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Congress & The Presidency-A Journal of Capital Studies最新文献

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The Wilson Circle: President Woodrow Wilson and His Advisers 威尔逊圈子:伍德罗·威尔逊总统和他的顾问
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114695
Dean J. Kotlowski
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引用次数: 2
Hyperpartisanship and the First Hundred Days 超党派和第一个百日
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2110994
Terri L. Bimes, Casey B. K. Dominguez, Dan Grushkevich
Abstract The troubled presidential transition of 2020–21 necessitates a renewed look at how rising partisanship has affected new administrations in the 21st century. Examining legislative output, confirmation votes, and executive orders during the first hundred days from 1953 to 2021, we show that there has been a decline in opposition party cooperation with newly elected presidents since the era of polarized parties and insecure majorities began. Our evidence suggests that strategic party behavior, as well as ideological polarization, has limited the ability of transition planning to foster early presidential success.
摘要2020-2021年陷入困境的总统换届需要重新审视党派之争如何影响21世纪的新政府。研究1953年至2021年头一百天的立法产出、确认投票和行政命令,我们发现,自政党两极分化和多数不安全的时代开始以来,反对党与新当选总统的合作有所下降。我们的证据表明,政党的战略行为以及意识形态两极分化限制了过渡计划促进总统早期成功的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Fenno’s Paradox in a Polarized Age: How Polarization Lowers the Mass Public’s Assessments of Congress and Legislators 两极分化时代的芬诺悖论:两极分化如何降低公众对国会和立法者的评价
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2110995
B. Bae, Carlos Algara
Abstract Fenno (1975) famously posited that the mass public’s assessments of the U.S. Congress are rooted in a paradox, with citizens holding negative evaluations of the collective Congress while holding favorable views of their individual members of Congress. Since the conceptualization of “Fenno’s Paradox,” Congress underwent pronounced changes due to increased ideological polarization between increasingly homogeneous parties comprised of more partisan loyal, ideologically extreme legislators. In this article, we ask whether this partisan polarization shifted the public’s assessments of Congress and their individual representatives over time. Leveraging over 45 years of new data measuring the monthly approval of Congress and legislators with generalized error correction models, we find that greater polarization lowers the approval rating of both over time, suggesting that greater polarization weakens Fenno’s Paradox by considerably lowering legislator approval. We explore the underlying mechanism of this finding at the individual level, finding that co-partisan support for Congress and opposing-partisan support for legislators has collapsed since 1980. Taken together, our results suggest that partisan polarization plays a large role in motivating the historic decline in congressional approval and the ability of legislators to amass a personal incumbency advantage.
摘要Fenno(1975)提出了一个著名的观点,即大众对美国国会的评估植根于一个悖论,公民对集体国会持负面评价,而对其国会议员持正面看法。自“芬诺悖论”概念化以来,由于由党派忠诚、意识形态极端的立法者组成的日益同质的政党之间的意识形态两极分化加剧,国会发生了明显的变化。在这篇文章中,我们要问的是,随着时间的推移,这种党派两极分化是否改变了公众对国会及其个人代表的评估。利用超过45年的新数据,用广义误差校正模型衡量国会和立法者的月度批准率,我们发现,随着时间的推移,更大的两极分化会降低两者的支持率,这表明更大的极化会大大降低立法者的批准率,从而削弱芬诺悖论。我们在个人层面探索了这一发现的潜在机制,发现自1980年以来,对国会的两党支持和对立法者的反对党派支持已经崩溃。总之,我们的研究结果表明,党派两极分化在推动国会批准率和立法者积累个人在职优势的能力的历史性下降方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Pandemic Messaging: Congressional Communication and the Mechanisms of Polarizing Rhetoric 流行病信息:国会沟通和两极化修辞机制
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2121449
Tanya Gardner, A. Russell
Abstract U.S. senators are increasingly turning to Twitter to stoke partisan divisions, and it’s not just what they say, but rather how they say it. Senators spent the Spring of 2020 responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, but the tone and framing used to engage a digital constituency was largely dependent on partisan alignment with President Trump. We use senators’ Twitter activity during the outbreak to offer new insight into the mechanisms of lawmakers’ party polarizing trends in congressional communication. We show that divisions stemmed from senators’ sentiment and framing—with Republicans more likely to incorporate positivity into forward-looking steps for economic recovery and Democrats preferring a negative tone to address government failings and inadequate response by President Trump. This article extends the literature on polarizing rhetoric in the Senate by using the pandemic response to illustrate how the dynamics of senators’ digital rhetoric, even during a moment of shared crisis, continue to fuel partisanship and polarizing narratives.
美国参议员越来越多地转向推特来煽动党派分歧,这不仅仅是他们说什么,而是他们怎么说。参议员们整个2020年春季都在应对COVID-19大流行,但用于吸引数字选民的语气和框架在很大程度上取决于与特朗普总统的党派立场。在疫情爆发期间,我们利用参议员的推特活动,为国会沟通中立法者政党极化趋势的机制提供了新的见解。我们发现,分歧源于参议员的情绪和框架——共和党人更倾向于将积极的态度纳入经济复苏的前瞻性步骤,而民主党人更倾向于用消极的语气来解决政府的失误和特朗普总统的不充分回应。本文扩展了关于参议院两极分化言论的文献,通过使用流行病应对来说明参议员的数字言论的动态,即使在共同危机的时刻,也会继续助长党派之争和两极分化的叙述。
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引用次数: 1
Checks in the Balance: Legislative Capacity and the Dynamics of Executive Power. 制衡:立法能力与行政权的动态。
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114688
Michelle Belco
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引用次数: 6
The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock 参议院:从白人至上到政府僵局
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114698
David A. Bateman
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引用次数: 0
The Diplomatic Presidency: American Foreign Policy from FDR to George H.W. Bush 《外交总统:从罗斯福到老布什的美国外交政策
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114689
Loch k. Johnson
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引用次数: 0
Presidential Control over Administration: A New Historical Analysis of Public Finance Policymaking, 1929–2018 总统对行政的控制:1929–2018年公共财政政策制定的新历史分析
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114696
Irwin L. Morris
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引用次数: 0
Mass Pardons in America: Rebellion, Presidential Amnesty, and Reconciliation 美国的大规模赦免:叛乱、总统特赦与和解
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2114691
B. Kalt
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引用次数: 1
Lindsey Graham and Southern Politics in State and Nation 林赛·格雷厄姆和《州与民族》中的南方政治
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2022.2099481
Seth C. McKee, S. Huffmon
Abstract South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham is one of the most powerful actors in American politics and has been for over a quarter-century. Unquestionably, Graham fits the bill of a strategic and progressively ambitious politician. Interestingly however, in a time of increasing partisan and ideological polarization in the U.S. Congress, Graham has moderated his representation. In this article, we situate the political career of Lindsey Graham within the broader milieu of the changing partisan dynamics of Congress, his state, and southern politics. With a bevy of data, we show that the sorting of the American electorate and nationalized voting behavior have undermined Graham’s political support across the partisan aisle. Nevertheless, this development has not placed Graham in electoral jeopardy because of the impressive Republican advantage in South Carolina, which should persist for years to come despite evidence of a gradually growing Democratic opposition.
摘要南卡罗来纳州参议员林赛·格雷厄姆是美国政治中最有影响力的人物之一,已经有四分之一个多世纪了。毫无疑问,格雷厄姆符合一位具有战略眼光、雄心勃勃的政治家的要求。然而,有趣的是,在美国国会党派和意识形态两极分化加剧的时代,格雷厄姆缓和了他的代表性。在这篇文章中,我们将林赛·格雷厄姆的政治生涯置于国会、他的州和南方政治不断变化的党派动态的更大环境中。通过一系列数据,我们表明,美国选民的分类和国有化的投票行为破坏了格雷厄姆在党派中的政治支持。尽管如此,这一事态发展并没有使格雷厄姆处于选举的危险之中,因为共和党在南卡罗来纳州拥有令人印象深刻的优势,尽管有证据表明民主党的反对声音逐渐增加,但这种优势应该会持续数年。
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引用次数: 0
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Congress & The Presidency-A Journal of Capital Studies
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