Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051276
Scott C. Lucas, Samantha Arten
The idea for this special issue of Reformation arose at the panel “Teaching Reformed Belief: Music, Verse, and Lay Spiritual Formation in Sixteenth-Century England,” which took place at the 2019 meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in Toronto. Organized by Anne Heminger, the panel brought together two musicologists (Heminger and Samantha Arten) and a literary scholar (Scott Lucas) to present new work on the music and verse of the enormously popular genre of mid-Tudor metrical scripture paraphrase. The panel proved to be a stimulating and thought-provoking success, as musicologists on the panel and in the audience gained new perspectives on the genre from the approaches of literary analysis, and literary scholars in attendance learned much about the important and often understudied musical contexts in which so many authors of vernacular biblical verse placed their scriptural paraphrase. Discussions of the subjects raised by the panelists lasted well beyond the session itself, and soon talk with Reformation editor Mark Rankin (who was in the audience for the panel) turned to the possibility of expanding the panel’s approaches in a special issue of this journal. The timing was and remains auspicious for new interdisciplinary investigations into mid-Tudor scriptural verse paraphrase, since much excitement has been generated by the 2018 release of the long-awaited critical edition of the Elizabethan Whole Book of Psalmes (1562), the most important text of the entire English metrical scripture movement. This publication brought together in interdisciplinary collaboration literary scholar Beth Quitslund and musicologist Nicholas Temperley. Their meticulous and expert edition of verse (Quitslund) and music (Temperley; supplied both as text and as recorded performance) of this enormously popular and influential psalter offered new pathways of exploration of the Sternhold and Hopkins metrical psalter, particularly for the many scholars in various fields who tend to focus only on their own disciplines’ specific practices and areas of interest. Of course, much excellent scholarship on the music and verse of mid-Tudor metrical scripture has already been published over previous decades, including Nicholas Temperley’s The Music of the English Parish Church (1978) andHymn Tune Index (1998); Rivkah
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051900
Lucia Martinez Valdivia
ABSTRACT This article examines the prosody of the earliest English psalms printed with music, Miles Coverdale’s Goostly psalmes and spiritual songes (ca. 1535), a musical, devotional verse collection that was banned by 1546, while his prose psalter simultaneously became the definitive version for the English Church. It aims first to document the material, rhetorical, and prosodic details of a book neglected in histories of English verse and produced by a major figure in Tudor reform and biblical translation efforts, and through this close attention better to understand the possible motivations behind its production and factors contributing to its eventual fate. In so doing, it also reconsiders the place of Goostly psalmes in the history of the development of musical psalmody and prosody in England, here by contrasting it against the regular, syllabic metrics of the “Sternhold and Hopkins” psalter, to see what its detailed inclusion in that story can clarify.
本文考察了英国最早的带有音乐的诗篇的韵律，迈尔斯·科弗代尔(Miles Coverdale)的《Goostly psalms and spiritual songs》(约1535年)，这是一部音乐，虔诚的诗歌集，于1546年被禁止，而他的散文诗篇同时成为英国教会的最终版本。它的目的首先是记录材料，修辞和韵律的细节，这本书在英国诗歌史上被忽视，由都铎改革和圣经翻译工作的主要人物制作，通过这种密切关注，更好地理解其生产背后的可能动机和影响其最终命运的因素。在此过程中，它也重新考虑了Goostly诗篇在英国音乐赞美诗和韵律发展历史中的地位，通过将其与“斯特恩霍尔德和霍普金斯”赞美诗的规则音节韵律进行对比，看看它在这个故事中的细节可以澄清什么。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051286
J. Ingram
context, Connolly refers to two sixteenth-century lawyers who each owned thirty to forty books (68; 127). Sometimes evidence of reading proves elusive, but she makes an important point in that “multiple absences may themselves be telling,” such as “[t]he lack of any Protestant-leaning comments or despoilations” (128) despite the risk posed by possessing material at odds with reformed theology. Another instance exists in the names of children erased from a genealogy kept in a book of hours, the resulting gaps striking and summed up poignantly: “T Robertes hath in all xxiiij chyldern wherof xviij ben decessed” (Cambridge University Library Ii.6.2, f.33r; Connolly pp. 168-69). The author charts a conservative course in her analysis, eschewing extrapolation and acknowledging when evidence of reception proves equivocal; even so, her rigorous study offers interesting clues as to how the middle-ranking gentry fared amid the rapid shifts in religious policy from one Tudor monarch to the next. Its value as a representative case study gains weight through the tenacious pursuit of archival records, which connect the Roberts family of Willesden with contemporary families in similar circumstances. Unfortunately, some proofreading mistakes escaped notice; there are a few transcription errors, too, but these are small quibbles for a monograph that makes an important contribution to reception studies. It is a feat of scholarship that few researchers could achieve. Connolly does so, masterfully.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051289
Frederick E. Smith
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051291
Scott C. Lucas
ABSTRACT Although previous scholarship has characterized Francis Seager’s metrical psalm paraphrase collection Certayne Psalmes select out of the Psalter of Dauid, and drawen into Englyshe Metre (1553), as a text designed for courtly audiences, the work is best understood as one designed to bring God’s word in compelling form to common men and women. New evidence for Seager’s background and career reveals his evangelical commitments and his focus on common audiences, attitudes shared by his text’s publisher William Seres. To attract common audiences, Seager selects psalms that speak particularly to the experiences and hopes of those of the lower classes, and he cast his psalm paraphrases as works to be communally sung rather than silently read, granting to them a form that allows their messages to travel beyond any individual owners of his work to all who might gather to sing or hear sung his psalms.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051285
Hope Johnston
Responsio ... ad Martinum Lutherum haeresearcham. This was immediately translated into English and German, with editions printed in London, Dresden, Cologne, Cracow, Ingolstadt, Hagenau, Rome, Leipzig and so on. Obviously Luther was embarrassed and angry, and of course he responded to Henry’s Responsio, making matters worse: a lame explanation of his actions was accompanied by a renewal of his initial furious attack from 1521. These are the central documents of the “Second Controversy,” contextualized, edited, translated, and analyzed by Rex. From my point of view, the most interesting one is Henry’s Responsio to Luther’s letter. It is much shorter than Henry’s Assertio septem sacramentorum of 1521, but I daresay more substantive. Here Henry, perhaps with the help of Thomas More, engaged a wide range of Luther’s “heresies,” with extraordinary attention to free will, justification by faith, and so on. Could it be that Henry had read De servo arbitrio? Rex, for his part, seems impressed with Henry’s grasp of the deeper issues. Rex supplements these key texts with some twenty, mostly shorter, ancillary documents. These include prefaces to various editions, prologues, epigraphs, letters of congratulation, commendatory verses, and so on. These are not entirely without interest. For instance, the Archbishop of Mainz’s 1527 letter to Henry just may be the most overwrought, bombastic, grandiloquent Thank You Note ever written! Or, what is one to say about Pope Clement VII’s Preface to the Roman edition, promising Henry “everlasting Glory with God” for writing this? There are, theologically speaking, more substantive attacks on Luther’s “Response” (e.g. Cochlaeus’ “Brief Discussion”), but Rex concedes that at least some of these amount to “tiresome nitpicking” (245). And so the question must be raised: where does one draw the line? For instance, do all three versions of Ortwin Gratius’s “Preface” to the Cologne edition really need to be included in this collection? And more generally, does every Early Modern printed text deserve a critical edition? Finally, I return to my initial puzzlement: has Rex uncovered something new – a “Second Controversy” between Henry VIII and Luther? Or is this at best an angry footnote to the First Controversy, a concluding furious round in a match with nothing much at stake, a final collision between two titans both with huge egos and short attention spans? Call it what you will, we can be grateful to Rex for bringing it to our attention in an elegant and intelligent way, to repeat, by offering us a lucid narrative based on meticulous documentation.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051292
Samantha Arten
ABSTRACT By the end of the sixteenth century, The Whole Booke of Psalmes (1562, with yearly reprints) had become a symbol of English Protestantism, and its monophonic metrical psalms a hallmark of English Protestant music. Yet the psalter’s success, illustrated by its rapid and enthusiastic adoption by the English people for public worship and private devotion, was due in part to audiences failing to use it as directed. Close study of 133 editions, 222 book-copies, shows that in their use of the book, many readers of the WBP freely adapted this psalter to navigate a myriad of problems related to its printing—memorization demanded by page turns, conflicting tune references, and music typesetting errors—and to accommodate their own religious and musical desires. Congregations and individuals interacted with their WBPs in a dynamic process, freely adapting its texts, music, and even the pages themselves for purposes of convenience, recreation, and devotion.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051287
H. Hamlin
contortions” in The Spider and the Fly, a parable published in 1556. The pro-Marian work, read as a parable of the defeat of John Dudley, the Duke of Northumberland and Mary’s accession, works as a text of political counsel, in Walker’s reading as “Heywood’s most insistent attempt to counsel his queen on the benefits of moderation” (339). Yet as Mary’s reign progressed, Heywood’s “politics of merriness” waned, and his style lost its gadfly qualities, not least owing to the fact that he was an outsider in a court influenced by Mary’s Spanish husband, his entourage, and Cardinal Reginald Pole. Mary’s death and Queen Elizabeth’s accession with its restoration of reformed religion only exacerbated that outsider status so that, at the age of sixty-seven, Heywood felt forced into exile: Walker points to the prospect of a second Oath of Supremacy and the fact that his children were grown as strong factors in his decision to flee to the Netherlands in 1564. Yet his own sense of his writing as political counsel remained: Walker echoes Jane Flynn in identifying the poem “When all that is to was is brought” as Heywood’s, a work addressing his situation around 1564 as he prepared to leave England. A ballad serving as an ars moriendi, it counsels balancing earthly duties with God’s commandments, emphasizing penitence and the penance of exile as the way to salvation. Walker compares it to Heywood’s uncle Thomas More’s Tower cell A Dialogue of Comfort, as a model for personal resolution in a time of tribulation: yet Heywood’s ballad significantly does not end with a prayer for the queen, as all his other ballads had, and is recognized by Walker as “simultaneously a confession, an apologia, and a work of counsel” (373). Ultimately Walker places Heywood’s work within the tradition of civic religious drama of York, Chester, and his native Coventry, a tradition reflecting a lived experience of the religious life of the laity, a diverse and complex urban community. Heywood’s work too, even in its function as political counsel, impinged upon the very personal: moved continuously to reconcile various regimes’ orthodoxy with his own religious faith, he used verse to chart the Erasmian response to competing demands upon an artistic conscience.
扭曲”，1556年出版的寓言。这部支持玛丽安的作品被解读为诺森伯兰公爵约翰·达德利的失败和玛丽登基的寓言，是一部政治顾问的文本，沃克解读为“海伍德最坚持地试图就温和的好处向女王提供建议”（339）。然而，随着玛丽统治的发展，海伍德的“欢乐政治”逐渐衰落，他的风格也失去了牛鼻子的特质，尤其是因为他是一个受玛丽的西班牙丈夫、随行人员和红衣主教雷金纳德·波尔影响的宫廷局外人。玛丽的去世和伊丽莎白女王的加入以及宗教改革的恢复只会加剧这种局外人的地位，以至于在67岁时，海伍德感到被迫流亡：沃克指出，第二次至高无上的誓言的前景以及他的孩子们的成长是他1564年决定逃往荷兰的重要因素。然而，他自己作为政治顾问的写作意识仍然存在：沃克呼应了简·弗林，将《当一切都被带来时》这首诗认定为海伍德的诗，这首诗讲述了他在1564年左右准备离开英国时的处境。这是一首作为arsmoriendi的民谣，它建议平衡世俗的职责与上帝的戒律，强调忏悔和流放的忏悔是救赎的途径。沃克将其比作海伍德的叔叔托马斯·莫尔的《Tower cell A Dialogue of Comfort》，作为个人在苦难时期解决问题的典范：然而，海伍德的民谣并不像他所有其他民谣那样以为女王祈祷而结束，沃克认为这首歌“既是忏悔，也是道歉，也是一部律师作品”（373）。最终，沃克将海伍德的作品置于约克、切斯特和他的家乡考文垂的公民宗教戏剧传统中，这一传统反映了俗人的宗教生活经历，俗人是一个多样化而复杂的城市社区。海伍德的作品，即使是作为政治顾问的功能，也影响到了个人：他不断地将各种政权的正统观念与自己的宗教信仰相调和，他用诗歌来描绘伊拉斯谟对艺术良知的竞争要求的回应。
{"title":"The Book of Books: Biblical Interpretation, Literary Culture, and the Political Imagination from Erasmus to Milton","authors":"H. Hamlin","doi":"10.1080/13574175.2022.2051287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13574175.2022.2051287","url":null,"abstract":"contortions” in The Spider and the Fly, a parable published in 1556. The pro-Marian work, read as a parable of the defeat of John Dudley, the Duke of Northumberland and Mary’s accession, works as a text of political counsel, in Walker’s reading as “Heywood’s most insistent attempt to counsel his queen on the benefits of moderation” (339). Yet as Mary’s reign progressed, Heywood’s “politics of merriness” waned, and his style lost its gadfly qualities, not least owing to the fact that he was an outsider in a court influenced by Mary’s Spanish husband, his entourage, and Cardinal Reginald Pole. Mary’s death and Queen Elizabeth’s accession with its restoration of reformed religion only exacerbated that outsider status so that, at the age of sixty-seven, Heywood felt forced into exile: Walker points to the prospect of a second Oath of Supremacy and the fact that his children were grown as strong factors in his decision to flee to the Netherlands in 1564. Yet his own sense of his writing as political counsel remained: Walker echoes Jane Flynn in identifying the poem “When all that is to was is brought” as Heywood’s, a work addressing his situation around 1564 as he prepared to leave England. A ballad serving as an ars moriendi, it counsels balancing earthly duties with God’s commandments, emphasizing penitence and the penance of exile as the way to salvation. Walker compares it to Heywood’s uncle Thomas More’s Tower cell A Dialogue of Comfort, as a model for personal resolution in a time of tribulation: yet Heywood’s ballad significantly does not end with a prayer for the queen, as all his other ballads had, and is recognized by Walker as “simultaneously a confession, an apologia, and a work of counsel” (373). Ultimately Walker places Heywood’s work within the tradition of civic religious drama of York, Chester, and his native Coventry, a tradition reflecting a lived experience of the religious life of the laity, a diverse and complex urban community. Heywood’s work too, even in its function as political counsel, impinged upon the very personal: moved continuously to reconcile various regimes’ orthodoxy with his own religious faith, he used verse to chart the Erasmian response to competing demands upon an artistic conscience.","PeriodicalId":41682,"journal":{"name":"Reformation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46667822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051282
H. Madar
{"title":"Albrecht Dürer and the Epistolary Mode of Address","authors":"H. Madar","doi":"10.1080/13574175.2022.2051282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13574175.2022.2051282","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41682,"journal":{"name":"Reformation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41485057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13574175.2022.2051290
Alice J. Soulieux-Evans
skew the historical evidence. He expresses his “regret” that the considerable popularity of Mantel’s books and their subsequent adaptation for television has “given her fictional treatment of the Henrician Reformation a distinctive kind of authority,” thereby bringing More’s name into disrepute. Duffy’s reservations about the accuracy of Mantel’s interpretations are certainly justified. However, it is telling that Duffy offers far less criticism of another popular fictional work on the same subject – Robert Bolt’s 1960 “masterpiece,” A Man for all Seasons. As Duffy himself acknowledges, Bolt’s work is equally guilty of propagating a false image of More: his portrayal of More as a “liberal individualist concerned above all with personal integrity” is no less fictional than Mantel’s (nor, arguably, is Bolt’s caricatured portrait of Cromwell as a manipulative bully). However, Duffy largely absolves Bolt of these crimes, arguing that “whatever its historical shortcomings, Bolt’s brilliant picture of More as the advocate of individual conscience caught the public imagination, and the success of the film fed a striking revival of interest in More and his times.” Surely Mantel’s work, which has helped energize scholarly research into Cromwell, is deserving of a similar pardon? Overall, A People’s Tragedy does not offer a substantially different interpretation of the English Reformation to that already well-established by Duffy in his previous work (and subsequently reinforced by a generation of revisionist and post-revisionist scholars). Nevertheless, the essays collected here offer a series of fascinating further reflections on that central theme, demonstrating the sheer variety and vitality of late medieval religion in England, as well as providing convincing explanations as to why it has taken historians so long to appreciate it fully.
{"title":"The Oxford History of Anglicanism, vols I and II","authors":"Alice J. Soulieux-Evans","doi":"10.1080/13574175.2022.2051290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13574175.2022.2051290","url":null,"abstract":"skew the historical evidence. He expresses his “regret” that the considerable popularity of Mantel’s books and their subsequent adaptation for television has “given her fictional treatment of the Henrician Reformation a distinctive kind of authority,” thereby bringing More’s name into disrepute. Duffy’s reservations about the accuracy of Mantel’s interpretations are certainly justified. However, it is telling that Duffy offers far less criticism of another popular fictional work on the same subject – Robert Bolt’s 1960 “masterpiece,” A Man for all Seasons. As Duffy himself acknowledges, Bolt’s work is equally guilty of propagating a false image of More: his portrayal of More as a “liberal individualist concerned above all with personal integrity” is no less fictional than Mantel’s (nor, arguably, is Bolt’s caricatured portrait of Cromwell as a manipulative bully). However, Duffy largely absolves Bolt of these crimes, arguing that “whatever its historical shortcomings, Bolt’s brilliant picture of More as the advocate of individual conscience caught the public imagination, and the success of the film fed a striking revival of interest in More and his times.” Surely Mantel’s work, which has helped energize scholarly research into Cromwell, is deserving of a similar pardon? Overall, A People’s Tragedy does not offer a substantially different interpretation of the English Reformation to that already well-established by Duffy in his previous work (and subsequently reinforced by a generation of revisionist and post-revisionist scholars). Nevertheless, the essays collected here offer a series of fascinating further reflections on that central theme, demonstrating the sheer variety and vitality of late medieval religion in England, as well as providing convincing explanations as to why it has taken historians so long to appreciate it fully.","PeriodicalId":41682,"journal":{"name":"Reformation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48203869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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