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ssessing the risks from Australia’s economic exposure to China 评估澳大利亚经济对中国的风险
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.01
J. Laurenceson
This paper suggests Australia’s economic exposure to China creates three distinct risks: a Chinese growth shock that comes with a ‘hard landing’, a structural shift towards less import and natural resources–intensive Chinese growth, and the Chinese Government disrupting trade ties for coercive purposes. With external demand for Australia’s goods and services largely exogenous, the scope to mitigate these risks by reducing exposure to China, without resorting to costly market intervention, is limited. At the same time, the probability and scale of each risk should not be overstated. Further undercutting the case for an intrusive public policy approach is the fact that effective mitigation mechanisms exist for the Australian economy as a whole, as well as for many businesses.
本文认为,澳大利亚对中国的经济敞口造成了三种不同的风险:伴随“硬着陆”而来的中国增长冲击,向进口和自然资源减少的结构性转变——中国的增长密集型,以及中国政府出于胁迫目的破坏贸易关系。由于澳大利亚商品和服务的外部需求在很大程度上是外生的,在不诉诸昂贵的市场干预的情况下,通过减少对中国的敞口来减轻这些风险的范围是有限的。同时,不应夸大每种风险的可能性和规模。进一步削弱侵入性公共政策方法的理由是,对整个澳大利亚经济以及许多企业来说,都存在有效的缓解机制。
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引用次数: 2
From debt to eternity 从债务到永恒
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.04
S. Davidson
This paper documents the increase in Australian public debt since 2007-In that year, gross public debt had a face value of $55 billion, while net debt was negative- It is not surprising that governments have since resorted to public debt to respond to a series of shocks to the Australian economy. What is surprising is that Australian policymakers have abandoned the 'old-time fiscal religion'.
本文记录了自2007年以来澳大利亚公共债务的增长情况。在那一年,公共债务总额为550亿美元,而净债务为负。因此,各国政府利用公共债务来应对澳大利亚经济的一系列冲击也就不足为奇了。令人惊讶的是,澳大利亚的政策制定者已经放弃了“旧时代的财政宗教”。
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引用次数: 0
The Reserve Bank of Australia’s pandemic response and the New Keynesian trap 澳大利亚储备银行的流行病应对措施和新凯恩斯陷阱
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.06
S. Kirchner
The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) has been overly wedded to a New Keynesian conception of the monetary policy transmission mechanism, in which the official cash rate is seen as the main instrument for policy implementation and the main measure of the stance of monetary policy. The ‘effective lower bound’ on the official cash rate became an artificial, selfimposed constraint on the RBA’s initial response to the Covid-19 pandemic. By contrast, a monetarist conception of the monetary transmission mechanism would have encouraged more rapid adoption of alternative operating instruments. Reserve Bank of Australia Governor Phillip Lowe characterised the Covid-19 pandemic as the worst shock to the Australian economy in 100 years. Yet the bank’s initial response to the pandemic in March 2020 was limited, seeking to exhaust the possibilities of its pre-pandemic operating instruments. While Australia’s fiscal policy response was in line with that of other advanced economies, its monetary response, measured by the expansion in its balance sheet, lagged that of its G10 peers. Only in November 2020 did the RBA resort to alternative operating instruments to play catch-up with other central banks. In the intervening period, Australia’s fiscal and monetary policy mix saw the Australian dollar outperform its G10 peers—a classic case of open-economy crowding-out. 1 United States Studies Centre, University of Sydney; stephen.kirchner@sydney.edu.au. The author’s newsletter can be found at stephenkirchner.substack.com. AGENDA, VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1, 2021 106 This article will argue that the RBA was overly wedded to a New Keynesian conception of the monetary policy transmission mechanism, in which the official cash rate is seen as the main instrument for policy implementation and the main measure of the stance of monetary policy. The ‘effective lower bound’ on the official cash rate became an artificial, self-imposed constraint on the RBA’s initial pandemic response. In contrast, a monetarist conception of the monetary transmission mechanism would have encouraged more rapid adoption of alternative operating instruments. Before the pandemic, Governor Lowe signalled his reluctance to embrace alternative operating instruments, questioned their effectiveness and hinted vaguely at unwelcome costs associated with easier monetary policy (Lowe, 2019). Both before and during the pandemic, Lowe called on federal and state governments to do more with fiscal and structural policy, implicitly conceding that macroeconomic policy settings were inadequate, even though the RBA itself had scope to do more. The RBA eventually embraced quantitative easing (QE), from November 2020, with an aggressive program of longer-duration outright Commonwealth and semigovernment bond purchases. The RBA conceded that its failure to expand its balance sheet as had other central banks had put upward pressure on the exchange rate. While the RBA has committed to maintaining what it sees as accommodative po
澳大利亚储备银行(RBA)一直过度依赖于新凯恩斯主义的货币政策传导机制概念,其中官方现金利率被视为政策实施的主要工具和货币政策立场的主要衡量标准。官方现金利率的“有效下限”成为澳大利亚央行在应对Covid-19大流行的初步反应中人为的、自我强加的约束。相比之下,货币传导机制的货币主义概念将鼓励更迅速地采用替代操作工具。澳大利亚储备银行行长菲利普·洛将新冠肺炎大流行描述为100年来对澳大利亚经济最严重的冲击。然而,该银行在2020年3月对大流行的初步反应是有限的,试图用尽其大流行前操作工具的可能性。尽管澳大利亚的财政政策反应与其它发达经济体一致,但以其资产负债表的扩张来衡量,其货币反应落后于10国集团(G10)其他成员国。直到2020年11月,澳大利亚央行才求助于其他操作工具来追赶其他央行。在此期间,澳大利亚的财政和货币政策组合使澳元的表现优于其他10国集团货币——这是开放经济挤出的典型案例。1悉尼大学美国研究中心;stephen.kirchner@sydney.edu.au。作者的时事通讯可以在stephenkirchner.substack.com上找到。106本文将论证澳大利亚央行过度依赖于新凯恩斯主义的货币政策传导机制概念,其中官方现金利率被视为政策实施的主要工具和货币政策立场的主要衡量标准。官方现金利率的“有效下限”成为澳大利亚央行最初应对流行病时人为的、自我强加的约束。相比之下,货币传导机制的货币主义概念将鼓励更迅速地采用替代操作工具。在大流行之前,Lowe行长表示不愿接受替代操作工具,质疑其有效性,并模糊地暗示了宽松货币政策带来的不受欢迎的成本(Lowe, 2019)。在疫情爆发之前和期间,洛呼吁联邦和州政府在财政和结构性政策方面采取更多措施,他含蓄地承认宏观经济政策设置不足,尽管澳大利亚央行本身还有做更多事情的余地。从2020年11月起,澳大利亚央行最终采用了量化宽松政策(QE),推出了一项积极的长期直接购买联邦和半政府债券的计划。澳大利亚央行承认,它未能像其它央行那样扩大资产负债表,给澳元汇率带来了上行压力。虽然澳大利亚央行已经承诺维持其所认为的宽松政策设置,直到其通胀和充分就业目标得到满足,但这种对宽松持续时间的承诺已经被允许取代更激进的政策行动,这将使澳大利亚央行更快地实现其目标。长期的低利率并不意味着货币政策“宽松”,而是表明货币政策过于紧缩。本文最后提出了改善澳大利亚货币政策绩效的建议,特别是根据货币政策传导的货币主义概念制定名义收入水平目标。自2014年底以来,澳大利亚央行一直未能实现其通胀目标。尽管在任何一个特定季度,通胀目标的小幅偏离都不太可能造成后果,但持续多年的偏离会导致价格水平相对于以通胀目标为条件的预期出现长期漂移。价格水平的长期漂移意味着,预示长期名义收缩的名义收入预期已令人失望。澳大利亚储备银行的大流行应对和新凯恩斯陷阱107“劳差距”被定义为超过一个的削减意味着测量(日志)CPI的反事实的通货膨胀目标路径段自劳成为央行行长在第三季度2016.2的注意,因为澳大利亚央行略低于通胀目标在此之前,这个起点低估了物价水平的长期漂移由于央行的通胀目标失误。2020年第一季度,洛氏差距为- 3.9%。自那以来,截至2021年第二季度,这一差距已扩大至- 4.4%。值得注意的是,即使澳大利亚央行将通货膨胀率恢复到目标范围——这是它从2023年中期开始制定的——相对于与目标一致的反事实增长路径,价格水平将永远处于较低水平。 这是一种永久性的名义冲击,灵活的价格水平目标制——美联储称之为平均通胀目标制——试图抵消这种冲击。以名义GDP水平的预测为目标,旨在避免名义结果的长期漂移,这种漂移可能发生在澳大利亚央行的“让过去的事情过去”的通胀目标方法下(Kirchner, 2021)。在疫情爆发前的2020年2月会议上,澳大利亚央行董事会决定将其官方现金利率目标维持在0.75%不变。上一季度的总体消费者价格指数通胀率为1.8%。自2014年底以来,多数指标的通胀率一直低于目标水平,预计在央行的两年预测期内将保持这一水平。2019年12月的失业率为5.1%,几乎与一年前持平,高于澳大利亚央行估计的4.5%左右的充分就业率,从未恢复到2008年全球金融危机前4%左右的低点。几天后,澳大利亚央行行长对议会委员会表示,进一步降息可能会鼓励进一步借贷。如果人们借得更多,那么我们可能会遇到问题”(Lowe, 2020a)。Lowe的言论是他成为行长以来所做的众多声明中的典型,他明确地将通胀目标和充分就业目标与已知的金融稳定风险进行了权衡(Kirchner, 2018)。在Lowe行长作证的几周内,随着Covid-19病毒成为全球大流行,澳大利亚和世界经济遭受了巨大冲击。澳大利亚央行对疫情冲击的最初反应是,在2020年3月期间分两次将官方现金利率目标下调50个基点,至每2个0.25个基点。不断扩大的洛氏差距。制度经济学,7月29日,stephenkirchner。substack.com/p/the-widening-lowe-gap。鉴于现金利率目标周围通常的25个基点走廊的下限为0% (Lowe, 2020b),该机构此前认为108%的利率是有效的下限(ELB)。在降低目标现金利率的同时,还承诺(或前瞻指引)在恢复充分就业和通胀回到目标水平方面“取得进展”之前不会提高目标利率。这与澳大利亚央行之前在大流行前的指导意见没有什么不同,后者已经承诺根据相同的标准在较长时间内保持“低”利率。“正在取得进展”的承诺含糊不清,尽管比世行通常提供的指导要强。经济的任何预期改善都可以被解读为“进步”,市场认为即使在目标利率没有变化的情况下,现金利率也会过早上调。澳大利亚央行加强了这一承诺,承诺干预债券市场,将三年期债券收益率保持在接近0.25%的水平,而当时普遍的市场收益率约为0.50%——这种方法有时被称为“收益率曲线控制”(YCC)或“收益率曲线目标”(YCT)。通过提出以隐含目标收益率购买政府债券,目标实际上变成了市场收益率,尽管央行行长洛威表示,此次干预并非像通常适用于现金利率那样严格挂钩,允许一些灵活性。设定收益率曲线目标的目的是压低收益率曲线的前端和中间部分,这些部分是澳大利亚大多数零售和批发贷款利率的无风险基准。它还得到了一项定期融资工具(TFF)的补充,旨在确保银行能够以这一利率借款。如果澳大利亚央行将现金利率维持在0.25%“数年”的承诺是完全可信的,那么对3年期债券的干预就没有必要了,事实证明,情况基本就是如此。在最初的一些直接债券购买之后,澳大利亚央行在2020年5月初至8月初期间没有干预二级债券市场,当时三年期债券收益率小幅上升,引发了新一轮的干预。央行行长洛伊明确提出,将现金利率维持在0.25%的可能时间框架为3年,从而强化了对3年期债券的宽松挂钩。长期利率在很大程度上仍由市场决定,尽管澳大利亚央行在2020年3月大举干预债券市场,以维持流动性,因为投资者寻求筹集现金,全球债券市场出现抛售。澳大利亚央行对YCC的偏好反映了它对负利率和通过大规模资产购买来扩大资产负债表的厌恶——这两种主要的政策工具本可以在前瞻性指引之外使用,而不是收益率目标。 州长洛在2019年11月
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引用次数: 0
International resonances of the #FeesMustFall movement in South African universities, 2015–2017 南非大学#FeesMustWall运动的国际共鸣,2015-2017
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.02
D. Blackmur
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引用次数: 1
Which public debt should be paid off? 哪些公共债务应该偿还?
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.07
J. Pincus
This paper argues that the best reason for discouraging public debt is that such discouragement acts as a constraint on government spending.
本文认为,抑制公共债务的最佳原因是这种抑制对政府支出的约束。
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引用次数: 0
The costs and consequences of ‘small business fetishism’ “小企业恋物癖”的代价和后果
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.05
S. Eslake
It is widely asserted-and believed-across the Australian political spectrum that small business is the 'engine room' or 'backbone' of the economy. This belief is, however, without any evidentiary foundation whatsoever. In aggregate, Australian small businesses have not created a single job since before the Global Financial Crisis. Small businesses have, on average, been consistently less innovative than medium-sized and large businesses. Small businesses pay lower wages, on average, than medium-sized and large businesses, and they have significantly lower labour productivity. It would be a mistake to perpetuate the preferential treatment of small businesses simply because they are small, and for no other reason, once the pandemic is over. If preferential tax treatment and other forms of assistance are to be afforded to any businesses, it should be to new businesses, rather than small ones.
澳大利亚政界普遍认为,小企业是澳大利亚经济的“引擎室”或“支柱”。然而,这种信念是没有任何证据基础的。总体而言,自全球金融危机之前以来,澳大利亚的小企业没有创造过一个就业岗位。平均而言,小型企业的创新能力一直低于中型和大型企业。小企业平均支付的工资低于中型和大型企业,而且它们的劳动生产率明显较低。一旦疫情结束,仅仅因为小企业规模小而不为其他原因而继续给予小企业优惠待遇,将是一个错误。如果要向任何企业提供优惠税收待遇和其他形式的援助,那就应该是给新企业,而不是小企业。
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引用次数: 0
Is quantitative easing good policy? 量化宽松是好政策吗?
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.03
S. Anthony
This paper asks whether the suite of unorthodox monetary policies (including quantitative easing, or QE) really make sense in the presence of a global liquidity trap. It finds that QE-type policies are an expedient remedy for short-term crisis management, but their ongoing and expanded use have distorted global markets and will have significant dynamic efficiency costs over the next decade. The alternative is for discretionary fiscal policy to play a bigger role in stabilisation, with monetary policy left to accommodate. Both policies should be operated by a single agency accountable to the electorate.
本文提出的问题是,在全球流动性陷阱存在的情况下,一系列非正统的货币政策(包括量化宽松或QE)是否真的有意义。报告发现,量化宽松政策是短期危机管理的权宜之计,但其持续和扩大的使用扭曲了全球市场,并将在未来十年产生重大的动态效率成本。另一种选择是,由自由裁量的财政政策在稳定中发挥更大作用,而货币政策则有待调整。这两项政策都应该由一个对选民负责的机构来执行。
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引用次数: 0
Public infrastructure investment in the time of Covid 新冠肺炎时期的公共基础设施投资
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.08
M. Terrill
Transport infrastructure investment has been used as a crude tool in response to the economic downturn resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic. More engineering construction work has been loaded into an already crowded market, with larger projects in greater numbers than ever. Even before transport infrastructure was deployed for this task, governments were failing to deal with the most pressing problems in infrastructure delivery: overly politicised project selection, a failure to learn from history and the continual reach for megaprojects as a first resort.
交通基础设施投资已被用作应对新冠肺炎疫情导致的经济衰退的一种粗糙工具。越来越多的工程建设工作被投入到本已拥挤的市场,规模更大的项目比以往任何时候都多。甚至在为这项任务部署交通基础设施之前,各国政府就未能解决基础设施交付中最紧迫的问题:过度政治化的项目选择、未能从历史中吸取教训以及作为第一手段不断扩大大型项目。
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引用次数: 0
Long-run consequences of the pandemic debt 大流行病债务的长期后果
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.10
Gene Tunny
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引用次数: 0
Structural reform of the Reserve Bank of Australia 澳大利亚储备银行的结构改革
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.22459/ag.28.01.2021.09
P. Tulip
The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) recently placed higher priority on stabilising household debt than on its conventional goals of unemployment and inflation. This was bad economics, bad process and resulted in substantial unnecessary hardship. However, it was not unusual. The RBA has a record of poor decisions. That partly reflects poor process and a lack of expertise. More fundamentally, the RBA has a culture that places a low priority on getting the answers right. To address these problems, more monetary policy experts should be appointed to the RBA Board, and board members should be individually accountable for their votes. The RBA should be required to be more transparent-in particular, it needs to provide detailed explanations for its decisions and it needs to show alternative projections for interest rates. Decisions should be explained and defended at regular press conferences.
澳大利亚储备银行(RBA)最近将稳定家庭债务置于比失业和通胀传统目标更高的优先地位。这是糟糕的经济,糟糕的过程,并导致了大量不必要的困难。然而,这并不罕见。澳大利亚储备银行有糟糕决策的记录。这在一定程度上反映了糟糕的流程和缺乏专业知识。更根本的是,澳大利亚储备银行的文化对正确答案的重视程度较低。为了解决这些问题,澳大利亚储备银行董事会应该任命更多的货币政策专家,董事会成员应该对自己的投票负责。澳大利亚储备银行应被要求更加透明,尤其是,它需要为其决定提供详细解释,并需要显示利率的替代预测。应在定期新闻发布会上对决定进行解释和辩护。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Agenda-A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform
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