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Between Scylla and Charybdis: religion and the meaning of Union in the border states, 1861–1865 在锡拉和卡瑞布狄斯之间:宗教和边境各州联盟的意义,1861-1865
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2077610
G. W. Jones
ABSTRACT This article explores how some preachers in the loyal border slave states – Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware – endorsed the Union throughout the American Civil War. A comparative analysis of their sermons reveals that they often espoused themes compelled by the region’s unique cultural and geopolitical context, a phenomenon that the author terms “rhetorical indigenisation.” These “local” leitmotifs de-Northernised Unionism by emphasizing the border’s mediating potential, by stressing the transcendent covenantal obligations of all Americans, and by making fidelity a fulfilment of Southern ideals like honour, masculinity, and paternalism. Above all, such sermonic responses displayed an unyielding conservatism that rejected the immoderation of both North and South.
本文探讨了在美国内战期间,密苏里州、肯塔基州、马里兰州和特拉华州这些忠诚的边境蓄奴州的一些传教士是如何支持联邦的。对他们布道的比较分析表明,他们经常拥护由该地区独特的文化和地缘政治背景所驱使的主题,作者将这种现象称为“修辞本土化”。这些“地方”主题通过强调边界的调解潜力,通过强调所有美国人的超越契约义务,通过使忠诚成为南方理想的实现,如荣誉、男子气概和家长制,去北方化了联邦主义。最重要的是,这种说教式的回应显示了一种不屈的保守主义,拒绝了北方和南方的不节制。
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引用次数: 0
The transatlantic war: Britain and the American Civil War revisited 跨大西洋战争:英国与美国内战重访
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2088985
David Brown
Readers of this journal are well aware that the study of the American Civil War has taken a global turn in the past two decades – some of them, indeed, have led the way. The internationalization of the field has been a welcome development in U.S. historiography in the twenty-first century in general and for good reason the Civil War has been at its forefront. Abraham Lincoln consistently emphasized the war’s transnational significance, of course, perhaps never more eloquently than in this famous line from his annual message to Congress in December 1862: “We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth.” At first, transnational scholarship concentrated on the ways in which the war’s politics played out on the international stage, asking an old question: what was the impact of the conflict overseas? Answers concerned previously marginalized groups and, in particular, working men seeking representative forms of governance at home. Placing secession and Confederate nation-building in comparative perspective with other separatist movements was especially popular. The field of inquiry expanded beyond narrow diplomatic channels and high politics that characterized the prior work of foreign policy historians but remained within the realm of the masculine and the political (and still does). The gaze outwards from North America also turned the other way as developments beyond U.S. borders have been shown to influence domestic history in significant ways, providing a more holistic understanding of America’s conflict. The Atlantic World features prominently in the Civil War’s global turn and there is a strong case to be made that the war had the greatest impact there. The four books under review
这本杂志的读者很清楚,在过去的二十年里,对美国内战的研究发生了全球性的转变,其中一些人确实起到了带头作用。这一领域的国际化在21世纪的美国史学中是一个受欢迎的发展,南北战争一直处于其前沿是有充分理由的。亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)一贯强调战争的跨国意义,当然,也许从未像1862年12月他向国会发表的年度演讲中的这句名言那样雄辩:“我们将高尚地拯救或卑鄙地失去地球上最后的希望。”,跨国学术界关注的是战争政治在国际舞台上的表现方式,提出了一个古老的问题:海外冲突的影响是什么?答案涉及以前被边缘化的群体,尤其是在国内寻求代表性治理形式的工人。将分裂国家和邦联国家建设置于与其他分裂运动的比较视角中尤其受欢迎。调查领域超越了外交政策历史学家先前工作的狭窄外交渠道和高级政治,但仍停留在男性和政治领域(现在仍然如此)。来自北美的目光也转向了另一个方向,因为美国境外的事态发展已被证明在很大程度上影响了国内历史,从而对美国的冲突有了更全面的了解。大西洋世界在南北战争的全球转折中占有突出地位,有充分的理由表明,这场战争在那里产生了最大的影响。正在复习的四本书
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引用次数: 0
The Cacophony of Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War 政治的不和谐:北方民主党与美国内战
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073723
D. R. Egerton
in the pages of the Times and Whitman’s evolving antislavery rhetoric, or the ways Whitman’s interest in masculine physiology, pugilism, and the health of the republic in the Atlas presaged the themes of “Calamus.” Nevertheless, Grant’s book offers a deep and thought-provoking analysis of the debt that Walt Whitman’s transcendent vision owed to the partisan rhetoric of his era. It will prove valuable to Whitman scholars and beyond.
在《泰晤士报》和惠特曼不断发展的反奴隶制言论中,或者惠特曼对男性生理学、拳击和阿特拉斯中共和国健康的兴趣预示着“卡拉姆斯”的主题。尽管如此,格兰特的书对沃尔特·惠特曼的超验视野对他那个时代的党派言论的亏欠进行了深入而发人深省的分析。它将被证明对惠特曼学者和其他人都很有价值。
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引用次数: 0
Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism 在工作的祭坛上:童工与美国新地方主义的兴起
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073726
Jasmin Bath
through warfare was a longstanding element of Choctaw culture, but one that had been largely impossible for much of the nineteenth century. Fighting in the Civil War, then, offered Choctaw men an opportunity to fight as their ancestors had done and to carry on an important cultural tradition. Yarbrough concludes the book with an analysis of the aftershocks of the U.S. Civil War in the Choctaw Nation. Although the Emancipation Proclamation did not apply to Indian Territory, the surrender of the Confederacy allowed the U.S. to demand the abolition of slavery within the Nation. Nonetheless, Choctaws resisted this demand for decades, asserting their sovereign right to deny newly-freed Black people rights or land within the Nation. Yarbrough thus finds that Reconstruction in the West also worked differently than in the South. Where southern elites tried their best to bind Black people to the land, Choctaws sought instead to remove them completely. Yarbrough tells a compelling story throughout Choctaw Confederates, but one that leans heavily on Choctaw elites as representatives of the Nation as a whole. This is most prominent in the early chapters, where it remains unclear whether the Choctaw National Council’s laws were the aspirational demands of a small group of slaveholding elites or representative of the desires of the Nation’s population more broadly. In a related vein, Yarbrough’s careful study of those who signed up to fight invites questions about the lives of those who chose not to or, in the case of Choctaw women, could not. These questions are, however, for other scholars to take on. Choctaw Confederates is a highly impressive book that breaks important new ground both in the history of the Choctaw Nation and Native American nations’ participation in the U.S. Civil War more broadly. Specialists on the Civil War, American slavery, and Native American history will find it essential reading, but Yarbrough’s lucid prose also makes this book easily assignable in advanced undergraduate classes.
通过战争是乔克托文化的一个长期元素,但在19世纪的大部分时间里,这基本上是不可能的。内战为乔克托人提供了一个机会,可以像他们的祖先一样战斗,并继承重要的文化传统。Yarbrough在书的结尾分析了美国内战在乔克托民族的余震。尽管《解放奴隶宣言》不适用于印度领土,但邦联的投降使美国能够要求废除国内奴隶制。尽管如此,乔克托人几十年来一直抵制这一要求,主张他们剥夺新获得自由的黑人在国家内的权利或土地的主权。因此,Yarbrough发现,西方的重建工作也与南方不同。在南方精英竭尽全力将黑人与土地联系在一起的地方,乔克托却试图将他们彻底赶走。Yarbrough告诉了整个乔克托邦联的一个引人注目的故事,但这个故事在很大程度上依赖乔克托精英作为整个国家的代表。这一点在早期章节中最为突出,目前尚不清楚乔克托国家委员会的法律是一小群蓄奴精英的理想要求,还是更广泛地代表了国家人民的愿望。与此相关的是,Yarbrough对那些报名参加战斗的人的仔细研究引发了人们对那些选择不参加战斗或乔克托女性不参加战斗的人们的生活的质疑。然而,这些问题有待其他学者研究。《乔克托邦联》是一本令人印象深刻的书,在乔克托民族历史和美洲原住民更广泛地参与美国内战的历史上都开辟了重要的新天地。南北战争、美国奴隶制和美国原住民历史的专家会发现这本书是必不可少的读物,但Yarbrough清晰的散文也使这本书很容易在高级本科生课堂上教授。
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引用次数: 1
From Jeffersonian Republicanism to Southern nationalism: faculty engagement with proslavery thought at the University of Virginia, 1825–1861 从杰斐逊共和主义到南方民族主义:弗吉尼亚大学教师参与支持奴隶制的思想,1825-1861
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2072509
Ian Iverson, J. Morrison
ABSTRACT During the antebellum period, the faculty of the University of Virginia (UVA) shifted from depending on slavery in private life to advocating for the institution as public intellectuals. When UVA opened in March 1825, Thomas Jefferson hoped that the University would bolster Virginia’s national standing and disseminate his vision of republican government. Although the institution depended on enslaved labour from its inception, Jefferson’s lingering influence contributed to some professors’ misgivings over slavery’s morality and a broader reticence to defend the system publicly. Academic currents and political sentiments began to shift in Virginia after Nat Turner’s Rebellion in 1831. Even as many of their peers openly advocated for slavery, establishing its defence as the defining feature of Southern education, UVA’s professors hesitated. Coming under increasing pressure from the public and its student body, the University changed tack after the Crisis of 1850, hiring a series of fiercely proslavery and pro-Southern professors. Sweeping away the vestiges of Jefferson’s republican ideology, and its comparative ambivalence towards slavery, these faculty members emphasized inequality and hierarchy, praising slavery as the central feature of a well-ordered society.
在南北战争前,弗吉尼亚大学(UVA)的教师从在私人生活中依赖奴隶制转向作为公共知识分子倡导奴隶制。当弗吉尼亚大学于1825年3月开放时,托马斯·杰斐逊希望这所大学能够提升弗吉尼亚的国家地位,并传播他对共和政府的看法。虽然该机构从一开始就依赖于奴役劳工,但杰斐逊挥之不去的影响导致一些教授对奴隶制的道德感到担忧,并在公开场合为该制度辩护时普遍保持沉默。1831年纳特·特纳叛乱后,弗吉尼亚的学术潮流和政治情绪开始发生转变。即使他们的许多同龄人公开支持奴隶制,并将其辩护为南方教育的标志性特征,弗吉尼亚大学的教授们却犹豫不决。迫于公众和学生团体越来越大的压力,大学在1850年危机后改变了策略,雇佣了一系列强烈支持奴隶制和亲南方的教授。扫除了杰斐逊共和意识形态的痕迹,以及对奴隶制的相对矛盾心理,这些教员强调不平等和等级制度,称赞奴隶制是秩序良好的社会的核心特征。
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引用次数: 0
Vitriol throwing in Victorian America 在维多利亚时代的美国,刻薄的谩骂
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2072474
Vivien M. L. Miller
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when caustic and corrosive substances such as concentrated sulphuric acid or carbolic acid were easily available. Acid was extremely portable, as bottles and syringes could be successfully concealed in coat and skirt pockets. Throwing, squirting, spraying, or pouring acid was a fairly accurate means of harming specific areas of the body or damaging clothing. Vitriol throwers often deliberately aimed at their victim’s face and eyes to ensure permanent facial disfigurement. Most American acid assaults were by lone operators with a very specific target and motivation, and the woman consumed by jealousy and bent on revenge dominated popular understandings of acid crime. Vitriol throwing was a very specific form of female vigilantism in this period, but it was not an exclusively female practice. Most news and crime reports centred on attacks on public streets and in public institutions, which generated intense fear and anxiety and recurring moral panics over public safety in urban-industrial America, particularly when male serial “Jacks” were at large. Overall, the public, press, and courts demonstrated considered antipathy and ambivalence toward vitriol offences, offenders, and victims as illustrated by the controversial Petrie-Rozelle case in 1880s California.
这篇文章的重点是19世纪末和20世纪初,当苛性碱和腐蚀性物质,如浓硫酸或石炭酸很容易获得。酸是非常便携的,因为瓶子和注射器可以成功地隐藏在外套和裙子的口袋里。投掷、喷射、喷洒或倒酸是一种相当准确的伤害身体特定部位或损坏衣服的方法。刻薄的人经常故意瞄准受害者的脸和眼睛,以确保永久性的面部毁容。在美国,大多数泼酸袭击都是由有明确目标和动机的单独行动者实施的,而那个被嫉妒和一心复仇的女人主导了大众对泼酸犯罪的理解。在这一时期,投掷硫酸是一种非常特殊的女性自卫行为,但它并不是女性独有的行为。大多数新闻和犯罪报道都集中在对公共街道和公共机构的袭击上,这在美国城市工业城市中引起了强烈的恐惧和焦虑,以及对公共安全的反复出现的道德恐慌,特别是当连环男性“杰克”逍遥法外时。总的来说,公众、媒体和法院对刻薄的罪行、罪犯和受害者表现出了深思熟虑的反感和矛盾心理,19世纪80年代加州有争议的Petrie-Rozelle案就说明了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Wales, the Welsh and the Making of America 威尔士,威尔士人和美国的形成
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073720
A. Williams
From the mythical stories of Madoc to modern day Welsh heritage, this new book by Vivienne Sanders explores America ’ s Welsh connections through a number of key historical events. From skillful and successful Welsh emigres to slaveholding Confederates, this broad history argues that Welsh people were present at many pivotal moments in U.S. history. Each chapter engages with a signi fi cant development in American history and establishes a connec-tion to Wales through close engagement with secondary sources. More than that, this book provides the opportunity to better understand the transatlantic contribution of the Welsh and their personal stories.
从马多克的神话故事到现代威尔士传统,维维安·桑德斯的这本新书通过一些关键的历史事件探讨了美国与威尔士的联系。从熟练而成功的威尔士移民到蓄奴的邦联,这段广阔的历史表明,威尔士人在美国历史上的许多关键时刻都在场。每一章都涉及美国历史上的重大发展,并通过与次要来源的密切接触建立了与威尔士的联系。除此之外,这本书还提供了一个机会,让我们更好地了解威尔士人在跨大西洋的贡献及其个人故事。
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引用次数: 0
Race, Removal, and the Right to Remain: Migration and the Making of the United States 种族、迁移和留居权:移民与美国的形成
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073712
Jennifer Monroe McCutchen
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引用次数: 3
Choctaw Confederates: The American Civil War in Indian Country 乔克托族邦联:印第安国家的美国内战
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073725
Edward P. Green
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引用次数: 0
The Yellow Demon of Fever: Fighting Disease in the Nineteenth-Century Transatlantic Slave Trade 发烧的黄魔鬼:与19世纪跨大西洋奴隶贸易中的疾病作斗争
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2073718
M. Schute
under his command,” such as buying their freedom from Floridian slaveowners and issuing them with certificates of freedom (p. 64). One of the most engrossing sections of the book is Clavin’s analysis of one of these certificates, which reveals the very real ways these fugitives gained freedom through the Colonial Marines. The Battle of Negro Fort is a necessary contribution to scholarly understanding of colonial Florida’s relationship with the United States. By establishing the intense anxiety that the Fort caused white settlers, Clavin’s book charts the end of “Florida serving as a sanctuary for fugitive slaves” (p. 121). Hopefully, this study can reignite scholarly interest in colonial Florida as a borderland that saw unique interactions between fugitives, settlers, and Native Americans.
“在他的指挥下”,例如从佛罗里达奴隶主手中购买他们的自由,并向他们颁发自由证书(第64页)。书中最引人入胜的部分之一是克拉文对其中一份证书的分析,它揭示了这些逃亡者通过殖民海军陆战队获得自由的真实方式。黑格堡战役是对佛罗里达殖民地与美国关系的学术理解的必要贡献。Clavin的书描绘了“佛罗里达作为逃亡奴隶避难所”的终结,通过建立Fort给白人定居者带来的强烈焦虑。希望这项研究能够重新点燃学术界对佛罗里达殖民地的兴趣,因为它是一个见证了逃亡者、定居者和美洲原住民之间独特互动的边境地带。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
American Nineteenth Century History
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