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Books Reviewed 书了
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120254
Published in American Nineteenth Century History (Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
发表于《美国十九世纪历史》(Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑来信
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2140507
Published in American Nineteenth Century History (Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
发表于《美国十九世纪历史》(Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
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引用次数: 0
American Mirror: The United States and Brazil in the Age of Emancipation 《美国镜报:解放时代的美国和巴西》
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120240
Edward McInnis
Published in American Nineteenth Century History (Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
发表于《美国十九世纪历史》(Vol. 23, No. 2, 2022)
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引用次数: 2
Counselor not savior: Hamilton Fish and foreign policy decision-making during the Grant administration 顾问不是救世主:汉密尔顿·费什和格兰特政府时期的外交政策决策
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2165282
Ryan P. Semmes
ABSTRACT This article examines significant diplomatic moments during the Grant administration – the Cuban neutrality proclamation and the Treaty of Washington – and the methods employed by Secretary of State Hamilton Fish to manage diplomacy and to keep the United States out of war with Europe. It argues that Fish was a pragmatic adviser to the President, not a manipulator pushing Grant towards his own ends, or a savior pulling Grant back from disaster. Rather, Fish counseled Grant to make sound diplomatic decisions that insured peace, leading to greater autonomy in decision-making and a successful relationship between president and secretary of state.
本文考察了格兰特政府期间的重要外交时刻——古巴中立宣言和华盛顿条约——以及国务卿汉密尔顿·费什管理外交和使美国远离与欧洲战争的方法。书中认为,费什是总统的务实顾问,而不是推动格兰特实现自己目标的操纵者,也不是把格兰特从灾难中拉回来的救世主。相反,费什建议格兰特做出合理的外交决定,以确保和平,从而在决策中获得更大的自主权,并在总统和国务卿之间建立成功的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Warfare and Logistics along the US-Canadian Border during the War of 1812 1812年战争期间美加边境的战争与后勤
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161446
Timothy Compeau
of the
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引用次数: 0
Borderland Blacks: Two Cities in the Niagara Region During the Final Decades of Slavery 边境黑人:奴隶制最后几十年尼亚加拉地区的两座城市
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161455
Natalie Yeo
claimed to do so “in accordance with the spirit that actuated the venerated fathers of the Republic” (p. 200). The abolitionist spirit of the Constitution, Gilhooley argues, emerged as a specific response to this proslavery logic and used the tools laid out by Black writers in the 1820s. The payoff of Gilhooley’s thesis becomes evident when he arrives at Roger Taney’s Dred Scott decision. Taney’s decision to anchor his ruling in tenuous assertions of what the founders must have meant, without a significant degree of textual support, has long puzzled historians. Now, it appears clearly as the culmination, or at least the most extreme version, of a twodecade-old proslavery intellectual project. There is, Gilhooley asserts, an additional legacy of these struggles that outlived the politics of slavery. We are stuck with the founders and their spirit, and therefore locked into a mode of constitutional politics that is “tilted toward conservatism” (p. 248). This reviewer was left wondering if Gilhooley’s work might also hold a different lesson. Does the antebellum struggle over slavery not show us that a politics driven by the spirit of the founding might powerfully support a range of political ends, progressive as well as conservative? Either way, skeptics and proponents of constitutional politics alike could not ask for a better starting point than this book.
声称这样做“符合激励共和国受人尊敬的父亲的精神”(第200页)。吉尔胡利认为,宪法的废奴主义精神是对这种支持奴隶制的逻辑的具体回应,并使用了19世纪20年代黑人作家提出的工具。吉尔胡利的论点的回报在罗杰·托尼对德雷德·斯科特的决定中变得明显。坦尼决定将自己的裁决建立在对开国元勋的意思的模糊断言上,而没有相当程度的文本支持,这一决定长期困扰着历史学家。现在,它显然是20年来支持奴隶制的知识分子计划的高潮,或者至少是最极端的版本。吉尔胡利断言,这些斗争还留下了比奴隶制政治更久远的遗产。我们被开国元勋和他们的精神所束缚,因此被锁定在一种“倾向于保守主义”的宪政政治模式中(第248页)。这位评论家不禁想知道,吉尔胡利的作品是否也有不同的启示。南北战争前围绕奴隶制的斗争是否没有向我们表明,由建国精神驱动的政治可能有力地支持一系列政治目标,无论是进步的还是保守的?无论如何,怀疑论者和宪法政治的支持者都找不到比这本书更好的起点了。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond antislavery and proslavery: a new term, eventualism, and a refined interpretive approach 超越反奴隶制和反奴隶制:一个新术语,事件论和一种精细的解释方法
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2165277
A. Hammann
ABSTRACT For decades, historians of slavery have grappled with an interpretive constraint. Despite a conviction that the past is as complex as the present, we have operated, to a significant degree, on the simplifying premise that historical attitudes toward enslavement were either antislavery or proslavery—in modified form, immediatist/gradualist or perpetualist. These binary frames have undermined our efforts to write about, and in some ways to discern, attitudes that fell in the ambivalent middle. Through a case study of Henry Clay, one of the most influential politicians operating in this middle range, this article argues for the adoption of a new term, eventualism, that describes one of the most common expressions of ambivalence: declaring opposition to slavery while insisting that, for the sake of the Union, it be left alone and allowed to follow a natural course to extinction. By illustrating the benefits of a refined interpretive approach, immediatism-gradualism-eventualism-perpetualism, along with the benefits of certain interpretive principles that, if more widely adopted, will clarify and enhance inter-scholarly engagements, this article seeks to encourage and enable historians to continue the important work of explicating how and why many Americans, predominantly white Americans, espoused attitudes with significant internal tensions.
摘要几十年来,奴隶制历史学家一直在与一种解释性约束作斗争。尽管我们坚信过去和现在一样复杂,但我们在很大程度上是在一个简化的前提下运作的,即对奴役的历史态度要么是反奴隶制的,要么是反奴役的——以改良的形式,直接主义/渐进主义或永久主义。这些二元框架破坏了我们写东西的努力,也在某种程度上破坏了我们辨别处于矛盾中间的态度的努力。通过对亨利·克莱(Henry Clay)的案例研究,本文主张采用一个新的术语,即偶然主义,该术语描述了矛盾心理最常见的表达方式之一:宣布反对奴隶制,同时坚持为了联邦,让它独处,任其走自然的灭亡之路。通过说明精细解释方法的好处,即直接主义、渐进主义、偶然主义、永恒主义,以及某些解释原则的好处,如果这些解释原则被更广泛地采用,将澄清和加强学术间的互动,本文试图鼓励并使历史学家能够继续进行重要的工作,以白人为主的美国民众支持内部紧张的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Oceans of Grain: How American Wheat Remade the World 《谷物海洋:美国小麦如何重塑世界
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161566
Michael A. Hill
her fiction. An actual cousin to the progenitor of plantation fiction, Thomas Nelson Page, Rives coveted his approval and eventually found her writing mentioned in the same company as his. Memorable is Rives’s use of an image made in 1889 to telegraph her privilege. In the photograph, Rives reclines on a well-appointed sofa while over her stands a Black woman in a domestic uniform, her eyes downcast to Rives’s figure, her posture inclined as though ready to spring at the wishes of the recumbent figure. Censer’s caption labels the image as one expressly taken to show “how Amélie Rives portrayed herself as a Virginia aristocrat” (p. 171). Whether Rives and her publicist consciously engineered such a linkage or periodicals manufactured these opportunities, “the effect was the same: Rives was pictured as a benevolent southerner of the old school” (p. 170). Rives thus illustrates the troublesome “benevolence” of progressive white womanhood, eager to explode the boundaries of circumscribed femininity, unwilling to disentangle those same freedoms from the net of whiteness. Censer finds Rives’s better formulated work later in her career when she relies less heavily on tired formulas of regional exceptionalism. InWorld’s-End (1914), she explores the toll of premarital pregnancy, for instance, and Shadows of Flames (1915) takes up opiate addiction. Here and earlier Censer maintains that Rives focused “on the passion, insouciance, and capabilities of her female protagonists” (p. 260). Rives emerged as something of a mentor to younger southern writers and enjoyed a friendship with fellow Virginian Ellen Glasgow, who famously exposed the treacheries of what she called “evasive idealism” in novels including The Sheltered Life (1932). Censer’s study may not so much engender a new generation of Rives devotees as it may instead redirect readers to how southern literature evolved in concert with a national literary marketplace. For her own part, Rives was chronically dissatisfied with her literary efforts, admitting in 1932 to a biographer she forcefully discouraged “I haven’t any illusions about myself as to my writing” (p. 251). If Rives had reservations about her own skill, readers will have none about Censer’s. The Princess of Albemarle is the fullest portrait of Rives’s life and work to date; it opens a window onto a period of American letters in which writing from the South seems simultaneously out of step with national rhythms and revelatory of their deepest impulses.
她的小说。里夫斯是种植园小说鼻祖托马斯·纳尔逊·佩奇的真正表亲,他渴望得到他的认可,最终发现她的作品与他的作品在同一家公司被提及。令人难忘的是里夫斯使用了一幅1889年制作的图像来表达她的特权。在这张照片中,里夫斯斜倚在一张设备齐全的沙发上,而她身后站着一位身穿家庭制服的黑人女性,她的眼睛垂向里夫斯的身影,她的姿势倾斜,似乎准备按照这位躺着的人物的意愿跳起来。Censer的说明将这张照片标记为一张明确拍摄的照片,以展示“Amélie Rives如何将自己描绘成弗吉尼亚贵族”(第171页)。无论是Rives和她的公关人员有意识地策划了这样的联系,还是期刊制造了这些机会,“效果都是一样的:Rives被描绘成一个仁慈的老派南方人”(第170页)。因此,里夫斯展示了进步白人女性令人烦恼的“仁慈”,她们渴望打破被限制的女性气质的界限,不愿意将这些自由从白人的网络中分离出来。Censer在她的职业生涯后期发现了Rives更好的作品,因为她不那么依赖于过时的地区例外论公式。例如,在《世界末日》(1914年)中,她探讨了婚前怀孕的代价,《火焰的阴影》(1915年)则探讨了鸦片成瘾。在这里和更早的时候,Censer坚持认为Rives专注于“她的女性主角的激情、漫不经心和能力”(第260页)。里夫斯是年轻的南方作家的导师,并与弗吉尼亚州的艾伦·格拉斯格(Ellen Glasgow)建立了友谊,后者在包括《被遮蔽的生活》(1932)在内的小说中揭露了她所说的“逃避的理想主义”的背信弃义。Censer的研究可能不会产生新一代的Rives爱好者,相反,它可能会引导读者了解南方文学是如何与国家文学市场协同发展的。就里夫斯而言,她长期对自己的文学努力感到不满,1932年她向一位传记作家承认,她强烈劝阻“我对自己的写作没有任何幻想”(第251页)。如果Rives对自己的技能有所保留,读者对Censer的技能就一无所知了。《阿尔伯马尔公主》是迄今为止里夫斯生活和工作的最完整写照;它打开了一扇了解美国信件时代的窗户,在这一时期,来自南方的写作似乎同时与国家节奏脱节,并揭示了他们最深层的冲动。
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引用次数: 1
“They are not surpassed … by an equal number of citizens of any equal country in the world”: squatter society in the American West “他们没有被超越 … 世界上任何平等国家的同等数量的公民”:美国西部的棚户区社会
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2167296
Matthew Hill
ABSTRACT Prior to the passage in 1862 of the Homestead Act, much of the West was settled by squatters—settlers with no legal claim to the land they lived and worked on but who claimed it as their own. They often used democratically elected claims associations to facilitate their expansion into the West, and while they were not directly connected to the U.S. state, also cannot be thought of as completely separate from it. Like filibusters and conspirators, they sought to advance what they perceived as American interests, although they were not officially sanctioned to do so by the federal government.
摘要在1862年《宅地法》通过之前,西部大部分地区都是棚户区居民,他们对自己生活和工作的土地没有合法的权利要求,但声称这是他们自己的土地。他们经常利用民主选举产生的索赔协会来促进他们向西方的扩张,虽然他们与美国政府没有直接联系,但也不能被认为是与之完全分离的。就像阻挠议事者和阴谋者一样,他们试图推进他们认为是美国的利益,尽管他们没有得到联邦政府的正式批准。
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引用次数: 0
The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding 现代宪法的战前起源:奴隶制和美国建国精神
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2161453
Evan Turiano
The reader is left wanting to see the comparison drawn out further. The result is that references to the 1822 uprising feel somewhat tacked on in order to make certain essays relevant to the volume, whereas their purpose is to demonstrate longer and interconnected legacies of resistance across time and place. Another reason to read the essays together is that the anthology lets interpretation of evidence that conflicts between authors stand with no explanation or contextualization of the differences, leaving the reader to critically compare accounts and derive their own conclusions. Sometimes these conflicting interpretations of a single detail can lead to vastly different takes on the uprising. For example, Bernard Powers claims Vesey may have been born on St. Thomas, and that his proximity to (and subsequent brief residence in) Haiti enabled him to make contacts with Haiti’s Black residents and absorb revolutionary values; in contrast, Spady asserts Vesey may have been Kormantse, hailing from the Ghanaian coast or further inland, and thus drew uponWest African politics and culture in his articulation and organization of collective rebellion. Spady cites evidence that Vesey was then taken to the Caribbean as a teenager and purchased by Joseph Vesey in St. Thomas before briefly residing in Haiti, then Charleston. Powers gives heavy weight to the Haitian influence on the 1822 uprising; Spady names it as one among many influences that might have inspired a few resistors. Readers are left to discern what to take from these interpretations. The editor or authors could have noted such contradictions by referencing the murky and fragmented nature of the archives, as Robert Paquette’s essay does, to demonstrate that the available evidence points to either of these birthplaces. In all, Fugitive Movements is a timely and necessary collection that adeptly interweaves historical scholarship and memory studies to advance understanding of the long legacy of Black resistance evident in the 1822 uprising and the Black freedom struggles that have endured to this day.
读者希望看到进一步的比较。其结果是,对1822年起义的引用让人感觉有些附加,目的是使某些文章与本书相关,而它们的目的是展示跨越时间和地点的更悠久、相互关联的抵抗遗产。将这些文章放在一起阅读的另一个原因是,选集允许对作者之间冲突的证据进行解释,而不需要对差异进行解释或背景化,让读者批判性地比较不同的说法,并得出自己的结论。有时,这些对单个细节的相互矛盾的解释可能导致对起义的截然不同的看法。例如,伯纳德·鲍尔斯声称维西可能出生在圣托马斯岛,他靠近海地(后来在海地短暂居住)使他能够与海地的黑人居民接触并吸收革命价值观;相比之下,Spady断言Vesey可能是Kormantse,来自加纳海岸或更远的内陆,因此在他的集体叛乱的表达和组织中吸取了西非的政治和文化。Spady引用证据表明,维西十几岁时被带到加勒比海,在圣托马斯被约瑟夫·维西(Joseph Vesey)买下,然后在海地和查尔斯顿短暂居住。《权力》着重描写了海地对1822年起义的影响;Spady将其命名为可能激发了一些抵抗者的众多影响之一。读者只能自己判断从这些解释中得到什么。编辑或作者本可以像罗伯特·帕奎特(Robert Paquette)的文章那样,通过引用档案的模糊和碎片性来指出这种矛盾,以证明现有的证据指向这两个出生地中的任何一个。总而言之,《逃亡者运动》是一本及时而必要的合集,它巧妙地将历史学术和记忆研究交织在一起,促进了对1822年黑人反抗运动的长期遗产的理解,以及持续至今的黑人自由斗争。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
American Nineteenth Century History
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