Foucault dismisses ideology as an object of investigation in understanding power relations for three important reasons bearing on his rejection of true-false distinction, dismissal of reference to subject and trivialization of ideology. This paper argues against Foucault's claim and shows that investigation of ideology constitutes an important task in understanding relation of domination—which is substantiated by demonstrating firstly that the true-false distinction is not only ontologically real but also morally warranted; and secondly that ideology is not merely a passive effect of infrastructure of an oppressive social system but is in reciprocal relation with it and therefore plays an indispensably important role in maintaining the system in general and the present-day capitalism in particular.
{"title":"Foucault’s Dismissal of Ideology: A Critique","authors":"Khagendra Prasai","doi":"10.3126/jps.v21i1.39289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i1.39289","url":null,"abstract":"Foucault dismisses ideology as an object of investigation in understanding power relations for three important reasons bearing on his rejection of true-false distinction, dismissal of reference to subject and trivialization of ideology. This paper argues against Foucault's claim and shows that investigation of ideology constitutes an important task in understanding relation of domination—which is substantiated by demonstrating firstly that the true-false distinction is not only ontologically real but also morally warranted; and secondly that ideology is not merely a passive effect of infrastructure of an oppressive social system but is in reciprocal relation with it and therefore plays an indispensably important role in maintaining the system in general and the present-day capitalism in particular.","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74559558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite frequent political changes, democratic consolidation is not a popular question among the researchers of democracy in Nepal. This article aims to connect the theoretical discussion of consolidation of democracy, mostly focusing on the structural factors and Nepali Loktantra. Two findings of this study are particularly important for the discussion of the consolidation of Loktantra in Nepal. First, the macro structural factors – e.g., economic modernization, regime type, and party -system – make pessimistic predictions on future of Nepali democracy. In other words, the macro structural conditions are unfavorable for the consolidation of the democracy in contemporary Nepal. Second, procedural dimensions of the democracy are insufficient to define Nepali Loktantra. The newly adopted regime has attempted to merge few components of non-majoritarian democracy too. We need more critical evaluation on the characteristics of Nepali Loktantra. If it is different with a procedural democracy, its relation with socio-economic structure also should be different.
{"title":"Structural Determinants of Democratic Consolidation and Nepal’s Loktantra Since 2017","authors":"Sanjeev Humagain","doi":"10.3126/jps.v21i1.39281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i1.39281","url":null,"abstract":"Despite frequent political changes, democratic consolidation is not a popular question among the researchers of democracy in Nepal. This article aims to connect the theoretical discussion of consolidation of democracy, mostly focusing on the structural factors and Nepali Loktantra. Two findings of this study are particularly important for the discussion of the consolidation of Loktantra in Nepal. First, the macro structural factors – e.g., economic modernization, regime type, and party -system – make pessimistic predictions on future of Nepali democracy. In other words, the macro structural conditions are unfavorable for the consolidation of the democracy in contemporary Nepal. Second, procedural dimensions of the democracy are insufficient to define Nepali Loktantra. The newly adopted regime has attempted to merge few components of non-majoritarian democracy too. We need more critical evaluation on the characteristics of Nepali Loktantra. If it is different with a procedural democracy, its relation with socio-economic structure also should be different.","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"74 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72427625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The fundamental problem confronting most local authorities, especially those managing cities in developing countries, is the widening gap between the availability of financial resources and municipal spending needs. One of the main reasons for this increasing fiscal gap is the rapid growth of urban populations, which creates an ever-increasing demand for public services, new public infrastructure, and its maintenance. Most cities in developing countries depend mostly on central government transfers, with lesser revenues derived from property taxation and service charges. The main aim of this study is to review the scholarly published documents regarding the responsible governing system of the local government in the developing economy and to observe the challenges to them to manage fiscal imbalances. Looking at the practice of fiscal federalism and economic decentralization, there is no uniformity in the global experience. Developed countries are at the forefront of this agenda while developing countries have different experiences. It is important to find the right path with the appropriate solution to the problem seen from the international experiment and move forward accordingly. It is important not only to make laws but also to achieve prosperous prosperity through their proper use and for that it is important to understand that the implementation of the law should be done in the right spirit.
{"title":"Local Government Financing Practice and Challenges in Developing Countries with Reference to Nepal","authors":"Devilal Sharma","doi":"10.3126/jps.v21i1.39282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i1.39282","url":null,"abstract":"The fundamental problem confronting most local authorities, especially those managing cities in developing countries, is the widening gap between the availability of financial resources and municipal spending needs. One of the main reasons for this increasing fiscal gap is the rapid growth of urban populations, which creates an ever-increasing demand for public services, new public infrastructure, and its maintenance. Most cities in developing countries depend mostly on central government transfers, with lesser revenues derived from property taxation and service charges. The main aim of this study is to review the scholarly published documents regarding the responsible governing system of the local government in the developing economy and to observe the challenges to them to manage fiscal imbalances. Looking at the practice of fiscal federalism and economic decentralization, there is no uniformity in the global experience. Developed countries are at the forefront of this agenda while developing countries have different experiences. It is important to find the right path with the appropriate solution to the problem seen from the international experiment and move forward accordingly. It is important not only to make laws but also to achieve prosperous prosperity through their proper use and for that it is important to understand that the implementation of the law should be done in the right spirit.","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90919376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this study is to examine the women participation in local development of Kaski district in Nepal. The nation provides equal opportunities to the women. Despite that, they are strong enough and empowered in local development? Nepalese women are struggling for equal opportunity in society. This paper is qualitative research. It is based on primary and secondary data based on descriptive and analytical paper. In the local election held in 2017, 152 women were elected to the local government in Kaski district. They are Dalit and non-Dalit both. Constitutionally thirty-three percent women are required to be the participants on each level of the government of Nepal. It is a legal provision for participation in local governments. Similarly, women are the participants in the federal, provincial and local governments of Nepal. The constitution has provided women participation on policy level as well as civil service, Nepal Police and Nepal Army and other sectors of the nation. Now, the federal democratic republic nation of Nepal has been practicing inclusive democracy. It is a great achievement for the Nepalese women. Now, 21th century as democratic country like Nepal needs meaningful women participation on a local level. The women need equal opportunity in the social, economic and political sector. Local level of Kaski district women participate with empower on politics as well as development activities as planning, budgeting, judicial leadership. These are the symbolic empowerment of women in local development.
{"title":"Women Participation in Local Development: A Study of Kaski District","authors":"Girdhari Dahal","doi":"10.3126/jps.v21i1.39285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i1.39285","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to examine the women participation in local development of Kaski district in Nepal. The nation provides equal opportunities to the women. Despite that, they are strong enough and empowered in local development? Nepalese women are struggling for equal opportunity in society. This paper is qualitative research. It is based on primary and secondary data based on descriptive and analytical paper. In the local election held in 2017, 152 women were elected to the local government in Kaski district. They are Dalit and non-Dalit both. Constitutionally thirty-three percent women are required to be the participants on each level of the government of Nepal. It is a legal provision for participation in local governments. Similarly, women are the participants in the federal, provincial and local governments of Nepal. The constitution has provided women participation on policy level as well as civil service, Nepal Police and Nepal Army and other sectors of the nation. Now, the federal democratic republic nation of Nepal has been practicing inclusive democracy. It is a great achievement for the Nepalese women. Now, 21th century as democratic country like Nepal needs meaningful women participation on a local level. The women need equal opportunity in the social, economic and political sector. Local level of Kaski district women participate with empower on politics as well as development activities as planning, budgeting, judicial leadership. These are the symbolic empowerment of women in local development.","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"382 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74264579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Democracy is for power and justice. Women's participation in politics is for achieving these twin goals. The main objective of this study is to reviews the women representation at Nepalese local in political domain. The essential data and information are collected from secondary sources. Reports, information, facts, figures, policies, acts and program published by Nepal Election Commission-2017 and other related sources reports are basically used in this paper. One of the key factors to ensure higher and meaningful participation of women in politics is these favorable (reservation) electoral provisions. The 2017 local elections were significant in advancing female political representation in Nepal. However, what has been achieved so far is not enough and continued concentrated action is essential. There are more issues and challenges to be resolve for fair and meaningful political participation of women. The women's representation in politics should not be just a numeric representation. It should rise in the societal awareness for women and build capacity of female leaders and ultimately helps in the overall development of the country.
{"title":"Women Representation in Nepalese Local Election 2017: Issues and Challenges","authors":"Sanju Manandhar","doi":"10.3126/jps.v21i1.39283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i1.39283","url":null,"abstract":"Democracy is for power and justice. Women's participation in politics is for achieving these twin goals. The main objective of this study is to reviews the women representation at Nepalese local in political domain. The essential data and information are collected from secondary sources. Reports, information, facts, figures, policies, acts and program published by Nepal Election Commission-2017 and other related sources reports are basically used in this paper. One of the key factors to ensure higher and meaningful participation of women in politics is these favorable (reservation) electoral provisions. The 2017 local elections were significant in advancing female political representation in Nepal. However, what has been achieved so far is not enough and continued concentrated action is essential. There are more issues and challenges to be resolve for fair and meaningful political participation of women. The women's representation in politics should not be just a numeric representation. It should rise in the societal awareness for women and build capacity of female leaders and ultimately helps in the overall development of the country.","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74424844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Along with the implementation of democracy, Nepalese people are privileged of having different categories of human rights. Among them, trade union is one of the major political rights. The workers in industry, trade, business and other labour markets are organized within the trade union. Hotels are supposed to be the service industry or business organizations that are foundincreasing rapidly in the post 1990’s democratic era. Hence, in this post-republican democracy along with settlement of the Maoist arms conflict, hotel business seems to be blooming. In order to be successful in the hotel business, it requires skilled manpower for providing good services. Skillful labourers require having basic rights with several privileges only then they can be fully devoted and committed to their profession, which may lead to a successful hotel business. Pokhara is a renowned place for tourism and hotel business. There are around one thousand hotels here including stars and non-stars. There are different trade unions for organizing the hotel workers for their rights. Whether such unions are working for seeking more privileges to their members is a major question for research. In this regard, to study the role and impact of trade unions among the hotel workers in Pokhara is the main objective of this research paper. Two hotels as one from stars and another from non-stars were chosen for obtaining the required data for the fulfillment of the objective. As with the opening of trade unions - 144 - in almost every sector of industry, including the hospitality, the rights of the labour are taken into considerations. Being united under the trade unions, workers are obtaining various facilities as job security, allowances and basic salary as prescribed by the governmental rules. It has been found that many workers have positive attitudes towards trade unions and the managements have also been positive towards workers as well as unions. Most of the workers enjoy the union memberships and participate in the union activities. But some of them are not satisfied with union activities, because they believe the leaders are more guided and directed by their self-interests and their affiliated political parties. However, as per workers perspective there is cooperative relationship between trade unions and hotel management in fulfillment of their basic and other rights.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, Page : 143-166
{"title":"Impact of Trade Union in the Hotel Workers","authors":"Uma Nath Baral","doi":"10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20449","url":null,"abstract":"Along with the implementation of democracy, Nepalese people are privileged of having different categories of human rights. Among them, trade union is one of the major political rights. The workers in industry, trade, business and other labour markets are organized within the trade union. Hotels are supposed to be the service industry or business organizations that are foundincreasing rapidly in the post 1990’s democratic era. Hence, in this post-republican democracy along with settlement of the Maoist arms conflict, hotel business seems to be blooming. In order to be successful in the hotel business, it requires skilled manpower for providing good services. Skillful labourers require having basic rights with several privileges only then they can be fully devoted and committed to their profession, which may lead to a successful hotel business. Pokhara is a renowned place for tourism and hotel business. There are around one thousand hotels here including stars and non-stars. There are different trade unions for organizing the hotel workers for their rights. Whether such unions are working for seeking more privileges to their members is a major question for research. In this regard, to study the role and impact of trade unions among the hotel workers in Pokhara is the main objective of this research paper. Two hotels as one from stars and another from non-stars were chosen for obtaining the required data for the fulfillment of the objective. As with the opening of trade unions - 144 - in almost every sector of industry, including the hospitality, the rights of the labour are taken into considerations. Being united under the trade unions, workers are obtaining various facilities as job security, allowances and basic salary as prescribed by the governmental rules. It has been found that many workers have positive attitudes towards trade unions and the managements have also been positive towards workers as well as unions. Most of the workers enjoy the union memberships and participate in the union activities. But some of them are not satisfied with union activities, because they believe the leaders are more guided and directed by their self-interests and their affiliated political parties. However, as per workers perspective there is cooperative relationship between trade unions and hotel management in fulfillment of their basic and other rights.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, Page : 143-166","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90762231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The history of the Communist movement of Nepal has passed almost 70-years since the formation of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) in 1949. During this period, the Communist movement of Nepal passes through so many ups and downs, twists and turns, and defeats and victories. It has taken different paths in course of its development. It has experienced series of split and merger, which still continues. The Maoist, a radical faction of the communist movement, led the armed struggle for ten-years between 1996-2006 to seizes political power and establish a “New People’s Democracy”. However, the deadly armed struggle concluded in negotiation after 10-year and Maoists re-entered in the competitive politics. As it entered in the competitive politics, the CPN (Maoist), revised its ideological goal from “New People’s Democracy” to “Democracy in the Twenty First Century”. After these ideological change, it has entered in the vicious circle of split and merger. In this context, this paper aims to understand the relations between political dilemma and fraction taken place in the history of Communist movement of Nepal in general and Maoist politics in particular. On the basis of documentary analyses, this paper argues, the whole Communist movement of Nepal including Maoists politics suffered from ideological dilemma (between liberal and radical line) that resulted internal contradiction within the movement leading toward the series of split and generated the serious crisis to radical politics in Nepal.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 1-24
{"title":"Dilemma and Factionalism in the Maoist Politics of Nepal","authors":"A. Ayadi","doi":"10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20436","url":null,"abstract":"The history of the Communist movement of Nepal has passed almost 70-years since the formation of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) in 1949. During this period, the Communist movement of Nepal passes through so many ups and downs, twists and turns, and defeats and victories. It has taken different paths in course of its development. It has experienced series of split and merger, which still continues. The Maoist, a radical faction of the communist movement, led the armed struggle for ten-years between 1996-2006 to seizes political power and establish a “New People’s Democracy”. However, the deadly armed struggle concluded in negotiation after 10-year and Maoists re-entered in the competitive politics. As it entered in the competitive politics, the CPN (Maoist), revised its ideological goal from “New People’s Democracy” to “Democracy in the Twenty First Century”. After these ideological change, it has entered in the vicious circle of split and merger. In this context, this paper aims to understand the relations between political dilemma and fraction taken place in the history of Communist movement of Nepal in general and Maoist politics in particular. On the basis of documentary analyses, this paper argues, the whole Communist movement of Nepal including Maoists politics suffered from ideological dilemma (between liberal and radical line) that resulted internal contradiction within the movement leading toward the series of split and generated the serious crisis to radical politics in Nepal.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 1-24","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80932363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the unification of many tiny states into a single and unified state, the foundation of Nepalese foreign policy was coined by brave, visionary and nationalist king Prithivi Narayan Shah. On the basis of geo-reality, his foreign policy based on non-alignment and neutrality is still relevant. But the subsequent rulers could not maintain their foreign policy images. The trend of changing foreign policy tilt with every change in regime in general and leader in particular created difficulty in foreign policy making. The geo-strategic location of the country on the one hand and continuous political instability in the country on the other always created threat for its survival. The geographical proximity of two Asian powers and their security concern further added more threat upon our independence. All these conditions have played influencing role in the determination of foreign policy choices. Since, Nepal is in advantageous position to benefit from India and China, after a long transition, the newly elected government has almost single choice to act as a balance of local, regional and global interest. So the main objective of this article is to analyze the patterns and trends of Nepalese foreign policy choices. Secondary sources of data are used to achieve the objectives.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 25-45
{"title":"Changing Dynamics of Nepalese Foreign Policy: Patterns and Trends","authors":"B. Baral","doi":"10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20437","url":null,"abstract":"After the unification of many tiny states into a single and unified state, the foundation of Nepalese foreign policy was coined by brave, visionary and nationalist king Prithivi Narayan Shah. On the basis of geo-reality, his foreign policy based on non-alignment and neutrality is still relevant. But the subsequent rulers could not maintain their foreign policy images. The trend of changing foreign policy tilt with every change in regime in general and leader in particular created difficulty in foreign policy making. The geo-strategic location of the country on the one hand and continuous political instability in the country on the other always created threat for its survival. The geographical proximity of two Asian powers and their security concern further added more threat upon our independence. All these conditions have played influencing role in the determination of foreign policy choices. Since, Nepal is in advantageous position to benefit from India and China, after a long transition, the newly elected government has almost single choice to act as a balance of local, regional and global interest. So the main objective of this article is to analyze the patterns and trends of Nepalese foreign policy choices. Secondary sources of data are used to achieve the objectives.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 25-45","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73177446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nepal is sandwiched between two giant economic and politically powerful nations - China and India. Due to its geographical proximity and historically long multi-faceted linkages to China and India, Nepal's foreign policy with China and India is not distinctly independent but is mutually interdependent. Nepal's foreign policy has always prioritized maintaining balanced relation with these two nations for safeguarding its national interests, integrity and independence. In practice, Nepal has observed friendly and cordial relation with China while the relation with India has been both friendly and hostile. Nepal is firmly committed to 'One China Policy' and had just signed OBOR (One Belt One Road) and respects India's national independence and integrity. China has shown respect to Nepal's sovereignty and has not interfered in Nepal's internal issues while India has been seen trying to influence Nepal's internal politics. The main objective of this paper is to explore the foreign relation of Nepal with, China and India. This paper makes a brief description and analysis of Nepal's foreign policy, political and economic dynamics of these relations, and new developments in Nepal-China and Nepal-India relation based on secondary sources. Election of federal, provincial and local level was held after the declaration of new constitution. Nepal's new priority in foreign relation should be economic prosperity. So, Nepal, China and India must reach a new consensus to re-build strong economic ties for mutual benefit of all.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 46-61
{"title":"Foreign Relation of Nepal with China and India","authors":"Girdhari Dahal","doi":"10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/JPS.V18I0.20439","url":null,"abstract":"Nepal is sandwiched between two giant economic and politically powerful nations - China and India. Due to its geographical proximity and historically long multi-faceted linkages to China and India, Nepal's foreign policy with China and India is not distinctly independent but is mutually interdependent. Nepal's foreign policy has always prioritized maintaining balanced relation with these two nations for safeguarding its national interests, integrity and independence. In practice, Nepal has observed friendly and cordial relation with China while the relation with India has been both friendly and hostile. Nepal is firmly committed to 'One China Policy' and had just signed OBOR (One Belt One Road) and respects India's national independence and integrity. China has shown respect to Nepal's sovereignty and has not interfered in Nepal's internal issues while India has been seen trying to influence Nepal's internal politics. The main objective of this paper is to explore the foreign relation of Nepal with, China and India. This paper makes a brief description and analysis of Nepal's foreign policy, political and economic dynamics of these relations, and new developments in Nepal-China and Nepal-India relation based on secondary sources. Election of federal, provincial and local level was held after the declaration of new constitution. Nepal's new priority in foreign relation should be economic prosperity. So, Nepal, China and India must reach a new consensus to re-build strong economic ties for mutual benefit of all.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 46-61","PeriodicalId":41810,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of Political Science","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73888593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004158078.I-269.22
Silviu Rogobete
Abstract: This paper discusses the potential of the Christian tradition in Romania to offer a constructive answer to the contemporary dilemmas of multiculturalism. However, for this to happen there is a significant need for a fresh re-reading of this tradition. The starting point of my work will be an overview of the data on the question of religion and ethnicity in post-communist Romania. This will be followed by an assessment of the predominant trends involved in the building of the societal texture of Romanian contemporary society, with special emphasis on attitudes towards authority, otherness and dialogue. The ambiguous potential of traditions, both for destruction and for the healing of societal relations, will be singled out as an important characteristic of traditions. The work will argue for a reappraisal of the Christian tradition and its role, pleading for a fresh re-reading of its complex and pluriformed grammar. Emphasis will be placed on seeing Christianity--and its implicit traditions--as a Religion of Neighbourliness and a Religion of Love, oriented towards the future rather than the past, towards the other rather than the self, inspired by eschatological hope rather than blind allegiance to fixed dogma. Methodologically, my paper will fall in the area of conceptual analysis, partially informed by quantitative analysis and the data available from auxiliary sources Key words: Multiculturalism, christianity, tradition, orthodoxy. ********** 1. Religion in Eastern Europe: Against the Prophecies The twentieth century, for at least its first seven or eight decades, was undoubtedly marked by a strong sense of suspicion and scepticism towards religion. The so called 'prophets of suspicion' Marx, Freud and Nietzsche, who in some ways marked our modern age in undeletable ways, have not only predicted that, but also prophesised the final end of the age of religion. For all three, in one way or another, with the process of the 'emancipation' of man, one thing was certain: the inevitable and complete fading away of religion from our lives. (1) However, with the passing of time, our current context seems to prove such prediction dramatically wrong. It was wrong at local and global levels, in the West and in the East, in the Northern and in the Southern hemispheres. 9/11 is a proof of the global magnitude as well as of the potentially violent reality of what Anthony Giddens, a more astute interpreter of our times, predicted. Using Freudian language, he announced the return of religion as 'the return of the repressed'. (2) That religion is alive and here to stay is identifiable not only in the overall and diffuse 'spirit' of the postmodern age, but also in more precise terms, quantified and reflected in current data offered by various opinion pools. What can be surprisingly noted from such data are the high levels of religiosity scored in areas where, for more than half a century (and even in some places for almost an entire century) the populat
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