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Beyond antislavery and proslavery: a new term, eventualism, and a refined interpretive approach 超越反奴隶制和反奴隶制:一个新术语,事件论和一种精细的解释方法
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2165277
A. Hammann
ABSTRACT For decades, historians of slavery have grappled with an interpretive constraint. Despite a conviction that the past is as complex as the present, we have operated, to a significant degree, on the simplifying premise that historical attitudes toward enslavement were either antislavery or proslavery—in modified form, immediatist/gradualist or perpetualist. These binary frames have undermined our efforts to write about, and in some ways to discern, attitudes that fell in the ambivalent middle. Through a case study of Henry Clay, one of the most influential politicians operating in this middle range, this article argues for the adoption of a new term, eventualism, that describes one of the most common expressions of ambivalence: declaring opposition to slavery while insisting that, for the sake of the Union, it be left alone and allowed to follow a natural course to extinction. By illustrating the benefits of a refined interpretive approach, immediatism-gradualism-eventualism-perpetualism, along with the benefits of certain interpretive principles that, if more widely adopted, will clarify and enhance inter-scholarly engagements, this article seeks to encourage and enable historians to continue the important work of explicating how and why many Americans, predominantly white Americans, espoused attitudes with significant internal tensions.
摘要几十年来,奴隶制历史学家一直在与一种解释性约束作斗争。尽管我们坚信过去和现在一样复杂,但我们在很大程度上是在一个简化的前提下运作的,即对奴役的历史态度要么是反奴隶制的,要么是反奴役的——以改良的形式,直接主义/渐进主义或永久主义。这些二元框架破坏了我们写东西的努力,也在某种程度上破坏了我们辨别处于矛盾中间的态度的努力。通过对亨利·克莱(Henry Clay)的案例研究,本文主张采用一个新的术语,即偶然主义,该术语描述了矛盾心理最常见的表达方式之一:宣布反对奴隶制,同时坚持为了联邦,让它独处,任其走自然的灭亡之路。通过说明精细解释方法的好处,即直接主义、渐进主义、偶然主义、永恒主义,以及某些解释原则的好处,如果这些解释原则被更广泛地采用,将澄清和加强学术间的互动,本文试图鼓励并使历史学家能够继续进行重要的工作,以白人为主的美国民众支持内部紧张的态度。
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引用次数: 0
The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding 现代宪法的战前起源:奴隶制和美国建国精神
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161453
Evan Turiano
The reader is left wanting to see the comparison drawn out further. The result is that references to the 1822 uprising feel somewhat tacked on in order to make certain essays relevant to the volume, whereas their purpose is to demonstrate longer and interconnected legacies of resistance across time and place. Another reason to read the essays together is that the anthology lets interpretation of evidence that conflicts between authors stand with no explanation or contextualization of the differences, leaving the reader to critically compare accounts and derive their own conclusions. Sometimes these conflicting interpretations of a single detail can lead to vastly different takes on the uprising. For example, Bernard Powers claims Vesey may have been born on St. Thomas, and that his proximity to (and subsequent brief residence in) Haiti enabled him to make contacts with Haiti’s Black residents and absorb revolutionary values; in contrast, Spady asserts Vesey may have been Kormantse, hailing from the Ghanaian coast or further inland, and thus drew uponWest African politics and culture in his articulation and organization of collective rebellion. Spady cites evidence that Vesey was then taken to the Caribbean as a teenager and purchased by Joseph Vesey in St. Thomas before briefly residing in Haiti, then Charleston. Powers gives heavy weight to the Haitian influence on the 1822 uprising; Spady names it as one among many influences that might have inspired a few resistors. Readers are left to discern what to take from these interpretations. The editor or authors could have noted such contradictions by referencing the murky and fragmented nature of the archives, as Robert Paquette’s essay does, to demonstrate that the available evidence points to either of these birthplaces. In all, Fugitive Movements is a timely and necessary collection that adeptly interweaves historical scholarship and memory studies to advance understanding of the long legacy of Black resistance evident in the 1822 uprising and the Black freedom struggles that have endured to this day.
读者希望看到进一步的比较。其结果是,对1822年起义的引用让人感觉有些附加,目的是使某些文章与本书相关,而它们的目的是展示跨越时间和地点的更悠久、相互关联的抵抗遗产。将这些文章放在一起阅读的另一个原因是,选集允许对作者之间冲突的证据进行解释,而不需要对差异进行解释或背景化,让读者批判性地比较不同的说法,并得出自己的结论。有时,这些对单个细节的相互矛盾的解释可能导致对起义的截然不同的看法。例如,伯纳德·鲍尔斯声称维西可能出生在圣托马斯岛,他靠近海地(后来在海地短暂居住)使他能够与海地的黑人居民接触并吸收革命价值观;相比之下,Spady断言Vesey可能是Kormantse,来自加纳海岸或更远的内陆,因此在他的集体叛乱的表达和组织中吸取了西非的政治和文化。Spady引用证据表明,维西十几岁时被带到加勒比海,在圣托马斯被约瑟夫·维西(Joseph Vesey)买下,然后在海地和查尔斯顿短暂居住。《权力》着重描写了海地对1822年起义的影响;Spady将其命名为可能激发了一些抵抗者的众多影响之一。读者只能自己判断从这些解释中得到什么。编辑或作者本可以像罗伯特·帕奎特(Robert Paquette)的文章那样,通过引用档案的模糊和碎片性来指出这种矛盾,以证明现有的证据指向这两个出生地中的任何一个。总而言之,《逃亡者运动》是一本及时而必要的合集,它巧妙地将历史学术和记忆研究交织在一起,促进了对1822年黑人反抗运动的长期遗产的理解,以及持续至今的黑人自由斗争。
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引用次数: 6
“They are not surpassed … by an equal number of citizens of any equal country in the world”: squatter society in the American West “他们没有被超越 … 世界上任何平等国家的同等数量的公民”:美国西部的棚户区社会
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2167296
Matthew Hill
ABSTRACT Prior to the passage in 1862 of the Homestead Act, much of the West was settled by squatters—settlers with no legal claim to the land they lived and worked on but who claimed it as their own. They often used democratically elected claims associations to facilitate their expansion into the West, and while they were not directly connected to the U.S. state, also cannot be thought of as completely separate from it. Like filibusters and conspirators, they sought to advance what they perceived as American interests, although they were not officially sanctioned to do so by the federal government.
摘要在1862年《宅地法》通过之前,西部大部分地区都是棚户区居民,他们对自己生活和工作的土地没有合法的权利要求,但声称这是他们自己的土地。他们经常利用民主选举产生的索赔协会来促进他们向西方的扩张,虽然他们与美国政府没有直接联系,但也不能被认为是与之完全分离的。就像阻挠议事者和阴谋者一样,他们试图推进他们认为是美国的利益,尽管他们没有得到联邦政府的正式批准。
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引用次数: 0
The Princess of Albemarle: Amélie Rives, Author and Celebrity at the Fin de Siècle 阿尔伯马尔公主:作家、西耶尔美术馆名人艾米莉·里维斯
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161564
Kathryn B. Mckee
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引用次数: 0
My Work Among the Freedmen: The Civil War and Reconstruction Letters of Harriet M. Buss 我在自由民中的工作:哈丽特·m·巴斯的内战和重建信件
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161520
Jared Asser
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引用次数: 0
A House Built by Slaves: African American Visitors to the Lincoln White House 奴隶建造的房子:参观林肯白宫的非裔美国人
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161470
Rachael Pasierowska
Railroad communities of these two cities. All in all, Broyld’s work furthers Black diasporic studies and the historiography of nineteenth-century African American history. His extensive usage of primary sources unearths the lives of African Americans and offers greater insight into their experiences in these two cities. The U.S.-Canadian border was not a rigid line of division but a fluid entity which enabled Blacks to manipulate borders and exercise greater autonomy to ameliorate their lives. Borderland Blacks sheds light on the ways in which transnational identities and relationships were maintained and upheld in the hopes of collective liberation for Blacks. Broyld’s research also underscores the need for further investigation into the international dynamics of the Underground Railroad and the freedom networks beyond Canada.
这两个城市的铁路社区。总而言之,布罗尔德的作品进一步推动了黑人流散研究和19世纪非裔美国人历史的史学。他对原始资料的广泛使用挖掘了非裔美国人的生活,并对他们在这两个城市的经历提供了更深入的了解。美加边境不是一条僵硬的分割线,而是一个流动的实体,使黑人能够操纵边境,行使更大的自主权来改善他们的生活。《边境黑人》揭示了跨国身份和关系的维持和维护方式,希望黑人获得集体解放。Broyld的研究还强调了对地下铁路和加拿大以外的自由网络的国际动态进行进一步调查的必要性。
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引用次数: 1
Fugitive Movements: Commemorating the Denmark Vesey Affair and Black Radical Antislavery in the Atlantic World 逃亡运动:纪念丹麦维斯事件和大西洋世界的黑人激进反奴隶制
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161452
Kelly L Schmidt
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑来信
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2165291
Natalie A. Zacek, M. Mason
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引用次数: 0
The sense of the margin 边际感
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161444
S. Grant
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引用次数: 0
Civil War Settlers: Scandinavians, Citizenship, and American Empire, 1848–1870 内战移民:斯堪的纳维亚人、公民身份和美国帝国,1848-1870
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161492
A. Efford
White presents an engaging and convincing case that the surprisingly amenable relationship forged between President Lincoln and African American visitors to his White House is worthy of the sustained attention it receives across the book. White’s study relies on a variety of sources, such as diaries, letters, manuscripts, memoirs, and newspapers. Through these sources, White extracts a fuller picture of Lincoln’s relationship with the African American community and gains a deeper insight into both the level of Lincoln’s commitment to the cause of emancipation and his desire to improve their place in society. White’s deft approach to his sources is particularly apparent in his analysis of Lincoln’s conversation with Frederick Douglass about the unequal treatment and wages of Black and white soldiers during the Civil War as well as in his use of a passionate speech given by Lincoln at the culmination of the war wherein he explained that “If a person shared in the responsibility of citizenship by fighting for the nation, then he deserved to exercise the privileges of citizenship as well” (p. 185). These evident positives aside, White’s persistent use of the term “slave” to describe enslaved African Americans and Africans merited greater explanation. Over the past several years, many historians have dropped the noun “slave” and replaced it with “enslaved” to highlight their humanity and the injustice of their status. White never addresses the reasons for his use of the term “slave,” but doing so might have helped make his aims and purpose clearer. Despite this concern, A House Built by Slaves (or enslaved African Americans) remains highly recommendable. Its short chapters, many around ten pages, make this an extremely accessible title for the undergraduate classroom. And the book has a beautiful and effective collection of photos. Indeed, White was especially prudent to include among his images only one photo of Lincoln and to make it one where the foreground of the image is shared between him and Sojourner Truth. By not including individual prints of the president, White avoids shifting the focus away from the key characters in his story – the African American visitors to the White House – and instead evocatively buttresses the signal achievement of his book, which shows to a degree others have not how the White House became a space for Black Americans to both speak and be heard.
怀特提出了一个引人入胜且令人信服的案例,证明林肯总统与到访白宫的非裔美国人之间令人惊讶的友好关系值得全书持续关注。怀特的研究依赖于各种来源,如日记、信件、手稿、回忆录和报纸。通过这些资料,怀特更全面地描绘了林肯与非裔美国人社区的关系,并更深入地了解了林肯对解放事业的承诺程度以及他改善黑人社会地位的愿望。怀特的巧妙方法,他在他的分析来源尤为明显与弗雷德里克·道格拉斯林肯的交谈关于黑人和白人不平等的待遇和工资的士兵在内战期间以及在他使用一个充满激情的演讲林肯在战争的高潮,他解释说,“如果一个人共享在争取国家的公民的责任,那么他也应该行使公民的特权”(p . 185)。撇开这些明显的积极因素不谈,怀特坚持使用“奴隶”一词来描述被奴役的非裔美国人和非洲人,值得更多的解释。在过去的几年里,许多历史学家放弃了“奴隶”这个名词,代之以“被奴役的”,以突出他们的人性和他们的不公正地位。怀特从未说明他使用“奴隶”一词的原因,但这样做可能有助于使他的目标和目的更加清晰。尽管有这样的顾虑,《由奴隶(或被奴役的非裔美国人)建造的房子》仍然非常值得推荐。它的章节很短,很多章节都在十页左右,这使得它成为本科课堂上非常容易理解的标题。这本书有一个漂亮而有效的照片集。事实上,怀特特别谨慎地在他的照片中只包括一张林肯的照片并且使这张照片的前景在他和索杰纳·特鲁斯之间共享。通过不包括总统的个人照片,怀特避免了将焦点从他的故事中的关键人物——参观白宫的非裔美国人——转移开,相反,他唤起了人们对他的书的标志性成就的支持,这本书在一定程度上展示了其他人没有看到的白宫是如何成为美国黑人发言和被倾听的空间的。
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引用次数: 1
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American Nineteenth Century History
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