种模糊的反思,对这个国家的转型也起到了至关重要的作用。巴基斯坦和伊斯兰教都需要不带任何“化妆和塑料尖牙”的审查(Hamid, 2014),否则子孙后代回顾我们的时代,就会像我们看待那些生活在奴隶制合法化社会中的人一样困惑。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring EFL Teachers’ Organizational Citizenship Behavior and Ethical Climate: The Mediating Role of Organizational Justice 探究外语教师的组织公民行为与伦理氛围:组织公正的中介作用
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.21
Yahya Gordani, A. Saadattalab, Yaser Khajavi
Organizational justice has been significantly considered in industrial psychology, human resource management, and organizational behavior studies (Ismail, 2015). However, this issue is less explored in educational contexts. The present study aimed to investigate the relationship between organizational citizenship behavior and ethical climate among Iranian secondary school EFL teachers. 386 EFL teachers selected via multi-stage cluster sampling responded to three questionnaires of organizational citizenship, ethical climate, and organizational justice posted online. To analyze the data, descriptive and inferential statistics (structural equation modeling and regression analysis) were used. The results showed that there is a positive and significant relationship between the organizational citizenship behavior and ethical climate within the schools. Organizational justice was also found to have an influential role in this relationship. In addition, OCB was highly influenced by the ethical climate.
组织公正在工业心理学、人力资源管理和组织行为研究中得到了重要考虑(Ismail,2015)。然而,在教育背景下对这一问题的探讨较少。本研究旨在调查伊朗中学英语教师的组织公民行为与道德氛围之间的关系。386名通过多阶段整群抽样选出的EFL教师对网上发布的三份关于组织公民身份、道德氛围和组织公正的问卷进行了回应。为了分析数据,使用了描述性和推断统计学(结构方程建模和回归分析)。研究结果表明,组织公民行为与学校内部的伦理氛围之间存在着积极而显著的关系。组织正义也被发现在这种关系中发挥着重要作用。此外,OCB深受伦理氛围的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Raising The Breed Without Greed: Prognostic Analysis of Chidubem Iweka’s August Inmates 饲养无贪婪的品种:预测分析的Chidubem Iweka的八月囚犯
IF 0.1 Q4 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.63
T. A. S. Osanyemi
The high level of greed and corruption and their attendant socio-political stasis and ineptitude in contemporary Nigeria has been portrayed in Chidubem Iweka’s August Inmates. Existing literary and scholarly engagements on greed and corruption are ubiquitous and they have focused on the havoc they have unleashed on the society. Nonetheless, it appears that the prognostic studies on how to raise future leaders without the influence of the cancerous greed and corruption have been given little or no consideration. This is the critical gap this paper attempts to fill. This paper therefore investigates the social and vicious greed and its socio-political consequences in order to raise future leaders that will eschew the protracted and recalcitrant greed in Nigerian socio-political environment. The primary text is Chidubem Iweka’s August Inmates. It will be subjected to critical analysis in both content and form. Inspirations will be drawn from Postcolonialism as theoretical framework. The essence of literary Postcolonialism is to allow for the examination of socio-political vices and imbalances in contemporary Nigeria in order to seek for ways of ameliorating them through the selection of ideal future leaders; it will also undergird the analysis of our findings. The study identifies significantly greed as the bane of socio-political peace and progress. It concludes that in raising breed of leaders without greed some priceless socio-political virtues must be explicitly injected into the society.
Chidubem Iweka的《八月囚犯》描绘了当代尼日利亚的高度贪婪和腐败,以及随之而来的社会政治停滞和无能。现有的关于贪婪和腐败的文学和学术活动无处不在,他们关注的是贪婪和腐败对社会造成的破坏。尽管如此,关于如何在不受恶性贪婪和腐败影响的情况下培养未来领导人的预测研究似乎很少或根本没有得到考虑。这是本文试图填补的关键空白。因此,本文调查了社会和恶性贪婪及其社会政治后果,以培养未来的领导人,避免尼日利亚社会政治环境中长期顽固的贪婪。主要文本是奇杜贝姆·伊韦卡的《八月囚犯》。它将从内容和形式两个方面进行批判性分析,并从后殖民主义的理论框架中得到启示。文学后殖民主义的本质是允许审视当代尼日利亚的社会政治恶习和失衡,以便通过选择理想的未来领导人来寻求改善这些恶习和失衡的方法;这也将为我们对研究结果的分析提供基础。该研究明确指出,贪婪是社会政治和平与进步的祸根。它的结论是,在培养没有贪婪的领导人的过程中,必须将一些无价的社会政治美德明确注入社会。
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引用次数: 0
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Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
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